Submitted by Elesbão Santiago Neto (neto10uepb@cche.uepb.edu.br) on 2018-07-18T13:18:51Z No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Alana Maria Ribeiro Silva.pdf: 46652099 bytes, checksum: e39d18677d5b87781cbe2e1e37308af1 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-07-18T13:18:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Alana Maria Ribeiro Silva.pdf: 46652099 bytes, checksum: e39d18677d5b87781cbe2e1e37308af1 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-12-15 / CAPES / The TeleSUR is a multi-state television network, created in 2005, which is inserted in a political project of regional integration, aimed to strengthen the process of building a Latin American identity. According to its creators the network seeks to differentiate itself from big dominant international media that usually has a single speech. Thus, TeleSUR presents itself as an alternative to the peoples of the region. It was designed by former Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez, with the intention that could contribute to regional integration in the symbolic field. The multi-state network did part of a media strategy whose aim was to propagate the project bolivarino ideas to the world, as well as establecer a type of media diplomacy. Having this context as parameter, this study analyzes and discusses how the TeleSUR in government Nicolas Maduro, addresses the issue of regional integration in its news portal. For this, was made an analysis of the content of the news on the subject. Has also the intention to reflect on the process of building a Latin American identity in the symbolic and cultural levels. It concludes that, in government Nicolas Maduro, the Telesur continues the regional integration project conceived by Chavez since the period of its creation. / A TeleSUR é uma rede de televisão multiestatal, criada em 2005, que inserido a um projeto político de integração regional, teve por objetivo fortalecer o processo de construção da identidade latino-americana. De acordo com os seus idealizadores a rede busca diferenciar-se da grande mídia internacional dominante que costuma apresentar um discurso único. Assim, a TeleSUR apresenta-se como uma alternativa para os povos da região. Ela foi idealizada pelo ex-presidente da Venezuela, Hugo Chávez, com intuito de que pudesse contribuir para a integração regional no campo simbólico. A rede multiestatal fez parte então de uma estratégia midiática cujo fim era propagar as ideias do projeto bolivariano para o mundo, bem como establecer um tipo de diplomacia midiática. Tendo tal contexto como parâmetro, este estudo analisa e discute de que modo a TeleSUR, no governo de Nicolás Maduro, aborda o tema da integração regional em seu portal de notícias. Para isso, é feito uma análise do conteúdo sobre as notícias relativas ao assunto. Tem-se ainda o intuito de refletir sobre o processo de construção da identidade latino-americana no plano simbólico e cultural. Conclui-se que, no governo de Nicolás Maduro, a Telesur dá continuidade ao projeto de integração regional idealizado por Chávez desde o período de sua criação.

Submitted by Fabio Sobreira Campos da Costa (fabio.sobreira@ufpe.br) on 2016-07-29T13:07:58Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) Diss_Ermeson-BC.pdf: 695501 bytes, checksum: adb2d4c975619f3e8bcb5111aac8e079 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-07-29T13:07:58Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) Diss_Ermeson-BC.pdf: 695501 bytes, checksum: adb2d4c975619f3e8bcb5111aac8e079 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-03-15 / CNPq / Esta pesquisa tem como objetivo realizar uma leitura crítica do romance O filho de mil homens, de Valter Hugo Mãe, a fim de analisar dois temas: a homoafetividade e a construção de família. Para tanto, utilizaremos a Teoria Queer baseados em autores como Butler (2008), Spargo (2006) Preciado (2014), relacionando-a com o estatuto ficcional do texto literário; e também usaremos o pensamento de Emmanuel Levinas (1998, 2010, 2014) para compreender o processo de acolhida do outro que permite a união dos personagens na construção de uma família afetiva. A análise permitirá compreender a importância da ficção de Mãe no contexto da literatura contemporânea, especialmente a lusófona, uma vez que permitirá entrever a força política por trás das personagens queer que, na diegese, suplantam os regimes totalitários em nome da ética e da responsabilidade pelo outro. / This research aims to make a critical reading of the novel O filho de mil homens, by Valter Hugo Mãe, in order to analyze two themes: the homoaffectivity and the construction of a family. To this end, we will use the Queer Theory based on authors such as Butler (2008), Spargo (2006) e Preciado (2014), relating it to the fictional status of the literary text; and we will also use the thoughts of Emmanuel Levinas (1998, 2010, 2014) to understand the welcoming of others that allows the union of the characters in building an affective family. Tha analysis will understand the importance of Mães’ fiction in the context of contemporary literature, especially the Lusophone one, since it will allow a glimpse of the political strength behind the queer characters that, in the diegesis, outweigh the totalitarian regimes in the name of ethics and the otherness responsibility.

