La lutte contre les discriminations dans le travail en France. Sociogenèse d'un dispositif d'action publique (1980-2004) « Lutter contre les discriminations » résonne aujourd'hui en France comme un mot d'ordre naturel accompagné d'un dispositif d'actions et d'un réseau d'acteurs. Mais ceci n'est que très récent. Ce n'est qu'à la fin des années 1990 que la question des discriminations entre dans l'arène publique et qu'elle est perçue comme un problème crucial à traiter. L'ambition de cette recherche doctorale est de mieux comprendre le dispositif d'action publique français de lutte contre les discriminations dans le travail, à travers l'étude de sa genèse et de ses usages. Dans cette perspective, la loi relative à la lutte contre les discriminations du 16 novembre 2001 est essentielle, venant symboliser l'émergence et la formation de cette action publique et déterminer sa mise en œuvre. C'est au travers et à partir de son étude que l'analyse de la conception, de l'institutionnalisation et de l'application de ce dispositif a été conduite. Ce travail doctoral permet de saisir le processus d'émergence de la lutte contre les discriminations en France et sa formation en catégorie d'action publique. Il propose également une étude des pratiques d'acteurs ayant contribué à la cristallisation de cette cause dans l'espace public. Il s'intéresse aussi aux usages de cette politique au travers et à partir du cas d'une entreprise publique, la SNCF ; l'objectif étant de saisir le processus de transposition de l'action publique de lutte contre les discriminations en objectif entrepreneurial. / The fight against discriminations in the workplace in France. Sociological genesis of a public policy device (1980-2004) "Fighting against discriminations" sounds today in France like a natural motto and mobilizes a set of public devices and a network of social actors. The issue of discriminations was only introduced in the public area in the late 1990s and seems to be a crucial problem that has to be cured. The aim of this PhD research is to better understand the system of French antidiscrimination public policy in the work area through the study of its genesis and its uses. From this perspective, the law of fight against discriminations of November 16th, 2001 is an essential point : this legal framework symbolizes the emergence and formation of this public policy and determines its implementation. The analysis of the conception, the institutionalization, and the implementation of this device is guided by its study. This PhD thesis aims at analyzing the emergence of the fight against discriminations in France, and its building process as a category of public action. It proposes a study of the practices of actors who have contributed to the crystallisation of this cause in the public space. This study is also focused on the uses of this public action device and is based upon the case study of a French public company, the SNCF (National Railways Company). The objective is to highlight the process of transposition of the antidiscrimination public policy into an entrepreneurial goal.

Este trabalho analisa a construção e o desenvolvimento dos negócios da família Rheingantz, a partir das redes sociais constituídas e operadas por três gerações familiares, no período de 1840 até 1930. A tese investiga o papel do capital social ao longo do tempo, seu uso pelos membros familiares e a transmissão geracional. Percebendo a família Rheingantz como um grupo imigrante singular em termos de adaptação em solo brasileiro, essa análise busca refletir o papel dos laços transnacionais na construção e manutenção de empreendimentos de propriedade imigrante. Fruto de ampla pesquisa histórica, a tese apresenta uma narrativa de abordagem sócio histórica, que tem entre seus objetivos: investigar o papel das redes transmigrantes na formação e no desenvolvimento das empresas da família Rheingantz ao longo do tempo; analisar o uso de capital social entre membros familiares e sua transmissão entre gerações; avaliar quais os grupos envolvidos com os negócios da família Rheingantz e quais os benefícios que podem ter recebido no interior das redes sociais. / This work analyzes the construction and development of the Rheingantz family business, focusing on the social networks operated by three generations of the family, between 1840 until 1930. The thesis investigates the role of social capital over time, its use by family members and intergenerational transmission. Understanding the immigrant Rheingantz family as uniquely successful in adaptation to Brazil, this analysis emphasizes the role of transnational ties in the construction and maintenance of immigrant enterprises. The result of extensive historical research, this thesis presents a socio-historical narrative that has among its objectives: investigate the role of transmigrant networks in the formation and development of the Rheingantz family businesses over time; analyze the use of social capital by family members and its transmission between generations; assess which groups were involved in the Rheingantz family business, and what benefits they received within the social networks.

Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Quel est le modèle politique de la Russie de Vladimir Poutine ? Ce travail de thèse propose une analyse compréhensive du cas russe grâce au concept de néopatrimonialisme. En s’inspirant de la sociologie politique des élites, de la sociologie historique de l’Etat et de l’économie politique nous proposons de reconstruire les logiques d’actions des acteurs dans le cadre d’un système d’interaction dont l’Etat néopatrimonial est un idéaltype. Celui-ci tient à deux dimensions essentielles qui légitiment sa domination : l’autocratie institutionnalisée renvoie aux rouages politiques, tandis que le capitalisme de connivence illustre le rôle de l’entreprise néopatrimoniale et des réseaux politico-économiques dans la redistribution des ressources. Malgré sa stabilité, ce modèle produit des effets émergeants dont la « dépolitisation institutionnelle » qui rend impossible l’institutionnalisation du pluralisme politique tandis que la confusion des sphères politique et économique participe à l’émergence d’une classe dirigeante qui verrouille les espaces de renouvellement élitaire. / What is the nature of the political model in Vladimir Putin’s Russia ? This work aims at making sense of the Russian case through a comprehensive approach and the concept of neopatrimonialism. Inspired by the sociology of elites, the historical sociology and the political economy our work presents the logic of actors acting in an interdependence system which tends to the idealtype of a Neoparimonial State. It is structured through two dimensions that legitimate its domination: institutionalized autocracy reflects the political side of it while crony capitalism illustrate the role of the State-enterprise and the business-politics networks in the redistribution of resources process. Despite its stability, this model creates emerging effects such as “institutional depoliticization” that prevents political pluralism to institutionalize while the political-economic nexus creates a new ruling class which dominant position locks elite renewal.

En parcourant l’histoire de la société iranienne tout au long de XXe siècle, on ne peut qu’être frappé par les transformations sociales, démographiques, politiques et économiques, brutaux et rapides. Partant de ce constat, cette thèse s’efforce de reconstruire la pluralité des formes culturelles légitimes résultant d’un état de crise et d’instabilité durable et structurelle (transformations structurelles dans les institutions socialisatrices, déclassements et reclassements multiples, absencede stabilisation ou d’imposition d’une culture légitime).L’analyse part d’une approche macrosociologique fondée, d’une part sur l’histoire des mutations rapides de la société iranienne pour retracer leurs impacts sur la stratification sociale, notamment la composition des classes dominantes de la société, et d’autre part sur un corpus de données statistiques à l’échelle nationale pour dessiner le schéma de l’espace social iranien où se positionnent différents groupes sociaux caractérisés par leurs capitaux économiques et scolaires, ainsi que par leurs goûts et pratiques culturelles ou leurs orientations religieuses et politiques. En seconde partie, cette thèse s’appuie sur une vingtaine d’entretiens avec des personnes appartenant aux classes dominantes, pour reconstruire leur trajectoire de vie, montrer leurs processus de socialisation au cours d’une histoire faite de ruptures, et mettre en lumière les conditions sociales de construction d’une pluralité des formes culturelles légitimes en Iran. / By looking through the history of Iranian society throughout the twentieth century, we are struck by the brutal and rapid social, demographic, political and economic transformations. Based on this observation, this thesis attempts to reconstruct the plurality of legitimate cultural forms resulting from a state of crisis along with a lasting and structural instability (structural changes in socializing institutions, multiple downgrades and reclassifications of social positions, lack of stabilization orimposition of a legitimate culture).The analysis is founded on a macro-sociological approach, on one hand, based on the history of rapid mutations in Iranian society in order to trace their impact on social stratification, notably the composition of the dominant classes of society, and on the other, grounded on a corpus of statistical data at the national level in order to draw the schema of the Iranian social space where are positioned the different social groups characterized by their economic and educational capital, as well as by their cultural tastes and practices or their religious and political orientations. In the second part, this thesis is based on over twenty interviews with persons who belong to the dominant classes in order to reconstruct their life trajectory, to show their socialization processes during a history of breaks, and to highlight the social conditions of building a plurality of legitimate cultural forms in Iran.

