Ce travail a été entrepris dans deux pays vivant des catastrophes naturelles et humaines à long terme. Il porte sur les processus créateurs, les traumas complexes et les processus psychiques des adolescents : en Haïti, pour se rétablir à la suite du séisme de janvier 2010 qui a ravagé plusieurs villes du pays et tué environ 2,5% de la population ; en Israël, après la deuxième guerre du Liban en 2006 et les attentats terroristes ayant touché tout le pays. La présente recherche avait pour objectif d'étudier les processus créatifs exprimés après les conséquences traumatiques du séisme, de la guerre et des attentats, parmi les adolescents haïtiens et israéliens, ainsi que les stratégies mises en place pour y faire face et se rétablir. Elle était basée sur des approches multidisciplinaires et des méthodes qualitatives et narratives, tout en tenant compte des particularités culturelles du processus créateur. Nous avons examiné deux groupes, l'un composé de 60 adolescents israéliens âgés de 11-12 ans, l'autre composé de 45 adolescents haïtiens entre 10 et 18 ans, à l'aide d'outils d'analyse non verbaux, de la symbolisation d'événements marquants de la vie, de la manifestation traumatique et de la résilience. Nous avons ensuite recueilli des données grâce à des entretiens cliniques et des dispositifs groupaux de médiation malléable, auprès de 30 adolescents. Nous présentons dans ce travail 6 études de cas que nous avons sélectionnées pour leurs particularités. Les résultats indiquant que le soutien social constitue le meilleur facteur manifeste de la résilience ont pu être constatés au travers des survivants qui s'appuyaient sur un ensemble de tuteurs de résilience et sur leurs réseaux personnels. Ils montrent également que l'influence du risque, les facteurs de protection et la résilience coexistent dans le continuum de la vie de l'adolescent exposé à des situations traumatiques. L'ensemble des résultats souligne la nécessité d'établir des cadres de médiation thérapeutique et créative avec la culture comme levier thérapeutique, pour accompagner à long terme les adolescents en situation de danger et de détresse. / This cross-cultural study has been researched in two countries exposed to natural and human disasters in the long-term. It focuses on the creative processes, complex traumas and mental processes of adolescents: in Haiti, following the January 2010 earthquake, which devastated several towns and killed about 2.5% of the Haitian population ; in Israel after the Second Lebanon War of 2006 and terrorist attacks that devastated the country and affected 4-5% of the Israeli population. This research aimed to study the creative process after the traumatic consequences of an earthquake, war and terrorists attacks among Haitian and Israeli adolescents and the strategies they implement for coping and recovering. It was based on multidisciplinary approaches, as well as, qualitative and narrative methods, taking into account the cultural aspects of the creative process of the adolescents in each country. We examined two groups. In first group there were 60 Israeli adolescents aged 11-12 years. In the second group, 45 Haitian adolescents aged 10-18 years. We collected data from clinical interviews and expressive art groups of 30 adolescents. We used nonverbal methods to analyze the adolescent significant life and traumatic events and resilient experiences. In this study we present six case studies that were selected because of their special features. The results indicate that social support is the highest factor of resilience in adolescents’ survivors of complex trauma situations. We found that the adolescents used resilient tutors and individual resources to survive. The results also show that the influences of risk, protective factors and resilience co-exist in the adolescent`s life continuum in the long-term coping with traumatic events.The overall results emphasize the need for on-going therapeutic and creative process groups to support youth living in dangers and distress situations.

Thesis advisor: Philip G. Altbach / The literature on Latin American higher education indicates the existence of a relationship between socio-economic status and college enrollment. One of the hypotheses of this study was that in Haiti, socio-economic status is related not only to college access but also to students' ability to enter their preferred field of study. As a result, students from higher socio-economic status were expected to report higher levels of satisfaction with their academic situation. In this quantitative survey study, an instrument was developed and administered to 742 college students in 5 different Haitian institutions in order to determine whether there exists this hypothesized relationship between students' socio-economic status and their satisfaction with their academic situation. Data analysis revealed a weak, negative relationship between students' socio-economic status and their satisfaction with their academic situation. No significant relationship could be established between socio-economic status and access to a preferred field of study, across all students. Instead the study found what seems to be a paradox: although a majority of students were not able to access their desired field of study, they showed a high level of satisfaction with their academic situation. This paradox is explained by the importance of intrinsic factors as well as job prospect in predicting students' satisfaction. Other findings include (a) a low level of participation for women in Haitian higher education, (b) a lower level of satisfaction for Haitian female science, engineering, and technology students, and (c) little differentiation in academic preparation between science, engineering, and technology students and the rest of the sample. Based on the research findings, the study concludes with policy recommendations to help Haitian higher education achieve its economic development mission. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2009. / Submitted to: Boston College. Lynch School of Education. / Discipline: Educational Administration and Higher Education.

