The current study followed the methodology used by Erchul and colleagues (eg., Erchul, Raven, & Ray, 2001, Getty & Erchul, 2008) to assess and compare the likelihood of use of social power bases reported by school psychologists and school counselors. Furthermore, because the Interpersonal Power Inventory (consultant usage form; IPI-Form CT-U) was used for the first time with the school counselors, the factor structure of the instrument was also examined using Principal Component Analysis. 2 components, harsh and soft power, were identified which were similar to the harsh and soft power sources identified in the previous studies using IPI. Similar to previous research with school psychologists, the results of the current study also demonstrated that IPI-Form CT-U is an internally consistent measure that can be used to assess the likelihood of use of soft and harsh power bases in school counselors. The current study emphasized the similarities and underscored the differences between the likelihood of use of social power bases among school counselors and school psychologists. Overall, both school psychologists and school counselors rated soft power bases higher than harsh power bases. Informational power, expert power, and legitimate power of dependence were the three highest rated power bases by school psychologists and school counselors. In comparison to school psychologists, school counselors reported a higher likelihood of using soft power when consulting with a teacher. A comparison between the individual social power ratings by school psychologists and counselors revealed that school counselors rated expert power, legitimate power of dependence, and impersonal coercion higher in terms of their likelihood of use, as compared to the school psychologists. The differences in the ratings by school counselors and school psychologists may be explained in the light of the differences in their training, the nature of their role and their placement in school settings.

This thesis provides an empirical contribution to the existing literature regarding Russian foreign policy and its application in Russia's near abroad. The primary case study is Russian foreign policy instruments applied to the Eastern European country of Moldova. This thesis directly cites the Russian National Security Concept (RNSC) documents from 2000 and 2016 as the foundation for analysis of Russian foreign policy actions applied to both Eastern Europe and Moldova. A summation of the type of instruments used within Moldova, either "soft power" or "hard power" resources, citing specific examples of each, is included. The result of this thesis is a foundation for future research of Russian foreign policy based on Russian foreign policy documents, as it pertains to the former republics of the Soviet Union. / Master of Arts / This thesis is a study of Russian foreign policy documents and actions as they pertain to the Republic of Moldova. The primary research question addressed here in is “What is Russia’s foreign policy in regard to its “near abroad,” and how does Russia enforce this foreign policy?” The Republic of Moldova is used as a case study because since the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991, Moldova has not been able to extricate itself from the political influence of Russia. Each time Moldova seeks trade and military agreements with the European Union (EU) and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), Russia uses various methods to redirect Moldovan foreign policy towards Russia. These methods, their applications, and the goals Russia seeks to achieve through their use are examined in this thesis.

In the 21st Century, violent non-state actors continue to pose an asymmetric threat to state actors. Given the increasing proliferation of lethal technologies, growing global social connectivity, and continued occurrences of failed or failing states, the quantity of violent non-state actors posing threats in global hotspots is likely to increase. The United States, already facing strategic overreach due to conflicts in Southeast Asia, the Middle East, and Africa, will face enormous difficulties in engaging militarily against a multitude of violent non-state actors. Smart power, a selective employment of hard and soft power applications, presents an opportunity to limit and deter violent non-state actors in a resource-constrained environment. Smart power, previously viewed through a largely state-on-state lens must be looked at through the paradigm of containing and engaging violent non-state actors. / Master of Arts / Modern nation-states must contend with an asymmetric threat from violent nonstate actors. In this thesis, an asymmetric threat is viewed as a threat in which the conventionally weaker opponent gains an undue advantage given their commensurate strength. Violent non-state actors are defined in this thesis as non-state armed groups that resort to organized violence as a tool to achieve their goals. Given the increasing proliferation of lethal technologies, growing global social connectivity, and continued occurrences of failed or failing states, the quantity of violent non-state actors posing threats in global hotspots is likely to increase. The United States, already facing strategic overreach due to conflicts in Southeast Asia, the Middle East, and Africa, will face enormous difficulties in engaging militarily against a multitude of violent non-state actors. Smart power, the employment of a variety of power applications [i.e. air strikes, coalition building, diplomacy, foreign aid, etc.], presents an opportunity to limit and deter violent non-state actors in a resource-constrained environment. Smart power, previously viewed through a largely state-on-state lens must be looked at through the paradigm of containing and engaging violent non-state actors.