English Abstract This Master Degree (Mgr.) thesis, takes up the topic of so called Military Revolution theory debate, focusing on historical and social developmental process, unfolding in the Early modern Europe. Military revolution is conceptualised as a source of far reaching societal change, having a civilisational dimension, contributing to overall weberian rationalisation process, happening in the Occident. In this text, military revolution is theoretically approached as a non-substantional developmental process and its structure and dynamics are analyzed using customized version of actor-network-theory of Bruno Latour. In this attempt, usual assumptions of natural ontological continuity, totality and developmental character of social realm are critically suppressed. Theoretical outcome of this thesis, based upon historical evidences, confirms, that even using this profoundly critical approach, military revolution possesses a distinctive quality of a developmental process and it can serve as a strong cognitive instrument of social sciences for researching Early modernity in Europe. Powered by TCPDF (www.tcpdf.org)

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:22:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Rafael Leite Mantovani.pdf: 1026146 bytes, checksum: d25ed33f8d2a620323064b413db32d2c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-10-09 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / Despite the attempt of ideologists to formulate the nationalist spirit, according to Benedict Anderson, European nationalities were also created by the bombastic and non-intentional interaction between capitalism, the beginning of the editorial effort, and the linguistic diversity. The New World, like Europe, depended on ideologues to build the nations' imaginaries. The processes of independence were crucial to the configuration of the type of elites who would determine the ethics, that is, what would be the cause of the nation. Each independent State wasn't limited to a single nation project. The 19th century saw the struggle of many groups which fought for the legitimacy of speech, and consequently, for the offices in the (Brazilian) royalty or (Spanish-American) republics. The ideologues who had given the basis of Brazilianness to the Empire were called Grupo de Paris, who were protected by the emperor and and who had systematized the facets of what should have been the pride of the new nation. On the other hand, the winning project of 19th century Argentina was the Asociación de mayo s, people who valiantly fought the Argentinean political system which was based on caudillaje and a kind of federalism , isolating each province and privileging Buenos Aires. Consequently both projects were diametrically opposed to what would be regarded as protection and persecution by the State. Although some ideas were confluent, the posture of the Brazilian group was suitable to the ruling class, and that of the Argentinean group was antagonistic with the authoritarian and fragmented political system of Argentina. These differences can be factually demonstrated: the way in which these people inserted themselves in their respective fields; the proximity of the court or distance of the country as a result of exile; the way they prepared their biographies; how they organized their literary salons; the insistence on writing about fine-arts and literature in Brazil and the essays on government and laws in Argentina. Both generations launched magazines: Niterói, by the Grupo de Paris, and La moda, by the Asociación de mayo. Comparing the first delineation of those intellectuals is one of this dissertation s aims. Another purpose of this paper is to compare the work that provides the greatest evidence of the Brazilian generation s ethos, Confederação dos Tamoios, financed directly by D. Pedro II, Brazil s emperor, with the most influential Argentinean book from this period, Facundo: civilización y barbarie, a Sarmiento s criticism to the Argentinean politics. Both works determined who were to be included and excluded in the national projects, notwithstanding, in a very different way. It is the main goal of this dissertation to investigate the legitimization of these artists and ideologists in their respective fields, and also to analyze the promotion of patriotism in these works: in each period with its own peculiarities; in each field with its own demands; and in each institution with its own interests / Apesar de contar com ideólogos para a formulação do espírito nacionalista, a