Submitted by Fabio Sobreira Campos da Costa (fabio.sobreira@ufpe.br) on 2016-08-03T13:44:30Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) Diss_Ermeson-BC.pdf: 695501 bytes, checksum: adb2d4c975619f3e8bcb5111aac8e079 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-03T13:44:30Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) Diss_Ermeson-BC.pdf: 695501 bytes, checksum: adb2d4c975619f3e8bcb5111aac8e079 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-03-15 / CNPq / Esta pesquisa tem como objetivo realizar uma leitura crítica do romance O filho de mil homens, de Valter Hugo Mãe, a fim de analisar dois temas: a homoafetividade e a construção de família. Para tanto, utilizaremos a Teoria Queer baseados em autores como Butler (2008), Spargo (2006) Preciado (2014), relacionando-a com o estatuto ficcional do texto literário; e também usaremos o pensamento de Emmanuel Levinas (1998, 2010, 2014) para compreender o processo de acolhida do outro que permite a união dos personagens na construção de uma família afetiva. A análise permitirá compreender a importância da ficção de Mãe no contexto da literatura contemporânea, especialmente a lusófona, uma vez que permitirá entrever a força política por trás das personagens queer que, na diegese, suplantam os regimes totalitários em nome da ética e da responsabilidade pelo outro. / This research aims to make a critical reading of the novel O filho de mil homens, by Valter Hugo Mãe, in order to analyze two themes: the homoaffectivity and the construction of a family. To this end, we will use the Queer Theory based on authors such as Butler (2008), Spargo (2006) e Preciado (2014), relating it to the fictional status of the literary text; and we will also use the thoughts of Emmanuel Levinas (1998, 2010, 2014) to understand the welcoming of others that allows the union of the characters in building an affective family. Tha analysis will understand the importance of Mães’ fiction in the context of contemporary literature, especially the Lusophone one, since it will allow a glimpse of the political strength behind the queer characters that, in the diegesis, outweigh the totalitarian regimes in the name of ethics and the otherness responsibility.

Cette thèse a trait à la représentation de la peine capitale pendant la période moderne et se situe au carrefour des domaines poétique, politique et éthique. Trois auteurs majeurs qui appréhendent l’imaginaire de l’exécution de manière contrastée sont pris en considération — Hugo, Baudelaire et Camus. L’examen des stratégies de représentation qu’ils élaborent afin de promouvoir ou de dénoncer le couperet révèle que, après 1789, la littérature opère comme le support privilégié d’un questionnement sur l’efficacité de la justice létale et sur sa négation de l’intégrité et de la communication humaines. Réciproquement, l’image moderne de la décapitation met le langage littéraire face à sa difficulté à représenter des événements qui outrepassent à la fois solidarité sociale et entendement humain. En identifiant et en analysant le dialogue noué entre trois écritures qui explorent cette dynamique réciproque, l’on démontre qu’elles mettent à mal deux présupposés; l’un pénal, et l’autre littéraire. D’une part, malgré leur désaccord quant à la recevabilité de la peine capitale et quant à la fonction de la littérature, chacun des auteurs concernés invalide, de manière explicite ou implicite, les prémisses progressistes qui légitimèrent la guillotine depuis la Révolution française jusqu’à l’abolition. D’autre part, cette invalidation des prétendues vertus de l’échafaud figure dans des textes qui compliquent l’opposition conventionnelle entre une littérature essentiellement soucieuse d’esthétique et une autre inquiète des questions politiques. Loin de conforter cet antagonisme, les œuvres étudiées ouvrent le paradigme restreint de la littérature dite engagée à des formes inattendues de discours éthiques. / This dissertation pertains to the representation of capital punishment in the modern period. It sets out to answer the question “How does post-Revolutionary literature act in the face of Western society’s most violent legal practice, the death penalty?” It focuses on three canonical authors who portray the imaginaire of execution in contrasting ways and investigates the intersection of poetics, politics, and ethics. The writings forged by Hugo, Baudelaire, and Camus to promote or denounce capital punishment show that literature served as a medium that questions the law’s negation of human values and communication after 1789. Conversely, the modern image of decapitation confronts language with the limits of its power to represent events that exceed social solidarity and human understanding. By placing the three writers in a transhistorical dialogue that explores this reciprocal dynamics, I demonstrate that they undo two preconceptions: one penal, and the other literary. First, despite their disagreement on the legitimacy of lethal justice and the function of literature, the authors invalidate, explicitly or implicitly, the premises that legitimated the guillotine from the French Revolution until the abolition of capital punishment in 1981: the supposed painlessness and immediacy of beheading, and the machine’s ability to maintain order in society. Second, this invalidation of the supposed virtues of head severance emerges from texts that complicate the apparent divide between strictly aesthetic literature and politically committed writing. On the contrary, these works open up the restrictive category of littérature engagée to new, unexpected forms of ethical discourses. [1697 carac.]

