En français contemporain, l’hésitation dans le choix entre être et avoir comme auxiliaire dans les formes verbale composées (par ex. le passé composé) de certains verbes intransitifs (par ex. tomber), surtout dans des variétés non standards du français, démonte clairement l’écart qui existe entre le français normé et le français oral quotidien. Cette hésitation, voire l’incertitude, dans le choix de l’auxiliaire n’est pas une particularité arbitraire ou aléatoire de la langue contemporaine; elle s’inscrit plutôt dans une tendance diachronique et pan-romane que l’on a pu observer dans la langue française depuis son émancipation du latin. Notre étude, qui se fonde sur la théorie de la grammaticalisation, propose une analyse du discours grammatical de 1500 – époque où sont apparues les premières grammaires du français – jusqu’à 1789 avec la Révolution française, signalant le moment où la langue se serait stabilisée et aurait adopté sa forme moderne. Nous divisons les trois siècles de notre étude en quatre périodes distinctes, déjà bien établies dans les études historiques. Ce sont : - Le XVIe siècle (1530-1599) - La première moitié de la période classique (1600-1650) - La deuxième moitié de la période classique (1651-1715) - Le Siècle des lumières (1716-1789) Pour chacune des quatre périodes, l’analyse se fait en trois temps. Premièrement, nous recensons les grammairiens, les lexicographes et les essayistes qui se sont prononcés, soit explicitement, soit implicitement, sur l’emploi des auxiliaires être et avoir dans les formes verbales composées (FVC). Nous identifions, là où cela est possible, le dialecte maternel de chaque auteur et son modèle d’usage. Deuxièmement, nous résumons les observations et les commentaires sur l’emploi des auxiliaires dans les FVC formulés par chaque auteur, y compris les tentatives d’explication quant à la variation dans le choix de l’auxiliaire. Finalement, nous rapportons la description de l’emploi des auxiliaires dans les FVC proposée par des historiens de la langue française pour la période en question. Notre étude nous permet de confirmer, en ce qui concerne les FVC, certaines tendances déjà reconnues dans la langue française et d’en identifier d’autres. Également, nous avons pu repérer, voire circonscrire des facteurs qui ont eu une influence sur le choix, tels les verbes plus sensibles à l’alternance, les grammairiens dont l’autorité s’est imposé plus que d’autres ou avant les autres dans l’établissement de la norme sur ce point, les contextes sociaux dans lesquels le débat a eu lieu et la période pendant laquelle les préoccupations sur ce choix était les plus intenses. / In contemporary French, the hesitation in the choice between être and avoir as an auxiliary verb in compound verb forms (i.e. the passé composé) of certain intransitive verbs (i.e. tomber), especially in non-standard varieties of French, clearly demonstrates the gap that exists between normative French and everyday spoken French. This hesitation, or uncertainty, in the choice of the auxiliary is not an arbitrary or random characteristics of contemporary French; it falls squarely within a diachronical and cross-Romance trend that can be observed in the French language since its emancipation from Latin. This study, which is based on Grammaticalisation Theory, is an analysis of grammatical discourse from 1500 - the era when the first grammars of French appeared - to 1789 and the French revolution, a period when the language is said to have been standardised and its modern form established. The three centuries that this study covers are divided into four distinct periods, already well established by previous historical studies. These periods are : - The 16th century (1530-1599) - The first half of the Classical Period (1600-1650) - The second half of the Classical Period (1651-1715) - The Enlightenment (1716-1789) For each of these four periods, there are three levels of analysis. First, we identify the grammarians, lexicographers and essayists who, explicitly or implicitly, express their views on the use of the auxiliaries avoir and être in compound verbs forms, as well as, where possible, their native dialect and the model of French (usage) they promote. Second, we summarize the observations and commentaries of each author on the choice of auxiliary in compound verb forms, including any attempts to explain the variation attested during the period. Finally, we look at the description, for each period, of the use of auxiliaries in compound verb forms put forward by historians of the French language. Our study has allowed us to confirm certain established trends related to auxiliary use in compound verb forms in French and to identify others. As well, we identify, or define, the factors that influence auxiliary selection, such as the verbs most likely to alternate between the two auxiliaries, the grammarians who had the greatest influence or who set the groundwork for establishing the norm for this grammatical point, the social contexts in which the grammatical debate took place and the periods during which the concern over auxiliary selection was the most intense.

