This thesis analyzes the Cuban medical adaptation in Venezuela called Misión Barrio Adentro (MBA) and seeks to answer the question of whether MBA shows promise as a health system that improves medical accessibility for impoverished and marginalized populations. In many cases MBA succeeds by: utilizing a free universal health care system; locating health centres in previously underserved areas; providing medical education scholarships to populations from non-traditional backgrounds; creating a catchment system based on medical accessibility; scaling up the medical workforce to 60,000 community doctors by 2019; and broadening the very praxis of what health means in a Latin American social medicine approach. However, some challenges remain including issues of corruption, fragmentation, and polarization. Issues regarding internal and external migration of Misión Sucre-trained physicians remain to be comprehensively evaluated. However, the capacitation of non-traditional medical personnel, imbued with conciencia, is significant and could well become an important example for other countries.

This theoretical thesis focuses on area of human rights education with a specific target on innovative approaches, which would be possible to apply in following fields; higher and academic education fields of medical, social work, charity work, social pedagogics and other similar fields, that focus on bringing up professionals for direct client-, patient- or student-care. From available resources this thesis tries to describe field of education and formation of individual in human rights understanding. Besides that, refers to current view on human rights education and provide with inspiration for working with this theme in upper mentioned fields of studies.

Introdução - A partir da década de 1940, diversos programas de distribuição de leite foram implementados no Brasil, aliando combate à fome e à desnutrição com expansão do mercado consumidor. Na cidade de São Paulo foi implementado, em 1995, o Programa Leve Leite (PLL), com o objetivo de reduzir a desnutrição infantil e a evasão escolar mediante entrega de leite em pó a estudantes da rede pública de ensino. Em 2017, suas regras foram modificadas para priorizar crianças de primeira infância e em situação de vulnerabilidade, o que gerou debates entre diferentes setores com relação à diminuição da quantidade de beneficiários, destinação de recursos orçamentários, efetividade do programa, prejuízos sociais e ausência de participação da sociedade civil. Objetivo - Analisar se o Programa Leve Leite, do município de São Paulo, é uma política pública promotora do Direito Humano à Alimentação Adequada (DHAA) e da Segurança Alimentar e Nutricional (SAN) a partir do delineamento de seu desenho jurídico-institucional, fases, contextos e interesses. Métodos - Pesquisa qualitativa, de caráter descritivo, por meio de coleta de referências documentais e bibliográficas. O corpus reuniu 17 documentos normativos regulamentadores do PLL e documentos complementares, como discursos de prefeitos e vereadores, campanhas eleitorais, projetos de lei, notícias veiculadas pela imprensa, manifestações de famílias das crianças beneficiárias, representantes de organizações da sociedade civil, do poder público e de empresas, publicados entre os anos de 1995 e 2019. Resultados - A utilização dos modelos \'quadro de referência jurídico-institucional das políticas públicas\', \'ciclo das políticas públicas\', \'abordagem do ciclo de políticas\' e \'modelo de distopia das políticas públicas\' aplicado à alimentação e nutrição permitiu delimitar três períodos do Programa Leve Leite - \'PLL inicial\' (1995), \'PLL inicial-modificado\' (1995-2016) e \'PLL atual\' (2017-), cujas características foram descritas a partir de suas fases, modificações dos contextos em que elas se desenvolveram e interesses políticos, públicos e privados incidentes. Considerações Finais - Da forma como foi construído, o PLL não pode ser considerado uma política pública promotora do DHAA e da SAN. Apesar de buscar melhorar os índices da desnutrição infantil ou as condições de vulnerabilidade socioeconômica de crianças de primeira infância ou com deficiência, o PLL, ao longo de 24 anos, não se adaptou à institucionalização, no Brasil, de políticas que respeitam, protegem, garantem e promovem a alimentação adequada e saudável. Seu desenho jurídico-institucional o conforma como programa assistencialista e compensatório, sem previsão de intersetorialidade e de participação da sociedade civil, e permite a incidência de atividades políticas corporativas do setor produtivo