Europa, segundo Benedict Anderson, teve as nacionalidades criadas também por meio da interação explosiva e não intencional entre o capitalismo, o início do esforço editorial e a diversidade lingüística. O Novo Mundo, assim como a Europa, contou com ideólogos para a construção de imaginários de nação. Os processos de independência foram cruciais para a formatação do tipo de elites que iriam determinar qual seria o tipo de valor ético a ser abraçado, ou seja, qual seria a causa da nação. Não houve apenas um projeto de nação em cada Estado independente. O século XIX assistiu ao embate de alguns grupos que lutaram pela legitimidade da palavra e, conseqüentemente, pelos cargos da coroa (brasileira) ou das repúblicas (hispano-americanas). Os ideólogos que deram as bases da brasilidade ao Império foram o chamado Grupo de Paris, que foi resguardado regiamente e sistematizou as facetas daquilo que deveria ser o orgulho da nação recém-nascida. Já o projeto vencedor da Argentina do XIX foi o da Associação de maio, os homens que lutaram ferreamente contra o sistema político argentino pautado no caudilhismo e em um federalismo que isolava cada província, entregando privilégios a Buenos Aires. Portanto, ambos os projetos foram diametralmente opostos no que diz respeito à proteção e perseguição por parte do Estado. Alguns pontos confluem; contudo, a posição do grupo brasileiro era condizente com a realeza, e a do argentino foi antagônica com o autoritário e fragmentado sistema político platino. Como se inseriram nos campos, como foi a relação de proximidade da corte ou de distância do país devido ao exílio, a forma de preparar suas biografias, como organizaram os salões literários, assim como a insistência em escrever sobre belas-artes e literatura no Brasil e tratados de governo e de direito na Argentina são fatores que demonstram tal diferença. Como marco inicial, as duas gerações lançaram revistas: Niterói, pelo Grupo de Paris, e La moda, pela Associação de maio. Comparar o primeiro esboço destes intelectuais é um dos objetivos deste trabalho. O próximo intuito aqui estabelecido é comparar o trabalho máximo que evidencia o etos da geração brasileira, Confederação dos Tamoios, financiado diretamente por D. Pedro II, e o trabalho máximo argentino desta geração, Facundo: civilização e barbárie, uma crítica de Sarmiento à política argentina. Ambas as obras determinaram incluídos e excluídos dos projetos nacionais, contudo, de maneira bastante distinta. Visa-se investigar as formas de legitimação dos artistas e letrados nos seus respectivos campos, assim como analisar o enaltecimento dos seus projetos nacionais; em cada período com as suas peculiaridades, em cada campo com as suas exigências, em cada instituição com os seus interesses

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:57:48Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Rafael Leite Mantovani.pdf: 1026146 bytes, checksum: d25ed33f8d2a620323064b413db32d2c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-10-09 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / Despite the attempt of ideologists to formulate the nationalist spirit, according to Benedict Anderson, European nationalities were also created by the bombastic and non-intentional interaction between capitalism, the beginning of the editorial effort, and the linguistic diversity. The New World, like Europe, depended on ideologues to build the nations' imaginaries. The processes of independence were crucial to the configuration of the type of elites who would determine the ethics, that is, what would be the cause of the nation. Each independent State wasn't limited to a single nation project. The 19th century saw the struggle of many groups which fought for the legitimacy of speech, and consequently, for the offices in the (Brazilian) royalty or (Spanish-American) republics. The ideologues who had given the basis of Brazilianness to the Empire were called Grupo de Paris, who were protected by the emperor and and who had systematized the facets of what should have been the pride of the new nation. On the other hand, the winning project of 19th century Argentina was the Asociación de mayo s, people who valiantly fought the Argentinean political system which was based on caudillaje and a kind of federalism , isolating each province and privileging Buenos Aires. Consequently both projects were diametrically opposed to what would be regarded as protection and persecution by the State. Although some ideas were confluent, the posture of the Brazilian group