Este estudo da presença de Victor Hugo em A Pata da Gazela, de José de Alencar, objetiva analisar como o conceito de grotesco, teorizado pelo escritor francês no prefácio de Cromwell, experimentado e trabalhado em Han dIslande, Notre-Dame de Paris e Lhomme qui rit, teria sido adaptado por Alencar, escritor de relevante importância para a formação da Literatura Brasileira que faz menção em seu romance a duas criaturas monstruosas de Victor Hugo: Gwynplaine e Quasimodo. Para isso, propomos um olhar para a sociedade francesa e brasileira do século XIX, no intuito de verificar como se deu a contribuição hugoana. / This study of Victor Hugos presence in A Pata da Gazela by José de Alencar, aims to analyze how the concept of grotesque, that was theorized by the French writer in the preface of Cromwell, experienced and worked in Han dIslande, Notre-Dame de Paris and Lhomme qui rit, would have been adapted by Alencar, an important writer for the formation of the Brazilian Literature, who mentions in his novels two monstrous creatures of Victor Hugos: Gwynplaine and Quasimodo. In order to do that, we propose a look to the French and Brazilian societies of the nineteenth-century, to check how important Hugo\'s contribution is.

In a Romantic song cycle or songbook, songs tend to share many common ideas because they are used to set to the poems from one collection written or collected by one author. Many composers designed the same motivic or structural elements to a group of songs for unity, and sometimes they made chronological narratives for the series of poems. Music theorists have tried to find out a way of giving a sense of unity or narrative to the songs in a song cycle or songbook by analyzing its musical language and text setting. They have suggested plausible explanations for the relationships among the songs in a song cycle or songbook, and some theorists have traced the tonal movements and provided a visual explanation for them. Hugo Wolf's two volumes of the Italienisches Liederbuch (1890-91, 1896) were set to the forty-six poems from Paul Heyse's well-selected works. Wolf's way of selecting poems from Heyse's collection seems inconsistent, and his song ordering in the both volumes does not show evident rules. However, a closer study for relationships between the songs could widen our perspective to comprehend the whole songbook as a unified storyline. This study selected the first four songs from each volume of the Italienisches Liederbuch, and analyzed the eight songs in a traditional way, accounting for harmony, motivic feature, tonal movement, form, and text setting. The study finds that Wolf used the third relationships among the songs to convey a storyline in his order of the songs, and especially exploited the direction of thirds for his own narrative. While this may only be a pilot study with partial results, it can serve as a stimulus for a comprehensive study of factors that provide unity in the cycle as a whole.

Of all the composers of German Lied, Franz Schubert and Hugo Wolf can be considered the true giants of this musical form. Schubert's position is secure as the greatest composer of the Lied. Wolf, though challenging Schubert in this particular idiom only, brought the Lied to its culmination. This study will show, by comparative analysis, the respective treatment by Fr anz Schubert and Hugo Wolf of selected poems by Johann Wolfgang von Goethe. Though Schubert composed some seventy songs (not including multiple settings of the same text), and Wolf fifty-one, based on the poetry of Goethe, they shared only thirteen of these poems in common. Four songs by each composer have been selected for detailed analysis.

Humboldt-Univ., Magisterarbeit--Berlin, 2001. / Literaturverz. S. 93 - 102.