leiteiro, como estratégias de marketing, lobby e ações jurídicas, e potenciais conflitos entre interesses políticos, privados e públicos. A ausência de estudos de avaliação sobre os resultados do Programa Leve Leite, em mais de duas décadas, permitiu que ele tenha permanecido vigente sujeito à vontade política e eleitoral dos prefeitos municipais. A visão processual, panorâmica e interdisciplinar apresentada pode contribuir para a construção de políticas públicas alinhadas com os princípios de DHAA e SAN, com participação social e sem conflito de interesses públicos e privados. / Introduction - From the 1940s, several milk supplement public programs were implemented in Brazil, combining hunger and malnutrition with expansion of the consumer market. In the city of São Paulo, the Programa Leve Leite (PLL) was implemented in 1995, with the objective of reducing child malnutrition and school dropout by providing milk powder to public school students. In 2017, its rules were changed to prioritize vulnerable and young children, which led to discussions among different sectors regarding the reduction in the number of beneficiaries, allocation of budget resources, program effectiveness, social losses and lack of participation. of civil society. Objective - To analyze whether Programa Leve Leite, in the city of São Paulo, is a public policy that promotes the Human Right to Adequate Food and Food and Nutrition Security from the outline of its legal-institutional design, phases, contexts and interests. Methods - Qualitative and descriptive research through the collection of documentary and bibliographic references. The corpus assembled 17 regulatory documents of PLL and supplementary documents, such as political speeches by mayors and city legislators, election campaigns, bills, news, speeches by families of beneficiary children, representatives of civil society organizations, government and companies, published between 1995 and 2019. Results - The use of models of policy analysis \'legal-institutional of public policy framework\', \'policy cycle\', \'policy cycle approach\' and \'policy dystopia\' applied to food and nutrition allowed the delimitation of three periods of the Programa Leve Leite - \'Initial PLL\' (1995), \'Initial-modified PLL\' (1995-2016) and \'Current PLL\' (2017-), whose characteristics were described from their phases, modifications of the contexts in which they have been developed and the incidence of political, public and private interests. Final Considerations - As it was built, Programa Leve Leite cannot be considered a public policy that promotes Human Right to Adequate Food and Food and Nutrition Security. Despite seeking to improve the rates of child malnutrition or the socioeconomic vulnerability of young children or children with disabilities, the public program, over 24 years, has not been adapted to the institutionalization in Brazil of policies that respect, protect, guarantee and promote healthy and adequate eating habits. Its legal-institutional design conforms it as a charitable and compensatory program, without foreseeing intersectoral and civil society participation, and allows the incidence of corporate political activities of the dairy sector, such as marketing strategies, lobbying and legal actions, and potential conflicts between political, private and public interests. The absence of evaluation studies on the results of the Programa Leve Leite in more than two decades has allowed it to remain in force subject to the political and electoral will of the municipal mayors. The procedural, panoramic and interdisciplinary view presented can contribute to the construction of public policies aligned with the principles of Human Right to Adequate Food and Food and Nutrition Security, with social participation and without conflict of public and private interests.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:24:33Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 JustinoRamosNetto.pdf: 712629 bytes, checksum: f390a828f5544c4eec6493ad95c5f0e6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-05-26 / nenhum / This present study aims to look at the importance of the right to education of prisoners in relation to the criminal procedural norms granted by the Brazilian constitution which guarantees universal access to basic education. The objective of this study is to demonstrate that education of prisoners make them less likely to re-offend because it facilitates their re-integration to their community at the end of their prison sentences. As a consequence, the whole society can benefit from the implementation of the right