Dans cette thèse, nous présentons une analyse syntaxique du vietnamien de Hô-Chi-Minh-Ville, dans la lignée de la syntaxe fonctionnelle mise en place par André Martinet et développée par la suite par ses continuateurs. Dans un premier temps, nous nous sommes intéressée au degré d’opposition verbo-nominal en vietnamien : nous proposons tout d’abord une synthèse des travaux menés à ce sujet, avant d’exposer notre analyse en classes, en nous appuyant sur des critères strictement syntaxiques. Une étude syntaxique détaillée des modalités (déterminants non déterminables) – les modalités nominalisantes, les modalités de degré, les modalités prédicatives et les modalités injonctives – a été nécessaire. Ces unités permettent de distinguer des comportements différents, et l’identification des grandes classes lexicales du vietnamien : nominaux, adjectifs, modaux et verbaux. Il apparait que ces classes d’unités s’organisent en un continuum, avec à un pôle les nominaux, à l’autre les verbaux. Dans un second temps, l’analyse porte sur les différents types de structures prédicatives du vietnamien. La variété des constructions – nucléaires et connectives – est au centre de l’étude, ainsi que l’identification des différentes fonctions. Enfin, nous exposons une analyse des “séries verbales”, phénomène très courant en vietnamien, mais décrivant en fait des réalités très diverses. Tout au long de l’analyse, nous accordons une importance particulière à la variation et aux zones de changements (réanalyses, lexicalisations, grammaticalisations), faisant état de la dynamique des différentes structures et de la langue elle-même. / We present here a syntaxic analysis of the Vietnamese language spoken in Ho Chi Minh City, in line with the functional syntax introduced by André Martinet and developed later by his followers. In a first part, we examined the extent of noun/verb opposition in Vietnamese. After a synthesis of work on this subject, we present our own analysis of the lexical classes, relying on strictly syntactic criteria. A detailed study of the syntactic modalités (undeterminable determinants) - nominalizing undeterminable determinants, undeterminable determinants of degree, predicative undeterminable determinants and injunctive undeterminable determinants - was necessary. These units are used to distinguish different behaviors, and leads to the identification of major lexical classes in Vietnamese: nominals, adjectives, modals and ‘verbals’. It appears that these classes of units are organized along a continuum. In a second part, the analysis focuses on the different types of predicative structures in Vietnamese. The variety of structures - nuclear and connective - is central to the study as well as the identification of the different functions. Finally, we present an analysis of "serial verb constructions" very common in Vietnamese, but actually reflecting very different realities. Throughout this study, we pay particular attention to the variation and change (reanalysis, lexicalizations, grammaticalizations), referring to the dynamics of the various structures and of the Vietnamese language itself.

En français contemporain, l’hésitation dans le choix entre être et avoir comme auxiliaire dans les formes verbale composées (par ex. le passé composé) de certains verbes intransitifs (par ex. tomber), surtout dans des variétés non standards du français, démonte clairement l’écart qui existe entre le français normé et le français oral quotidien. Cette hésitation, voire l’incertitude, dans le choix de l’auxiliaire n’est pas une particularité arbitraire ou aléatoire de la langue contemporaine; elle s’inscrit plutôt dans une tendance diachronique et pan-romane que l’on a pu observer dans la langue française depuis son émancipation du latin. Notre étude, qui se fonde sur la théorie de la grammaticalisation, propose une analyse du discours grammatical de 1500 – époque où sont apparues les premières grammaires du français – jusqu’à 1789 avec la Révolution française, signalant le moment où la langue se serait stabilisée et aurait adopté sa forme moderne. Nous divisons les trois siècles de notre étude en quatre périodes distinctes, déjà bien établies dans les études historiques. Ce sont : - Le XVIe siècle (1530-1599) - La première moitié de la période classique (1600-1650) - La deuxième moitié de la période classique (1651-1715) - Le Siècle des lumières (1716-1789) Pour chacune des quatre périodes, l’analyse se fait en trois temps. Premièrement, nous recensons les grammairiens, les lexicographes et les essayistes qui se sont prononcés, soit explicitement, soit implicitement, sur l’emploi des auxiliaires être et avoir dans les formes verbales composées (FVC). Nous identifions, là où cela est possible, le dialecte maternel de chaque auteur et son modèle d’usage. Deuxièmement, nous résumons les observations et les commentaires sur l’emploi des auxiliaires dans les FVC formulés par chaque auteur, y compris les tentatives d’explication quant à la variation dans le choix de l’auxiliaire. Finalement, nous rapportons la description de l’emploi des auxiliaires dans les FVC proposée par des historiens de la langue française pour la période en question. Notre étude nous permet de confirmer, en ce qui concerne les FVC, certaines tendances déjà reconnues dans la langue française et d’en identifier d’autres. Également, nous avons pu repérer, voire circonscrire des facteurs qui ont eu une