Orientadora: Suzeley Kalil Mathias / Banca: Héctor Luís Saint-Pierre / Banca: Juliana de Paula Bigatão / O Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais é instituído em parceria com a Unesp/Unicamp/PUC-SP, em projeto subsidiado pela CAPES, intitulado "Programa San Tiago Dantas" / Resumen: El presente trabajo tiene como objeto de estudio la participación ecuatoriana en la misión establecida en Haití en el periodo 2004-2017. El objetivo es mostrar que las operaciones de paz se traducen para el Ecuador como una forma de inserción internacional, especialmente en el contexto del desdoblamiento de la Misión de Estabilización de las Naciones Unidas en Haití (MINUSTAH). Con el intuito de cumplir con el objetivo presentado, se aborda el histórico de la resolución de conflictos desde la conformación de la Liga de las Naciones hasta la conceptualización de las operaciones de paz de la Organización de las Naciones Unidas (ONU). Seguidamente, se discute la participación de los principales países de América del Sur que aportaron con efectivos en esa misión multinacional, para comprender los principales factores que motivaron dicha contribución. Por último, se analiza la actuación ecuatoriana en el contexto de la MINUSTAH por medio de la Unidad Escuela de Misiones de Paz Ecuador (UEMPE). Como recurso metodológico se emplea un abordaje cualitativo, aplicando como métodos el análisis documental y bibliográfico para fuentes primarias y secundarias respectivamente. Se concluye que la contribución ecuatoriana en la MINUSTAH responde a incentivos generados por los países sudamericanos, apuntando que la región posee autonomía en la gestión de conflictos y crisis locales. / Resumo: O presente trabalho tem como objeto de estudo a participação equatoriana na missão estabelecida no Haiti no período 2004-2017. O objetivo é mostrar que as operações de paz se traduzem para o Equador como uma forma de inserção internacional, especialmente no contexto do desdobramento da Missão de Estabilização das Nações Unidas no Haiti (MINUSTAH). Com o intuito de cumprir com o objetivo apresentado, aborda-se o histórico da resolução de conflitos desde a conformação da Liga das Nações até a conceitualização das operações de paz da Organização das Nações Unidas (ONU). Em seguida, discute-se a participação dos principais países de América do Sul que aportam com efetivos nessas missões multinacionais. Por último, é analisada a atuação equatoriana no contexto da MINUSTAH por meio da Unidade Escola de Missões de Paz do Equador (UEMPE). Como metodologia, emprega-se uma abordagem qualitativa, aplicando como métodos a análise documental e bibliográfica para fontes primárias e secundárias respectivamente. Conclui-se que a contribuição equatoriana na MINUSTAH responde a incentivos gerados por países sul-americanos, apontando que a região possui autonomia no gerenciamento de conflitos e crises locais. / Abstract: The object of study of the present work is the Ecuadorian participation in the mission established in Haiti in the period 2004-2017. The aim is to show that peace operations are translated for Ecuador as a form of international insertion, especially in the context of the deployment of the United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH). With the intention of achieving the objective presented, it is approached the history of conflict resolution since the formation of the League of Nations until the conceptualization of peace operations by the United Nations (UN). Subsequently, the participation of the main South American countries that contribute with troops in this multinational mission is discussed in order to comprehend the central factors that motivates this presence in the island. Finally, the Ecuadorian action in the context of MINUSTAH is analyzed through the School Unit of Missions of Peace Ecuador (UEMPE). As a methodological resource, a qualitative approach is used, applying the documental and bibliographical analysis methods for primary and secondary sources respectively. It is concluded that the Ecuadorian contribution in MINUSTAH responds to incentives generated by the South American countries, pointing out that the region has autonomy in the management of conflicts and local crises. / Mestre