of education of prisoners. The method of study employed involved the analysis of other research and references addressing the problem of education of prisoners in Brazil, the analysis of the constitutional rules and of criminal proceedings in the past and present time, giving a historical view of the evolution of criminal procedural laws in Brazil. Moreover, this research investigates some models of public administration which put into practice education polices and techniques as a means to integrate prisoners in society. Finally, it highlights the need to support the agents who will be directly dealing with the education of prisoners and offers alternatives / O presente trabalho acadêmico busca estudar a importância do direito à educação dos presos e as conseqüentes perspectivas das normas processuais penais e de execução penal em relação a esse direito constitucionalmente previsto pela Constituição brasileira. Afirma a importância, no atual Estado Democrático de Direito, de obedecer aos ditames da Constituição Federal de fornecer indistintamente a qualquer pessoa o direito à educação fundamental. Desenvolve, por meio de pesquisas bibliográficas, estudos acerca da educação na norma constitucional brasileira atual e suas raízes históricas, bem como sua interligação com o direito processual penal e de execução penal, além de discorrer sobre a própria evolução dos princípios do direito processual penal na Constituição brasileira vigente. Busca apontar os fins do processo penal e a necessidade da plena observância do princípio da dignidade da pessoa humana em relação à educação, demonstrando, ainda, como é importante educar os prisioneiros que estão atualmente descontando pena privativa de liberdade em regime fechado, para com isto facilitar a sua ressocialização. Estuda as decisões jurisprudenciais e seus embasamentos teóricos em relação ao instituto da remição pelo estudo e sua aplicabilidade em face do ordenamento jurídico. Aponta a necessidade de fornecer integral apoio às condições de acesso à educação do preso como finalidade de agir das políticas públicas na melhoria da sociedade, pautada pelos princípios da igualdade e da legalidade que constituem verdadeiros requisitos para a existência do Estado Democrático de Direito. Indica, ainda, o presente trabalho acadêmico a real importância da educação do preso como forma de prevenção criminal, inclusive com a diminuição da reincidência no crime

The main purpose of this work is to investigate if the US ́s killing of Osama bin Laden on 2 May 2011 in Abbottabad in Pakistan was lawful. The background to the killing is what happened on 11 September 2001 when four US airplanes were hijacked and crashed into World Trade Center and Pentagon. Al Qaeda, a terrorist organisation led by Osama bin Laden, was immediately suspected for the attacks, which led to the starting point of the US ́s ‘global war on terror’. This work tries to give a short brief on ‘global war on terror’ and answer if there is a global war on terror and/or if a new category of war is needed. In order to get an answer to the main question of this work I had to investigate if US is in an international armed conflict or in a non-international armed conflict with Al Qaida. Another important question to investigate is if an armed conflict in one State can spill over to another State and still be consider as an armed conflict. Other important questions to answer are, if Osama bin Laden was a legitimate target under international humanitarian law, if he was a civilian or if he had a continuous combat function and what level of participation in hostilities he had? Not less important is also to investigate if human rights law is applicable when Osama bin Laden was killed, especially the fundamental right to life. Lastly I end my investigation with a quick review of the laws of jus ad bellum in order to get an answer if US had a right to resort to force in Pakistan. My conclusion is that the US was not involved in an armed conflict with al Qaeda in Pakistan where the killing took place. The conflict between the US and al Qaeda in Afghanistan is to be categorised as a non-international conflict. This conflict cannot be described as a conflict that has spilled over to Abbottabad where Osama bin Laden was killed. All people, including Osama bin Laden, has a right to life. Because of lack of information on what happened in Abbottabad when Osama bin Laden was killed it is impossible to give a clear legal answer if the US had the right to kill him. It could be lawful, but it could also be considered as a crime against international human rights law.