Depuis les années 1970, bien avant l’entrée en vigueur du traité de Maastricht, le statut de l’UE dans les relations internationales et donc sa puissance est une source des débats conceptuels. Bien que la construction européenne soit souvent vue comme un processus de renoncement à la puissance, l’idée d’une Europe puissance qui se substitute à l’impuissance des Etats membres après la Seconde Guerre mondiale est toujours présente parmi les représentants de divers approches des relations internationales: puissance civile, puissance normative, puissance militaire, puissance douce, etc. Il faut remarquer que la recherche pour les nouveaux concepts supposés décrire toujours mieux la nature énigmatique de la puissance européenne continue. L’objectif de ce travail est de contribuer à ce débat en utilisant le concept de smart power, combinaison raisonné de hard et de soft power, pour décrire le rapport de l’UE à la puissance. Le concept de smart power parait pertinent pour expliquer le modèle de la puissance de l’Union, même si, en pratique, l’UE a des difficultés à exercer le smart power en raison du manque de volonté parmi ces pays membres. / Since the 1970s, even before the Maastricht Treaty comes into force, the status of the EU in international relations and therefore its power is a source of conceptual debates. Although European integration is often seen as a process of renunciation of power, the idea of a European power which replaces the powerlessness of member states after the Second World War is always present among the representatives of various approaches to international relations: civilian power, normative power, soft power, military power, etc. It should be noted that the search for new concepts to describe better the enigmatic nature of European power is in progress.The aim of this work is to contribute to this debate by using the concept of smart power, effective combination of hard power and soft power, in order to describe the nature of the power of the EU. The concept of smart power seems relevant to explain the model of the EU’s power, although, in practice, the EU has difficulties in exercising smart power because of the lack of will among the member countries.

Le pouvoir est omniprésent dans les interactions sociales. Il en va de même pour la politique internationale depuis la naissance des Relations internationales. Mais au sein de celle-ci, ce concept est contesté. Par exemple, le terme anglais power désigne deux phénomènes qui ne sont pas identiques et qui sont traduits par deux termes distingues en français : « la puissance » signifiant la capacité d’obtenir ce qu’on désire, et « le pouvoir » renvoyant au contrôle du comportement d’un acteur sur un autre. L’objectif de la thèse est double. Tout d’abord, cette recherche entend établir un lien étroit entre la façon de définir le pouvoir et les différents cadres théoriques (réalistes, libéraux, constructivistes) puisqu’il n’existe pas d’unique définition du concept. Ce premier aspect permettra de mieux comprendre la genèse mais aussi les tensions entre le concept et sa théorie-cadre lorsque le premier a tendance à circuler dans d’autres théories, comme ce dont témoigne les débats autour de la trilogie hard power, soft power, smart power de Joseph Nye. Le deuxième objectif vise à mieux comprendre le pouvoir des organisations intergouvernementales en adoptant un cadre constructiviste. La thèse s’appuie sur l’approche de Barnett et Duvall qui distingue quatre types de pouvoir (imposé, institutionnel, structurel et productif) en vue de saisir le pouvoir productif de la Francophonie dans la « fabrication » d’une nouvelle subjectivité de l’Etat : le « droit souverain » de promouvoir sa diversité culturelle et le « devoir souverain » concernant la responsabilité de protéger. La thèse montre également que le pouvoir institutionnel du Conseil de Sécurité des Nations Unies s’exerce via la socialisation du Vietnam en son sein dans le cas de la responsabilité de protéger. / The power is a ubiquitous phenomenon in social relations, particularly in International Relations. It is, however, an “essentially contestable” concept in IR theories. For instance, the English term power refers to two different phenomena which can be translated into two distinct terms in French: “la puissance” which means the capacity to get what one wants, and “le pouvoir” which implies the control over other’s behavior. This thesis has two objectives. First, it aims to build close connection between the power conceptualization and its theoretical framework (realism, liberalism, and constructivism) as there is no unique definition of power. The liaison between power definition and its theoretical framework allows us to better apprehend not only its genesis but also the discrepancy that emerges whenever the concept tend to transcend its theoretical framework, as reflected in the debates relative to the trilogy hard power, soft power, smart power of Joseph Nye. Second, this thesis intends to better understand the power of international organizations under the constructivist theoretical framework. The study bases on the power taxonomy of Barnett and Duvall who classify the concept into four types: compulsory power, institutional power, structural power and productive power. Based on this classification, we can understand the productive power of Francophonie in terms of “producing” a new subjectivity of State in IR: the “sovereign right” of promoting its cultural diversity and the “sovereign duty” of fulfilling its responsibility to protect. The thesis demonstrates also the UNSC’s institutional power via the Vietnam socialization process leading to the endorsement of the R2P concept.