La chute de la dictature duvaliériste, le 7 février 1986, marque un véritable tournant dans l’évolution politique du pays. La situation nouvelle qui en résulte est généralement analysée ou comprise sous l’angle de l’explication découlant du paradigme des transitions. Ce cadre d’analyse s’est révélé en tous points inadapté pour rendre compte des bouleversements enregistrés. Dès lors, la recherche d’une explication alternative vient à se poser. Cette recherche tente d’explorer cette voie. Et elle soulève un questionnement fondamental qui appréhende la crise haïtienne sous l’angle de l’épuisement de l’ordre politique imposé lors de la première occupation américaine pendant la période 1915-1934. Le défi de cette restructuration du champ politique avait sollicité davantage le rôle et l’action de deux nouveaux acteurs qui ont durablement émergé dans la vie politique du pays à partir des années quatre-vingt : les mouvements populaires et les partis politiques. L’interaction qui s’établit entre ces deux acteurs avait acquis à la fois une dimension complexe et problématique. D’une part, ils (les acteurs) n’avaient pas pu développer une claire conscience de leur rôle dans le processus de transformation politique en cours. D’autre part, il s’est établi entre les deux acteurs un radical antagonisme qui a fini par compromettre la possibilité de construction des capacités politiques nationales en vue de favoriser une évolution positive dudit processus. Le retour à la domination directe américaine, avec l’intervention militaire de 1994, consacrera l’impossibilité de trouver une issue à la crise au plan interne. Cette intervention confirmera la réalité de l’épuisement de l’ordre politique de 1934 tout en provoquant des contradictions nouvelles. Elle a notamment contribué à précipiter la suppression de l’armée, tout en procédant de manière quasi-totale à la confiscation de la souveraineté du pays. Pendant la décennie 1986-1996 qui reste charnière dans le processus de changement politique en Haïti, il n’a pas été possible donc d’aboutir à une redéfinition de l’ordre politique agonisant. Mais l’enjeu de son renouvellement reste indispensable. Malgré leurs faiblesses et les controverses à la base de leur relation, les mouvements populaires et les partis politiques demeurent encore les deux principales formes de représentation politique ou d’action collective qui puissent aider d’avancer dans cette direction. La difficulté majeure est d’arriver à définir l’originalité de l’articulation entre ces deux acteurs qui pourrait bien convenir dans le contexte actuel marqué à la fois par le reflux des mouvements et le faible niveau d’enracinement de la forme partisane. / The fall of the dictatorship duvalierist, on February 7, 1986, mark a true turning point in the political evolution of the country. The new situation which results from it is generally analyzed or included/understood under the angle of the explanation rising from the paradigm of the transitions. This framework of analysis appeared in all points misfit to give an account of the recorded upheavals. Consequently, the search for an alternative explanation has been suddenly posed. This research tries to explore this way. And it raises a fundamental questioning which apprehends the Haitian crisis under the angle of the exhaustion of the political order imposed at the time of the first American occupation for the period 1915-1934. The challenge of this reorganization of the political field had more requested the role and the action of two new actors who durably emerged in the political life of the country as from the Eighties: popular movements and political parties. The interaction which is established between these two actors had acquired at the same time a complex and problematic dimension. On the one hand, they (actors) had not been able to develop a clear conscience of their role in the process of political transformation in progress. In addition, it was established between the two actors a radical antagonism which ended up compromising the possibility of construction of the capacities national policies in order to support a positive development of the known as process. The return to the American direct domination, with the military intervention of 1994, will devote impossibility of finding an exit with the crisis with the internal plan. This intervention will confirm the reality of the exhaustion of the political order of 1934 whole while causing new contradictions. It in particular contributed to precipitate the removal of the army, while proceeding in a quasi-total way to the confiscation of the sovereignty of the country. During the decade 1986-1996 which remains hinge in the process of political change in Haiti, it was not possible thus to lead to a redefinition of the political order failing. But the stake of its renewal remains essential. In spite of their weaknesses and the controversies at the base of their relation, the popular movements and the political parties remain still the two principal forms of political representation or class action suit who can help to advance in this direction. The major difficulty is to manage to define the originality of the articulation between these two actors which could be appropriate well in the current context marked at the same time by the backward flow of the movements and the low level of rooting of the form partisane.