was suitable to the ruling class, and that of the Argentinean group was antagonistic with the authoritarian and fragmented political system of Argentina. These differences can be factually demonstrated: the way in which these people inserted themselves in their respective fields; the proximity of the court or distance of the country as a result of exile; the way they prepared their biographies; how they organized their literary salons; the insistence on writing about fine-arts and literature in Brazil and the essays on government and laws in Argentina. Both generations launched magazines: Niterói, by the Grupo de Paris, and La moda, by the Asociación de mayo. Comparing the first delineation of those intellectuals is one of this dissertation s aims. Another purpose of this paper is to compare the work that provides the greatest evidence of the Brazilian generation s ethos, Confederação dos Tamoios, financed directly by D. Pedro II, Brazil s emperor, with the most influential Argentinean book from this period, Facundo: civilización y barbarie, a Sarmiento s criticism to the Argentinean politics. Both works determined who were to be included and excluded in the national projects, notwithstanding, in a very different way. It is the main goal of this dissertation to investigate the legitimization of these artists and ideologists in their respective fields, and also to analyze the promotion of patriotism in these works: in each period with its own peculiarities; in each field with its own demands; and in each institution with its own interests / Apesar de contar com ideólogos para a formulação do espírito nacionalista, a Europa, segundo Benedict Anderson, teve as nacionalidades criadas também por meio da interação explosiva e não intencional entre o capitalismo, o início do esforço editorial e a diversidade lingüística. O Novo Mundo, assim como a Europa, contou com ideólogos para a construção de imaginários de nação. Os processos de independência foram cruciais para a formatação do tipo de elites que iriam determinar qual seria o tipo de valor ético a ser abraçado, ou seja, qual seria a causa da nação. Não houve apenas um projeto de nação em cada Estado independente. O século XIX assistiu ao embate de alguns grupos que lutaram pela legitimidade da palavra e, conseqüentemente, pelos cargos da coroa (brasileira) ou das repúblicas (hispano-americanas). Os ideólogos que deram as bases da brasilidade ao Império foram o chamado Grupo de Paris, que foi resguardado regiamente e sistematizou as facetas daquilo que deveria ser o orgulho da nação recém-nascida. Já o projeto vencedor da Argentina do XIX foi o da Associação de maio, os homens que lutaram ferreamente contra o sistema político argentino pautado no caudilhismo e em um federalismo que isolava cada província, entregando privilégios a Buenos Aires. Portanto, ambos os projetos foram diametralmente opostos no que diz respeito à proteção e perseguição por parte do Estado. Alguns pontos confluem; contudo, a posição do grupo brasileiro era condizente com a realeza, e a do argentino foi antagônica com o autoritário e fragmentado sistema político platino. Como se inseriram nos campos, como foi a relação de proximidade da corte ou de distância do país devido ao exílio, a forma de preparar suas biografias, como organizaram os salões literários, assim como a insistência em escrever sobre belas-artes e literatura no Brasil e tratados de governo e de direito na Argentina são fatores que demonstram tal diferença. Como marco inicial, as duas gerações lançaram revistas: Niterói, pelo Grupo de Paris, e La moda, pela Associação de maio. Comparar o primeiro esboço destes intelectuais é um dos objetivos deste trabalho. O próximo intuito aqui estabelecido é comparar o trabalho máximo que evidencia o etos da geração brasileira, Confederação dos Tamoios, financiado diretamente por D. Pedro II, e o trabalho máximo argentino desta geração, Facundo: civilização e barbárie, uma crítica de Sarmiento à política argentina. Ambas as obras determinaram incluídos e excluídos dos projetos nacionais, contudo, de maneira bastante distinta. Visa-se investigar as formas de legitimação dos artistas e letrados nos seus respectivos campos, assim como analisar o enaltecimento dos seus projetos nacionais; em cada período com as suas peculiaridades, em cada campo com as suas exigências, em cada instituição com os seus interesses