This thesis is an intellectual history of the 'Grotian tradition' from the works of Hugo Grotius to the contemporary writings of the 'English School'. Its central argument contends that, contrary to its contemporary conceptualisation, the Grotian tradition has not, historically speaking, been a tradition of thought about international society. Rather, it is a moral tradition, derived in essence, if not always in substance, from Grotius' most famous work De Jure Belli ac Pads, and perpetuated in the international legal writings of a range of scholars including Samuel Pufendorf, James Kent, Henry Wheaton, Cornelius van Vollenhoven and Hersch Lauterpacht before being transformed into its current form in the works of Martin Wight and Hedley Bull. In explicating this argument, this thesis pursues two inter-related lines of inquiry. The first is concerned with the meaning of the term 'Grotian', both in relation to Hugo Grotius and as it has been employed in subsequent scholarship. In doing so, it introduces a three-tiered moral scheme that is central to Grotius' thought and highlights its perpetuation in international legal and political thought. The second line of inquiry considers what it means, both in theoretical and practical terms, to designate a set of thinkers and ideas a 'tradition' and considers the epistemological ramifications of doing so. As such, it is concerned not only with the manner in which the term 'tradition' has been employed by proponents of the 'Grotian tradition' but seeks to highlight some of the broader implications associated with the construction of traditions for the discipline of International Relations.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:48:48Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 PEDRO SILVA BARROS.pdf: 657577 bytes, checksum: 711e106e80416ef7ce7b508da057f423 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-05-18 / Based on the concept that Hugo Chávez s government of Venezuela has an economic policy in process and that the Venezuelan economy is markedly rentist, this research discusses the determining factors in the economic and political dynamics of Venezuela during the command of Hugo Chávez. The first chapter discusses the theoretical foundations for the development plan of Venezuela as proposed by Hugo Chávez s government, in particular the concept of Endogenous Development and its practical implications since 2003. First, the evolution of the debate about Latin American development is presented. It begins with the ECLAC s Structuralism theory in the nineteen forties and fifties; passing through the Dependency theory of the sixties and seventies; and, concluding with the discussion of the Endogenous Development concept, conceived during the nineties as a neostructuralist response to the Washington Consensus program. The first chapter also presents Rentist Capitalism and the Dutch Disease as characteristics of the Venezuelan economy. The second chapter discusses the historical importance of oil to the Venezuelan economy and its influence in politics, in particular with respect to the creation of PDVSA, the state-owned petroleum company. It poses the very social and economical history of Venezuela as the basis to the emergence and consolidation of Chavezism, and presents the three basic determining factors that brought Chávez to power: the crisis of the development model, which is not exclusive to Venezuela, but typical of nearly all Latin American economies; the exhaustion of the Rentist Capitalism model; and, the fatigue of the political pact that governed Venezuela for forty years. The third and last chapter is an attempt to comprehend Chávez s economic policy by presenting and discussing four distinct stages of the economic and political plan, from 1999 to present days. At first, the government program is analyzed. Next, the analysis turns to state control by the new administration, by way of the new Bolivarian Constitution of 1999 and the enabling laws of November 2001. The third stage is the government s political inflexion point and the conservative response represented by the oil companies strike. The last stage represents the controlled State, enabled by Chávez s strengthening with the end of the strike and, mainly, his victory in the referendum of 2004 / Com base na concepção de que o governo Hugo Chávez tem uma política econômica em processo e a economia venezuelana é marcadamente rentista, a pesquisa discute os determinantes da dinâmica econômica e política venezuelana no governo de Hugo Chávez. O primeiro capítulo discute as bases teóricas da proposta de desenvolvimento do governo venezuelano de Hugo Chávez, em especial o conceito de desenvolvimento endógeno e seus desdobramentos práticos a partir de 2003. Em um primeiro momento, o capítulo apresenta a evolução da discussão sobre desenvolvimento na América Latina. Inicia-se com a teoria estruturalista da CEPAL dos anos quarenta e cinqüenta, passa pela teoria da dependência dos anos sessenta e setenta e termina por discutir o conceito de desenvolvimento endógeno , concebido nos anos noventa como resposta neo-estruturalista ao programa do Consenso de Washington . Além disso, esse capítulo apresenta o capitalismo rentista e a doença holandesa como características da economia venezuelana. O segundo capítulo discute a importância histórica do petróleo para a economia venezuelana e sua influência na vida política do país, principalmente após a criação da companhia estatal de petróleo, a PDVSA. O capítulo tenta mostrar que a construção histórica e econômica da sociedade venezuelana foi fundamental para o surgimento e consolidação do chavismo. O capítulo apresenta o que consideramos os três determinantes básicos que levaram Chávez ao poder: além da crise do modelo de desenvolvimento, que não é exclusivo da Venezuela, mas é uma característica de quase todas as economias latino-americanas, o esgotamento do modelo de capitalismo rentístico e do pacto político que governou a Venezuela por quarenta anos. Por fim, o terceiro capítulo é uma tentativa de entender a política econômica chavista com base na apresentação e discussão de seu projeto político-econômico em quatro momentos distintos, de 1999 até os dias de hoje. No primeiro momento, é analisado o programa de governo. Em seguida, o controle do Estado pelo novo governo, por meio da nova constituição de 1999 e das leis habilitantes. O terceiro é o momento de inflexão política do governo e resposta conservadora marcada pela greve patronal-petroleira. O quarto momento se caracteriza pelo Estado controlado, a partir do fortalecimento revogatório de Chávez depois do término da greve e, principalmente, pela vitória no referendo de 2004