This thesis examines how the slave uprising in the French Caribbean sugar colony of Saint-Domingue (1791-1804) had dramatic and long-lasting repercussions on the neighbouring Spanish possessions of Cuba, Puerto Rico, and Santo Domingo. Events in Saint-Domingue took place during a period of profound change in the Spanish colonies. Reforms implemented during the reign of Carlos III (1759-1788) had begun to shift the imperial economic focus from the extraction of precious metals in Spain's American colonies towards the potential of intensive agriculture, especially sugar. The process was accelerated by France's loss of Saint-Domingue in 1804, which presented the Spanish islands under Carlos IV (1788-1808) with the opportunity to have a much larger share of the sugar trade - a chance which Cuba and Puerto Rico were quick to seize. At the same time, Napoleon Bonaparte's overthrow of the Spanish monarchy, the war against France (1808-1814), and the writing of a Spanish constitution (1812) precipitated the unravelling of most of Spain's empire, bar the Philippines and the sugar islands in the Caribbean. The thesis focuses on how relations between Madrid and the Caribbean islands were significantly altered in the wake of peninsular upheaval. At the same time, this work also considers the islands' reconfigured relationship with new republic of Haiti, formed by the freed slaves of Saint-Domingue. Drawing from correspondence between the crown and the island authorities, as well as between colonial officials, this thesis also examines the culture of fear that permeated the Spanish possessions. Initially, this fear reflected anxieties about Saint-Domingue-style slave rebellions, but as mainland Spanish colonies became independent - and Santo Domingo fell under Haitian control in 1822 - this fear took on a new dimension and became a vital tie between Cuba, Puerto Rico, and Madrid, contributing to the continuation of colonial rule until the Spanish-American War of 1898.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-04-14T14:48:24Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 460177.pdf: 559100 bytes, checksum: f68c8bcf0523389eaecd4e664055f4f2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-02-26 / This thesis is dedicated to understanding the relationships of coloniality that have operated government practices during and after the colonization of Haiti, showing the control techniques imposed by the intervening governments and the Haitian resistance struggles in response to the colonial violence. We seek to explore, in the central episodes of Haitian history, the successive security and criminalization policies undertaken by numerous foreign occupations, which, under the guise of chaos and proclaiming the need to restore order in a country of Blacks unable to govern themselves (Pierre-Charles. 1977:183), land their troops and proceed to the military/police occupation of the land, intimidating the movement of Haitian masses. As in colonial times, recent interventions make use of an ethnocentric discourse on the crisis of the Haitian state institutions, especially the ones related to public security, to legitimize and combat the threat that a country without a strong criminal apparatus represents, according to the Western model, to international security. We explore new criminological possibilities, incited by the concept of coloniality of power to understand the control techniques and the violence imposed during and after the Haitian colonization. We are interested in thinking about these practices of oppression from the standpoint of those who suffered their effects, focusing on how the security apparatus were instrumentalized/shaped by colonization policies aiming to deepen the colonial split and the binary logic inherent to them. Finally, we explore how relations of coloniality are established and invigorated by the security policies of the United Nations. We seek to understand how the UN program aimed at establishing Western institutions of crime control in unstable and unsafe countries is part of a wider movement for democratization/pacification of peripheral governments, led and intensified by the international security regime after the Cold War. We discuss how these pro-democracy interventions were made in the haitian nation, with special focus on the governance techniques implemented by the United Nations Mission for the Stabilization of Haiti (MINUSTAH). / Esta disserta??o dedica-se a compreender as rela??es de colonialidade que t?m operado as pr?ticas de governo durante e ap?s a coloniza??o do Haiti, evidenciando as t?cnicas de controle impostas pelos governos intervenientes e as lutas de resist?ncia levantadas pelos haitianos em resposta ? viol?ncia colonial. Buscamos explorar, nos epis?dios centrais da hist?ria haitiana, as sucessivas pol?ticas de seguran?a e criminaliza??o empreendidas pelas numerosas ocupa??es estrangeiras, que, sob o pretexto do caos e proclamando a necessidade de restaurar a ordem em um pa?s de negros incapazes de se governarem (Pierre-Charles, 1977:183), desembarcam suas tropas e procedem ? ocupa??o militar/policial do terreno, intimidando sob todas as formas o movimento das massas haitianas. Como no tempo colonial, as recentes interven??es valem-se de discursos etnoc?ntricos sobre a crise das institui??es do Estado haitiano, especialmente as de seguran?a p?blica, para se legitimarem e combaterem a amea?a que um pa?s sem aparatos penais fortes representaria, conforme o modelo ocidental, ? seguran?a internacional. Procuramos explorar as novas possibilidades criminol?gicas, incitadas pelo conceito de colonialidade do poder, de compreender as t?cnicas de controle e as viol?ncias impostas durante e ap?s a coloniza??o haitiana. Interessa-nos pensar essas pr?ticas de opress?o a partir dos que sofreram seus efeitos, procurando descrever como os aparatos de seguran?a foram instrumentalizados/moldados pelas pol?ticas de coloniza??o com o objetivo de aprofundar a cis?o colonial e o binarismo que lhes s?o inerentes. Ao final, exploramos como as rela??es de colonialidade s?o estabelecidas e revigoradas pelas pol?ticas de seguran?a das Na??es Unidas. Busca-se compreender como o programa da ONU voltado ao estabelecimento de institui??es ocidentais de controle do crime em pa?ses inst?veis e inseguros, se insere num amplo movimento de democratiza??o/pacifica??o de governos perif?ricos, conduzidos e intensificados pelo regime de seguran?a internacional ap?s o fim da Guerra Fria. Abordamos como essas interven??es pr?-democracia se fizeram na na??o haitiana, com enfoque especial nas pr?ticas de governo implementadas pela Miss?o das Na??es Unidas para a Estabiliza??o do Haiti (MINUSTAH).