influence sur le choix, tels les verbes plus sensibles à l’alternance, les grammairiens dont l’autorité s’est imposé plus que d’autres ou avant les autres dans l’établissement de la norme sur ce point, les contextes sociaux dans lesquels le débat a eu lieu et la période pendant laquelle les préoccupations sur ce choix était les plus intenses. / In contemporary French, the hesitation in the choice between être and avoir as an auxiliary verb in compound verb forms (i.e. the passé composé) of certain intransitive verbs (i.e. tomber), especially in non-standard varieties of French, clearly demonstrates the gap that exists between normative French and everyday spoken French. This hesitation, or uncertainty, in the choice of the auxiliary is not an arbitrary or random characteristics of contemporary French; it falls squarely within a diachronical and cross-Romance trend that can be observed in the French language since its emancipation from Latin. This study, which is based on Grammaticalisation Theory, is an analysis of grammatical discourse from 1500 - the era when the first grammars of French appeared - to 1789 and the French revolution, a period when the language is said to have been standardised and its modern form established. The three centuries that this study covers are divided into four distinct periods, already well established by previous historical studies. These periods are : - The 16th century (1530-1599) - The first half of the Classical Period (1600-1650) - The second half of the Classical Period (1651-1715) - The Enlightenment (1716-1789) For each of these four periods, there are three levels of analysis. First, we identify the grammarians, lexicographers and essayists who, explicitly or implicitly, express their views on the use of the auxiliaries avoir and être in compound verbs forms, as well as, where possible, their native dialect and the model of French (usage) they promote. Second, we summarize the observations and commentaries of each author on the choice of auxiliary in compound verb forms, including any attempts to explain the variation attested during the period. Finally, we look at the description, for each period, of the use of auxiliaries in compound verb forms put forward by historians of the French language. Our study has allowed us to confirm certain established trends related to auxiliary use in compound verb forms in French and to identify others. As well, we identify, or define, the factors that influence auxiliary selection, such as the verbs most likely to alternate between the two auxiliaries, the grammarians who had the greatest influence or who set the groundwork for establishing the norm for this grammatical point, the social contexts in which the grammatical debate took place and the periods during which the concern over auxiliary selection was the most intense.

Cette thèse porte sur les marqueurs de temps, de mode et d’aspect [TMA] dans deux créoles français : le mauricien et le haïtien. Deux objectifs sont visés : 1] apporter des arguments pour soutenir l’idée du caractère non exceptionnel des langues créoles et 2] mettre en lumière les différences constrastives du marquage TMA entre les systèmes verbaux des deux créoles. Premièrement, nous remettons en question le concept de « Creole Specific Reanalysis » [Detges 2000] en discutant de l’opposition entre deux mécanismes importants du changement linguistique que sont la grammaticalisation et la réanalyse et nous menons une étude diachronique sur les marqueurs TMA en créole mauricien à partir d’un corpus de textes anciens. Par son exploitation systématique, ce travail permet d’arriver à une description de l’émergence et du développement du système verbal TMA en mauricien. Deuxièmement, nous faisons une étude comparative synchronique des systèmes des marqueurs TMA du mauricien et du haïtien en nous appuyant sur un cadre théorique général de la temporalité et à partir de données contemporaines, issues entre autres d’une enquête suivant le questionnaire de Dahl [1985]. Nous présentons les éléments communs et ceux qui différencient les marqueurs TMA des deux créoles en raison de leurs fonctions communicatives et de leurs sémantismes dans leurs emplois et usages respectifs. / This study concerns the tense, mood and aspect [TMA] markers in two French Creoles: Mauritian and Haitian. The objectives of this doctoral thesis are twofold : 1] provide arguments to support the idea that Creole languages are non-exceptional and 2] highlight the contrastive differences of TMA marking between the verbal systems of the two creoles. First, we question the concept of "Creole Specific Reanalysis" [Detges 2000] by discussing the opposition between two important mechanisms in language change : grammaticalization and reanalysis, and we conduct a diachronical study on TMA markers in Mauritian Creole based on a corpus of old texts. Through its systematic exploitation, this work describes the emergence and the development of the TMA verbal system in this Creole. Secondly, a comparative analysis of the synchronic systems of TMA markers in Mauritian and Haitian is done, based on a general theoretical framework on Temporality and on contemporary data, resulting inter alia from a survey using Dahl’s [1985] questionnaire. The study presents the common elements and those that differentiate the TMA markers in the two Creoles because of their semantics and the communicative functions they fulfill.