It has been proven that the burgeoning power of the EU is not negligible. However, it is still debatable whether the EU acts as a smart power in its external human rights policy. Through Joseph Nye's theory of hard, soft, and smart power, this thesis will offer a critical understanding of a wide range of factors which merits the EU's role as a smart power. The contemporary history of Belarus also illustrates that the political, economic, and cultural endeavours of the EU reveal the institution's role as a smart power. Within the theoretical framework predicated on Nye's theory on the aforementioned powers, the EU-Belarus relations will be be analysed in order to lay bare the power of the EU and to shed light on the significance of human rights in the EU policies.

The purpose of this study was to examine the effects of soft power versus hard power in U.S. policy towards Latin America. In recent years America's unipolar moment has been challenged from populist leaders in the region to its inability to get a handle on the flow of illegal immigrants and illicit drugs that reach its shores. This thesis is a step to understanding the difference between power and influence as well as the effects of hard power and soft power in U.S. foreign policy. A historical comparative case study analysis has been conducted utilizing the cases of FDR's Good Neighbor policy and Reagan's contra war policies. This qualitative approach examined specific short-term and long-term goals of each policy and analyzed each strategy's ability to achieve those stated goals. The results of the study reveal that both soft and hard power approaches can have positive as well as negative effects on American influence in Latin America.

From the start of the Obama administration’s “pivot to Asia” in 2011 until November 2023, 78 foreign visits have been made by three U.S. Presidents and five Secretaries of State to Southeast Asia. To uncover the U.S. ambitions in Southeast Asia, this thesis uses frame analysis to study speeches, statements, and remarks published by the U.S. Department of State and the White House during the visits to categorize them as displaying predominantly soft, hard, or smart power. The frames identified during the visits show that each administration has displayed a different kind of power. While the Obama administration focused on soft power, the Trump administration displayed significantly more hard power. The Biden administration used almost exclusively smart power during their visits. The thesis contributes to the operationalization of Joseph Nye’s concepts of soft, hard, and smart power, while also attempting to understand the U.S. ambition in Southeast Asia, especially as relations with the PRC have become increasingly tense.

Approved for public release; distribution in unlimited. / The role of Latin America in U.S. foreign policy has ebbed and flowed for over 100 years. Over the last 15 years, the relationship between the United States and Latin America has seen a precipitous drop in both cooperation and cordiality. The amicable relationships that the United States once enjoyed with Brazil and Venezuela specifically have become acrimonious. With the United States' increased interest in completing a Free Trade Area of the Americas agreement by January, relations with Brazil are vital. The United States' continued dependence on imported petroleum from Venezuela and America's concern over Venezuela's growing relationship with Cuba make this country also important to U.S. foreign policy. The thesis focuses on the United States' ability to use its cultural influence (soft power) to positively effect U.S. relations with Brazil and Venezuela. By analyzing past and present effects of U.S. cultural influence in these two countries, the U.S. can better understand and appreciate the influence it wields as the world's only remaining super power. This thesis finds that despite historic evidence, the U.S. has had and continues to have a propensity to use soft power influence tactically, diminishing the effectiveness of its innate power and influence as being the global leader in military, economic, cultural, and technological matters. Conversely, the U.S. attempts to use its hard power (military and economic) strategically, thereby only breeding anti-Americanism globally. / Lieutenant Commander, United States Navy

European security and defence policy has developed at a significant rate since the late 1990s. As a growing field of analysis, there have been few studies to date that have explored the foreign and domestic implications of the European Union's emerging security and defence policies. This thesis seeks to assess the quality and effectiveness of the present day defence policies of the European Union through an examination of its commitment to civilian and military missions abroad. In so doing, this thesis suggests that these missions stem from a misguided belief that the promotion of human rights, democracy, and the rule of law beyond its border is the most effective means by which to achieve security within Europe. This thesis concludes that the economic and political tools available to the European Union provide a better means by which to ensure security in Europe and around the world.