Submitted by Jailda Nascimento (jmnascimento@pucsp.br) on 2016-10-05T15:47:19Z No. of bitstreams: 1 João Fernando Finazzi.pdf: 1431017 bytes, checksum: da17f1be008b8781de00f75d2b7902a2 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-10-05T15:47:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 João Fernando Finazzi.pdf: 1431017 bytes, checksum: da17f1be008b8781de00f75d2b7902a2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-07-08 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / In the post-Cold War world, the UN’s Peace operations has changed from a phase that envisaged the contention of parts in conflict to the promotion of structural reforms understood as necessary to undermine the recurrance of the hostilites and to help establish a certain level of stability and peace. In this new kind of peacebuilding operation, the reconstruction process is intended to form or transform the so-called security sector. The great powers and the most relevant internation organizations started to resort to the Security Sector Reform (SSR) as a framework of policies that envisage the transformation of the structures and actors that deal with the use of violence in these contexts. However, besides the growing importance of SSR as a key-theme in the processes of reconstruction, the national and international literatures are still rare, and generally present a marked normative nature. In the case of Haiti, the country is under constant UN’s interventions since 1994. The SSR came to be one of the most importante activites executed by the international actors. The aim of the present work is to demonstrate a changen in the ways that SSR came to be executed between the 90s and 2000s. If the actions had, initially, focused on the state institutions, with the intervention of Minustah they probe directlly to the population and the ways of beeing as a whole, specially to certain “target-groups” and by means that converge the counter-insurgence tactics and humanitarism. We intend to fill this gap between the rise of SSR as a discourse and practice of international actors and the lack of studies that go beyond their normative objectives / No contexto internacional do Pós-Guerra Fria, as operações de paz da ONU passaram de uma fase focada estritamente na contenção das partes em conflito de modo relativamente imparcial para a promoção de reformas estruturais tidas como necessárias tanto para minar a recorrência do conflito interno quanto possibilitar a transição para uma situação de paz e estabilidade. Nessas novas operações de peacebuilding, os processos de reconstrução do Estado agora lidam com questões cruciais que envolvem a formação ou transformação do chamado setor de segurança. As grandes potências e as principais organizações internacionais passaram a recorrer à Reforma do Setor de Segurança (RSS) como um conjunto de políticas que têm como objetivo readequar as estruturas e atores que lidam com o exercício da violência nesses contextos. No entanto, apesar da emergência da RSS como um tema-chave nos processos de reconstrução, a literatura nacional e internacional ainda é escassa, geralmente apresentando um caráter fortemente normativo. O Haiti vive sob constantes intervenções da ONU desde 1994, durante as quais a RSS se tornou uma das principais atividades exercidas pelos agentes interventores. O objetivo do presente trabalho é demonstrar uma alteração nos modos pelos quais a RSS veio a ser executada entre os esforços dos anos 90 e 2000. Se inicialmente as ações se focaram nas instituições do Estado, com a Minustah elas teriam se aprofundado em direção à população e às formas de vida como um todo, especificamente a determinados “grupos-alvo”, por meio de táticas que se indifirenciariam entre a contra-insurgência e o humanitarismo. Pretendemos, assim tentar preencher essa lacuna entre a emergência da RSS e a ausência de estudos que vão além dos seus objetivos normativos