Les verbes de position sont décrits du point de vue d'une invariance mise au point pour chacun d'entre eux en fonction de la diversité des contextes dans laquelle on les trouve. Cela conduit d'une part à considérer que dans certains contextes leur sens n'est pas inutile au contenu informatif de l'énoncé et qu'il n'est pas équivalent à celui d'un verbe d'existence. Au contraire, l'emploi d'un verbe de position par un locuteur correspond à un choix motivé par la désignation de quelque chose de plus que l'être ou la présence du sujet. D'autre part, cette invariance mène à distinguer clairement le fonctionnement sémantique de chacun de ces verbes alors qu'ils semblent entrer en concurrence lorsqu'ils apparaissent dans des contextes visiblement similaires. / Posture verbs are described from the perspective of an invariance developed for each of them according to the diversity of the contexts where they can be found. It conduces, on the one hand, to consider that in some contexts their meaning is not ancillary to the informative content of the statement, and that it is not equivalent to the meaning of a being verb. In fact, the use of a posture verb by a speaker refers to a choice motivated by something more than the being or the presence of the subject. On the other hand, this invariance facilitates clear distinction of the semantical function of each of these verbs, while they may seem to have the same meaning, when they occur in contexts which seem similar at first glance.

The Spanish construction lo que pasa es que ‘what happens is that’, ‘the thing is’ is used in a wide variety of contexts and with a range of different meanings. Linguistic research that has been carried out on this relatively common construction often fails to include empirically collected data and, as a result, the diasystematic markers thereof have only been described to a very limited extent. The main focus of this article is to investigate the use of the construction lo que pasa es que and its phonetically reduced forms lo que pasa que and lo que in two Spanishlanguage oral speech corpora collected in Getxo (Basque Country) and Barcelona (Catalonia). These data are used to carry out a quantitative and qualitative study of the presence or absence of this construction in both regions of language contact, something which has yet to be considered or systematically analysed in the relevant research. The study identifies a statistically relevant diatopic markedness of the forms lo que pasa es que, lo que pasa and pasa que while also providing empirical proof for the pragmatic use of these constructions within the varieties investigated. Furthermore, it confirms the use of additional reduced forms of said constructions and describes their development.

The Spanish construction lo que pasa es que ‘what happens is that’, ‘the thing is’ is used in a wide variety of contexts and with a range of different meanings. Linguistic research that has been carried out on this relatively common construction often fails to include empirically collected data and, as a result, the diasystematic markers thereof have only been described to a very limited extent. The main focus of this article is to investigate the use of the construction lo que pasa es que and its phonetically reduced forms lo que pasa que and lo que in two Spanishlanguage oral speech corpora collected in Getxo (Basque Country) and Barcelona (Catalonia). These data are used to carry out a quantitative and qualitative study of the presence or absence of this construction in both regions of language contact, something which has yet to be considered or systematically analysed in the relevant research. The study identifies a statistically relevant diatopic markedness of the forms lo que pasa es que, lo que pasa and pasa que while also providing empirical proof for the pragmatic use of these constructions within the varieties investigated. Furthermore, it confirms the use of additional reduced forms of said constructions and describes their development.