The professionalization of political parties has significantly altered the means by which parties interact with voters and supporters. The current study is an attempt to examine what these changes in political communication mean for the ability of parties to organize supporters and mobilize them both in a campaign setting and in the longer-term struggle. Habermasian and Gramscian perspectives on the relational aspects of political communication highlight the challenges presented by the growing unidirectionality of communication and the concomitant atrophying of intermediary institutions. Beyond this, the work of Bottici and McLuhan is used to expose the effects of the 'arational' aspects of these changes in both form and content. To test the plausibility of the theoretical insights obtained, the case of the New Democratic Party of Canada is considered. The study concludes by considering the potential of new technological developments for resolving or mitigating concerns identified throughout the thesis. / Graduate

Les systèmes éducatifs dans leur ensemble sont repensés à l’aune de logiques comptables et de notions de rendement. En parallèle de ces réformes, l’éducation, du primaire au supérieur, est également poussée à satisfaire des attentes politiques, économiques et sociales de plus en plus grandes. Cette vague de transformations entraîne des questionnements quant aux origines et à l’évolution de l’éducation moderne. Si la consolidation des Etats-Nations et la monopolisation scolaire de l’instruction semblent être allées de pair en Europe, comment expliquer que l’on trouve la même forme scolaire dans des territoires situés en dehors de cet Occident ? Et comment rendre compte de l’univocité des trajectoires éducatives des territoires jusqu’aux changements actuels des institutions éducatives ?Notre réflexion s’est attachée à montrer que les formes univoques prises par l’éducation à travers le monde ne résultent pas d’un développementalisme éducatif linéaire ou de la domination du colonisateur européen. Premièrement, le passé et les jeux politiques, religieux et économiques des sociétés non-occidentales jouèrent un rôle dans la construction de leur école moderne. Ensuite, l’influence d’un paradigme politique dominant en termes d’institutions éducatives a délimité le cadre du changement. Il en a fixé des fondamentaux et exclu d’autres possibles. Mais la société réceptrice a, à son tour, refaçonné le paradigme pour construire un système éducatif pluriel, mouvant et unique.Nous avons étayé notre réflexion en étudiant un cas empirique précis, celui de la Thaïlande, et en mêlant une étude socio-historique et politique à un travail de terrain approfondi. Ceci nous a permis de rendre compte de la trajectoire éducative et des changements de paradigmes politiques qui ont conduit ce territoire à passer des enseignements traditionnels à une éducation de l’Etat-Nation et aujourd’hui à celle de la mondialisation. / Worldwide, educational systems have been reshaped on the basis of accountability and efficiency criteria. Together with these reforms, education, from basic to higher levels, has also been summoned up to meet ever-increasing political, economic and social demands. These shifts lead to several questionings regarding the origins and evolutions of modern education: If the consolidation of nation-states and the monopolisation of instruction by schools seem to have occurred concomitantly in Europe, how can we explain that we have found the same school pattern in territories located outside this West? And how can we account for the univocity of trajectories until the current changes in educational institutions?Our study focused on demonstrating that these similar patterns taken by education around the world have not resulted from an educational, linear development or from the domination of the European settler. First, the past and political, religious and economic games in non-Western societies played a role in shaping modern schools. Then the impact of a dominant policy paradigm has been tremendous in delineating the framework of change, even until today. Policy paradigm indeed establishes fundamentals and excludes other possibilities. However the receiving society eventually reshapes this paradigm to build a moving, unique, plural educational system.We have backed up our thinking by focusing on a specific empirical case, Thailand, and by combining a socio-historical and political analysis to an in-depth fieldwork. The aim was to understand the educational trajectory and the shifts in policy paradigms that have led this territory from traditional teachings to a Nation-State education, and nowadays an education of globalisation.