Esta dissertação tem como objetivo abordar as experiências de haitianas e haitianos residentes na cidade de Porto Alegre. Com o propósito inicial de dar visibilidade para os novos fluxos migratórios que chegam ao Brasil, foi realizada uma etnografia na Vila Esperança Cordeiro e seu entorno, na Zona Norte da cidade, entre os anos de 2014 e 2016. Neste trabalho, a migração é problematizada como uma forma de resistência, em que o ato de migrar pode ser compreendido como uma ação adotada em face das vivências no país de origem e estando relacionada à luta por direitos humanos tanto na relação mantida com o Haiti como na inserção no Brasil. Abordo como a noção de resistência permeia a esfera local, nacional e global, sendo inicialmente pensada a partir da sua presença na história haitiana e na relação com a diáspora haitiana. Destaco que as noções de agência e de resistência são elementos que perpassam todo o campo etnográfico. A ideia de resistência é problematizada a partir das contribuições de Scott, que destaca as estratégias de resistência cotidianas. Inspirada pela antropologia da experiência, principalmente a partir de Das e de Fassin, abordo a importância de dialogar com os interlocutores ressaltando suas vozes através das histórias de vida, dos testemunhos e narrativas. Neste ponto, a partir das contribuições de Spivak, destaco as especificidades das experiências das mulheres haitianas, compreendendo quais são as dinâmicas de solidariedade existentes nas suas relações que se contrapõem à imposição do silenciamento e invisibilidade da mulher. Acompanhei ao longo da pesquisa etnográfica os espaços que eram percorridos e as relações que iam se formando, a partir das quais pude perceber a formação de diferentes redes de apoio. A noção de rede abordada neste trabalho tem como inspiração as contribuições de Latour sobre o movimento de seguir os atores e suas inovações e de Ingold acerca da compreensão dos fluxos e contra-fluxos. Acompanhando as redes percorridas pelos(as) migrantes em campo foi possível elaborar um “mosaico” destas redes, percebendo que ao longo do trajeto estas redes vão se cruzando e não estão isoladas. É a partir destas questões que esta dissertação busca compreender alguns aspectos vivenciados por haitianas e haitianos em Porto Alegre, destacando, porém, as suas contribuições enquanto uma etnografia que dialoga com uma realidade específica e localizada. Por fim, este trabalho incita a reflexão sobre estratégias voltadas para a inserção e o respeito à dignidade humana das e dos migrantes. / This dissertation aims to approach the experiences of Haitian dwellers in Porto Alegre city. With the initial purpose of standing out the new migratory flows that have achieved Brazil, there was performed an ethnography work at Vila Esperança Cordeiro and its surroundings in the north zone of Porto Alegre between 2014 and 2016. In this work, migration is problematized as a way of resistance, in which the act of migrating can be understand as a chosen action regarding to the individuals’ experiences in the mother country. The resistance is related to the fight for human rights as much in the relationship kept with Haiti, as in the insertion in Brazil. I seek the approaching of how the resistance notion permeates the local, national and global spheres, initially being conceived from its presence in Haitian history and in the relation with the Haitian diaspora. I highlight that the ideas of agency and resistance are elements that pervade the whole ethnographic work. The conception of resistance is problematized regarding to the contributions of Scott about everyday resistance strategies. Inspired by the anthropology of experience, specially by Das and Fassin, I approach the importance of dialoguing with the interlocutors while stressing their voices through their life stories, their testimonies and narratives. At this point, and from the contributions of Spivak, I emphasize the specificities of Haitian women experiences, realizing which are the existent dynamics of solidarity among their relationships that stands as opposition against the pressures to make them mute and invisible. During the ethnographic research, I observed the spaces in which the individuals went through, as well as the relationships they stablished. According to that observations, I could realize the shaping of distinct social support networks. The conception of network approached in this work has as inspiration the contributions of Latour about the movement of following the actors and their innovations. Besides of Latour, the contributions of Ingold about the comprehension of flows are also considered. Following the networks roamed by the migrants in field, it was possible to build a “mosaic” of that networks and perceive that, along the paths, they intersect each other and are not isolated. It is based in all the issues exposed that this dissertation aims to understand some aspects experienced by Haitian individuals in Porto Alegre. I highlight the contributions of this research as an ethnography that dialogues with a specific and localized reality. Lastly, this dissertation encourages the reflection about strategies directed to the insertion and respect regarding to the human dignity and to migrants.