This study describes the diachronic development of modality in South African English (henceforth SAfE) from the early 19th century up to its contemporary state (1820s to 1990s) in the registers of letters, news, fiction/narrative and non-fiction, on the basis of the theoretical framework of socio historical linguistics and the empirical approach of corpus linguistics. Both quantitative and qualitative analyses are conducted for modal and quasi-modal verbs, by means of the newly compiled historical corpus of SAfE and ICE-SA (with the addition of Afrikaans corpora for comparison). The study explores general frequency changes, register-internal changes and macro- and micro semantic changes, with the focus of the main semantic analysis more strongly on the obligation and necessity cluster1. A set of parameters is compiled for analysing the strength of obligation in the modals must and should, and the quasi-modal HAVE to, and is applied in the micro semantic analyses. The findings are compared with the trends for modality in other native English’s, such as American, British and Australian English (cf. e.g. Mair & Leech, 2006; Collins, 2009a; Leech, 2011), in an attempt to present a complete and comprehensive description of SAfE modality, as opposed to the traditional approach of focusing on peculiar features. It is reported that the trends of modality in SAfE correspond to those of other native varieties in some cases, but do not correspond in others. The modals of SAfE for example have declined more and the quasi-modals have increased less over the 20th century than in other native varieties of English. One particular case, in which SAfE is reported to be unique among other varieties, is the quantitative and qualitative trends for must, which has some implications for the manifestation of the democratisation process. Must in SAfE has not declined significantly over the 20th century (as it has in other native varieties) and has become less face threatening, since uses with a median (weaker) degree of force are just as frequent as those with a higher degree of force by the 1990s (unlike in other native varieties, where must has become restricted to high-degree obligative contexts). Based on socio historical, as well as linguistic evidence (on both quantitative and qualitative levels), language contact with Afrikaans is posited as the main influence for the increased use of must in contexts that are not face threatening. Extrapolating from the semantic findings, some new insights are offered regarding the phase in which SAfE finds itself within Schneider’s (2003) model of the evolution of New English’s, and some support is offered for Bekker’s (2012:143) argument that “SAfE is ...the youngest of the colonial varieties of English”, especially in the Southern Hemisphere. Ultimately, this thesis offers a piece in the larger puzzle that is SAfE, both in terms of linguistic (textual) and socio historical (contextual) aspects. / PhD (English), North-West University, Vaal Triangle Campus, 2014

This study describes the diachronic development of modality in South African English (henceforth SAfE) from the early 19th century up to its contemporary state (1820s to 1990s) in the registers of letters, news, fiction/narrative and non-fiction, on the basis of the theoretical framework of socio historical linguistics and the empirical approach of corpus linguistics. Both quantitative and qualitative analyses are conducted for modal and quasi-modal verbs, by means of the newly compiled historical corpus of SAfE and ICE-SA (with the addition of Afrikaans corpora for comparison). The study explores general frequency changes, register-internal changes and macro- and micro semantic changes, with the focus of the main semantic analysis more strongly on the obligation and necessity cluster1. A set of parameters is compiled for analysing the strength of obligation in the modals must and should, and the quasi-modal HAVE to, and is applied in the micro semantic analyses. The findings are compared with the trends for modality in other native English’s, such as American, British and Australian English (cf. e.g. Mair & Leech, 2006; Collins, 2009a; Leech, 2011), in an attempt to present a complete and comprehensive description of SAfE modality, as opposed to the traditional approach of focusing on peculiar features. It is reported that the trends of modality in SAfE correspond to those of other native varieties in some cases, but do not correspond in others. The modals of SAfE for example have declined more and the quasi-modals have increased less over the 20th century than in other native varieties of English. One particular case, in which SAfE is reported to be unique among other varieties, is the quantitative and qualitative trends for must, which has some implications for the manifestation of the democratisation process. Must in SAfE has not declined significantly over the 20th century (as it has in other native varieties) and has become less face threatening, since uses with a median (weaker) degree of force are just as frequent as those with a higher degree of force by the 1990s (unlike in other native varieties, where must has become restricted to high-degree obligative contexts). Based on socio historical, as well as linguistic evidence (on both quantitative and qualitative levels), language contact with Afrikaans is posited as the main influence for the increased use of must in contexts that are not face threatening. Extrapolating from the semantic findings, some new insights are offered regarding the phase in which SAfE finds itself within Schneider’s (2003) model of the evolution of New English’s, and some support is offered for Bekker’s (2012:143) argument that “SAfE is ...the youngest of the colonial varieties of English”, especially in the Southern Hemisphere. Ultimately, this thesis offers a piece in the larger puzzle that is SAfE, both in terms of linguistic (textual) and socio historical (contextual) aspects. / PhD (English), North-West University, Vaal Triangle Campus, 2014