Measurement is the foundation of epidemiologic thought and practice. The appropriate measurement of exposures and outcomes of interest is the underlying assumption to all causal investigations. Poor quality measurement, be it through inappropriate data collection methods or changing diagnostic criteria, which can result in erroneous estimates, has a deleterious impact on scientists, policy makers, and the public. Mental health disorders particularly suffer from a lack of diagnostic clarity as diagnosis is often based on self-report of overlapping symptoms with no clear measureable biomarkers. The release of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, fifth edition (DSM-5) in May of 2013 is the most recent attempt to codify existing diagnostic criteria for psychiatric disorders. Posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) diagnostic criteria shifted from a three-cluster approach of avoidance, hyper-arousal, and re- experiencing to a four-cluster approach of avoidance, arousal, negative cognitions and mood, and re- experiencing. The very existence of multiple diagnostic frameworks for the same psychiatric disorder is proof that accurate diagnosis is a complex and unresolved issue that warrants investigation. This complexity in posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) symptom presentation, limits our ability to develop appropriate responses. In this dissertation I conducted four independent but related studies to explore the construct validity of PTSD. In Chapter 1 I systematically reviewed the extant empiric literature from PubMed and PsychINFO on PTSD symptom structure to identify a universal PTSD factor structure. I found 40 (3%) of 1,302 citations published between 1980-2014 provided empiric PTSD factor structure estimates forming the basis of my review. While consensus exists with respect to the general multifactorial make-up of PTSD, a universal understanding of the specific operationalization of this structure, supported by the empiric literature, is absent. In Chapter 2, I used population-based, cross-sectional data from adult survivors of the 2010 earthquake in Haiti, to assesses model fit of six theoretical factor structures of PTSD: one-factor Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM)-IV; three-factor DSM-IV-TR (arousal, avoidance, and intrusion); three-main factor (arousal, avoidance, and intrusion) and one-hierarchical factor DSM-IV-TR; four-factor King 1998 (avoidance, hypervigilance, emotional numbing, re-experiencing); four-factor Simms 2002 (avoidance, dysphoria, hyperarousal, intrusion); and four-factor DSM-5 (arousal, avoidance, intrusion, negative mood and cognition) models through confirmatory factor analyses (CFA). While all models adequately fit the data, the three-factor DSM-IV-TR (arousal, avoidance, and intrusion) model best fit the sample (χ2=593.257, 116 degrees of freedom; RMSEA=0.056; CFI=0.927; TLI=0.915, WRMR=1.769; AIC=24,760.459; and BIC=24,952.178). Again drawing on the cross-sectional, population data from Haitian earthquake survivors, in Chapter 3 I used multiple linear regressions to model pre-, peri-, and post-earthquake factor associations with mean PTSD symptom cluster (arousal, intrusion, and avoidance, validated in Chapter 2) endorsement. I found that mean PTSD symptom factor endorsement is heterogeneously associated with pre-, peri-, and post- earthquake factors, consistent with dimensional theoretical foundations: arousal endorsement more likely to be associated with pre-earthquake factors, intrusion endorsement more likely to be associated with factors across the temporal field, and avoidance endorsement more likely to be associated with post- earthquake factors. In Chapter 4, I used exploratory factor analysis (EFA) to assess the factor stability of the DSM-IV-TR (arousal, intrusion, avoidance) defined PTSD structure when major depressive disorder (MDD) items are introduced, in the same Haitian post-earthquake population-based study. A six-factor, 25-item model was estimated and fit the data (χ2=253.427, 165 degrees of freedom, p<0.001; RMSEA=0.021, 90% CI:0.016, 0.026; CFI=0.987; TLI=0.976) better than the PTSD-only model specified in Chapter 2. PTSD-specific items did not load on the original PTSD factors or with the original factor items (new factors included items from 0-3 different original PTSD factors), in the presence of MDD items. PTSD dimensionality was not stable in the presence of MDD items, thus challenging the discriminant validity of PTSD. This exploration into PTSD construct validity found that while consensus exists with respect to the general multifactorial make-up of PTSD, a universal understanding of the specific operationalization of this structure, supported by the empiric literature, is absent. The tight range in model fit statistics documented in the CFA provides additional evidence of this, suggesting that empirical-based model selection is insufficient to universally characterize PTSD. Given the overall consensus of general factors, the significant and heterogeneous pre-, peri-, and post-earthquake factor