La thèse concerne les composés nominaux à premier membre prépositionnel en grec ancien, en particulier le cas du premier membre ἐν°. Elle est constituée par l’analyse morphologique et sémantique d’un large corpus de données, dont le but est de relever les différents procédés de formation des mots, ainsi que leurs évolutions. Les composés à premier membre prépositionnel se distinguent des autres composés par deux caractéristiques : premièrement, ils ne sont pas constitués par deux lexèmes, étant donné qu’une préposition n’est pas un lexème véritable ; deuxièmement, la structure interne n’est pas toujours reconnaissable.Les questions ayant guidé cette recherche sont donc les suivantes : la nature spéciale de ces composés change-t-elle selon les différentes variétés diachroniques et diaphasiques ? Quelles sont les différentes valeurs du premier membre ἐν° dans les différentes catégories des composés ? On examine, avec une grande attention philologique aux contextes d’emploi, les composés attestés dans trois phases synchroniques successives : en premier lieu, dans la poésie épique archaïque ; en deuxième lieu, dans la prose classique du V-IVe siècle (notamment dans les œuvres de Platon et d’Aristote) ; la troisième partie examine les néo-formations de la période qui va de l’époque de Théophraste jusqu’à celle de Nonnos. Dans une quatrième partie on trouve les composés attestés dans les inscriptions arcadiennes, ainsi que quelques anthroponymes. En conclusion, cette étude montre les changements de la valeur du premier membre ἐν° dans les différentes catégories : ἐν° remplit plusieurs fonctions, qui, pourtant, partagent les signes d’une perte progressive de signification. / This thesis deals with ancient Greek nominal compounds with a prepositional first member (FM), and in particular the case of the FM ἐν°. I analyse a great amount of words from a morphological and semantical point of view. The pool of words is based on a formal criterion; the goal of the analysis is to outline different processes of compound formation, as well as their evolution. As compared to other compounds, those with a prepositional FM present two special characteristics: first, they are not formed by two lexemes, since prepositions/adverbs are not real lexemes; secondly, their internal structure is not often recognizable. The guide-questions of this research are: does the special nature of prepositional FM compounds change over different diachronic and diaphasic varieties? Moreover, which are the values of the FM ἐν° in the different compound categories? Most of the thesis consists in a thorough analysis of compounds attested in three consecutive synchronic phases: first, in archaic epic poetry, then in classical prose of V-IV century (in particular Plato’s and Aristotle’s works); the third part examines all neo-formations appearing in the long period starting from the age of Theophrastus till the age of Nonnus of Panopolis. A brief fourth part presents compounds attested in Arcadian inscriptions, as well as some anthroponyms. In the conclusions, I point out the changes in the value of the FM ἐν° in the different categories: ἐν° takes on several functions, that, however, share the signs of a progressive loss of meaning. / La tesi riguarda i composti nominali a primo membro preposizionale in greco antico, il particolare quelli a primo membro ἐν°. Essa è costituita dall’analisi morfologica e semantica di un vaso corpus di parole; lo scopo dell’analisi è di far emergere i diversi processi di formazione delle parole composto e la loro evoluzione.I composti a primo membro preposizionale si differenziano dagli altri composti per due caratteristiche: in primo luogo, essi non sono costituiti da due lessemi, dato che una preposizione non è un vero e proprio lessema; in secondo luogo, la loro struttura interna non è sempre facilmente riconoscibile.Le domande che guidano la ricerca sono dunque le seguenti: la natura speciale di questi composti cambia a seconda delle varietà diacroniche e diafasiche? Quali sono i valori del primo membro ἐν° nelle diverse categorie di composti?Con attenzione filologica ai contesti d’uso, si esaminano i composti attestati in tre fasi sincroniche successive: in primo luogo, nella poesia epica arcaica; in secondo luogo, nella prosa classica del V-IV secolo a. C. (in particolare, nelle opere di Platone e Aristotele); la terza parte riguarda le neoformazioni apparse nel periodo che va dall’epoca di Teofrasto a quella di Nonno di Panopoli. In una quarta sezione si trovano i composti attestati nelle iscrizioni arcadiche, oltre a qualche antroponimo.In conclusione, la ricerca mostra i mutamenti del valore del primo membro ἐν° nelle diverse categorie: ἐν° assume diverse funzioni, che però condividono i segni di una progressiva perdita di significato.