associations with the unique PTSD symptom clusters provides additional evidence of the multidimensional theoretical mechanisms behind PTSD psychopathology. PTSD model stability, an indication of discriminant validity, failed to hold when challenged by MDD items, further challenging PTSD construct validity. There are several important implications of this work. First, based on the systematic review and CFA findings, adjudication of PTSD model selection based on empiric findings is insufficient and should be theoretically driven. Future investigations should always include the most commonly supported models as they develop and refine additional models, thus enabling rigorous cross-context, cross-potentially traumatic event, and cross-study comparisons that are currently not possible. Second, the multidimensional modeling of PTSD factors provided valuable insight into the psychopathology of PTSD without additional data collection burden and should be widely adopted. Researchers should look to model PTSD both as a dichotomous variable and on a continuous scale, both as a complete construct and by each dimensional component. Third, while the exploration into discriminant validity builds on another study that found PTSD factor structure unstable in the presence of MDD item challenges, more research is needed here to understand the theoretic and empiric utility of the specified six-factor model across settings and diagnostic criteria. Fourth, while endeavoring to explore construct validity, exploratory qualitative methods with populations beyond the highly studied U.S. military populations are needed to propose additional items that could, provide valuable missing empiric evidence for PTSD factor dimensionality.

After the Haitian Revolution (1791–1804), under the leadership of freed Black American-born Prince Saunders, working in conjunction with formerly enslaved revolutionaries, invited some 13,000 free African-Americans to leave the United States to emigrate to world’s first Black republic of Haiti. This migration offered the possibility of economic freedom and a promise/redefinition of the boundaries of citizenship and equality in the Atlantic world. Part I, “Abolitionist Pioneers and Origins,” begins with a summary biography of Prince Saunders and an overview of the world of transatlantic slavery he was born into. Its major context is nineteenth century Anglo-European ideologies of freedom, equality, and citizenship. The dissertation also considers the origins of black revolutionary transnationalism by looking at its early pioneers and the revolutionary processes that widened the scope for the eventual success of antislavery to become an ideology rooted in human rights claims. Chapter 1 explores the late eighteenth century and the first decade of the nineteenth century as crucial periods in which free Blacks in the United States, slaves and freed people in Haiti, and British abolitionists embraced the morality that slavery and racism posed the greatest dangers to a world mired in revolutionary claims to natural rights. Part II, “Ideas and Ideologies,” considers how Saunders worked to frame the legacy of the Haitian Revolution as a democratic project that shaped the ideology of revolutionary transnationalism. In this view, citizenship was defined as unrestricted by national borders. By Saunders disseminating the idea of citizenship as transcending borders, the idea of Haiti became a radically subversive alternate to American citizenship. By propagating such views, Saunders transformed himself into a transcultural, bi-national hybrid American-Haitian, embodying the overall dynamism of black revolutionary transnationalism. Chapters 3 and 4 discuss the fusion of transatlantic abolitionism and Haitian revolutionary ideology into a full-fledged emigration idealism that showcases the operative capacity of Black citizenship. Part III, “The Era of Emigration and Colonization, 1816-1833, in Chapters 5 and 6 respectively grapples with the real consequences of African American emigration to Haiti and Prince Saunders’s legacy. The first wave of emigration from 1816–1826 was followed by a second wave from 1859-1865. In the interim, Blacks debated the relative merits of Haitian emigration versus colonization as a strategy for citizenship. The status of Haiti as a feasible home ebbed and flowed in the minds of Black emigrationists who increasingly viewed West Africa, as well as parts of Latin and South America or Canada, as options for escaping to citizenship. I conclude by exploring these debates for what they tell us about fragmentation and ruptures in the free Black community regarding the best strategies for reform and citizenship beyond the gaining or granting of freedom. It must be noted, however, that in the penultimate conclusion to Prince Saunders’s struggle, the coming of the Civil War and the Reconstruction period thereafter took African Americans away from the meaning and significance of Haiti. Finally, readers will note that each part and chapter of this volume is intended to synchronize with the whole but also stand as single-chapter essays.