Plus de soixante ans après sa signature, qui sont les personnes bénéficiaires de la qualité de réfugié au sens de l’article 1A de la Convention de Genève relative au statut de réfugié de 1951? En effet, si cette convention compte parmi les plus ratifiées au monde et n’a jamais été remise en cause, celle-ci fait pourtant l’objet de polémiques croissantes portant sur sa capacité à protéger les personnes contraintes de s’exiler. Elle s’applique par ailleurs dans un contexte politique de suspicion grandissante à l’égard des demandeurs d’asile. On peut donc se demander qui sont aujourdh’ui les personnes qui se voient reconnaître la qualité de réfugié ? A cette fin, l’étude s’appuie sur une analyse comparée des jurisprudences de plusieurs pays occidentaux : Australie – Belgique - Canada - Etats-Unis - France – Grande-Bretagne – Nouvelle-Zélande. Elle s’appuie aussi sur une analyse systémique de l’article 1A et ses interprétations jurisprudentielles à la lumière des évolutions du droit international des droits de l’homme et du droit international humanitaire. Ainsi, l’analyse met en lumière plusieurs points. Plus que les motifs invoqués ou la nature des mauvais traitements craints, c’est sur le caractère individuel ou collectif des persécutions que se dessine une ligne de fracture entre les Etats occidentaux. En effet, ces derniers ont, de manière convergente, fait évoluer leur interprétation de la qualité de réfugié quand les requérants invoquent des persécutions individuelles. C’est ainsi que les individus craignant d’être persecutés en raison de l’expression de leurs opinions politiques ou religieuses dissidentes, ou du libre exercice de leurs droits fondamentaux, quel que soit leur genre ou leur orientation sexuelle, se voient aujourd’hui communément reconnaître la qualité de réfugié. Dans le cadre de ces persécutions individuelles, les Etats ont aussi développé de manière convergente une interprétation assouplie des agents de persécution, acceptant ainsi de protéger les personnes fuyant des mauvais traitements perpétrés par des agents étatiques et des personnes privées. En revanche, il existe encore de nombreuses divergences entre les Etats lorsque les individus revendiquent fuir des persécutions collectives. S’appuyant sur la reconnaissance d’une interprétation plus ou moins individualiste de la qualité de réfugié, les personnes craignant d’être persécutées en raison de leur race, de leur nationalité ou de leur appartenance à un groupe religieux ne doivent pas satisfaire aux mêmes exigences pour se voir reconnaître la qualité de réfugié. Et dans le contexte actuel où de plus en plus de personnes fuient des persécutions collectives perpétrées dans un Etat en situation de conflit armé, ces divergences sont d’autant plus importantes. / Sixty years after its signatory, who can be qualify as a refugee under the 1951 Refugee Convention relating to the Status of Refugee ? If it is one of the most ratified treaty of the world, it’s relevance have nevertheless recently been questioned and some commentators don’t hesitate to speak of an outdated Convention. Moreover, it applies in a political context of clear suspicion against asylum-seekers. So, we can wonder who can nowadays qualify as a refugee among the million of persons fleeing their home ? To answer to this question, the study focuses on judicial review of many industrialized countries, such as Australia – Belgium – Canada – United States – France – Great-Britain and New Zealand. A systemic interpretation of Article 1A and its judicial interpretation in the light of both international human right law and international humanitarian law also helps to conduce the study. First, the analyse reveals that it is not on the motives of persecution neither the nature of the treatment feared that we can observe similarities or differences between the countries. It is on individual or collective persecutions. When asylum seekers look for international protection based on individual persecutions, States have commonly adopted a dynamic interpretation of article 1A . Persons who have a well-founded fear of being persecuted because they have freely express their dissent political or religious opinion, their sexual orientation, or because they refuse to conform to the roles and identities attributing to their gender, can be recognised as refugees in all the countries of the study. In the context of individual persecutions, States have also commonly developed an evolutive interpretation of the persecution agents. They protect all the persons who risk to be persecuted by state agents or non-state agents. On the contrary, there are many continuing and growing divergences between States when persons flee collective persecutions because of their race, their nationality of their belonging to a religious group. They keep on developing a different interpretation of the individualist definition of the refugee. And while more and more person ask for international protection because they flee collective persecutions during an armed conflict, these divergences are even more important.

The aim of this study was to investigate the implementation and sustainability of Free Primary Education (FPE) in Swaziland in terms of the interplay between policy and practice. The study was undertaken in four schools in the Manzini region of Swaziland. The schools were purposively sampled on the basis of their location. The participants consisted of the head teacher, a teacher and a parent, and six learners from each of the schools. Two Ministry of Education and Training (MoET) officials were also included; a regional inspector for primary schools stationed at the Manzini Regional Education Offices (REOs) and a senior official stationed at MoET headquarters. A qualitative approach and a case study design were used. The participants were interviewed using semi-structured interview schedules, while the learners were engaged in focus group interviews at each school which were conducted according to a focus group interview schedule. Documents were also used as data sources. Data was analysed using a thematic and document analysis approach. The findings revealed a disconnection between policy and practice. FPE implementers are not well versed on the policies they are supposed to implement as they were not included in the policy-making process. Moreover, no consideration had been given to the legal framework underpinning FPE. It was found that the sustainability of FPE is threatened by certain indirect costs of schooling as well as the top-up fees that are being charged illegally by some schools, resulting in some learners dropping out of school – defeating the purpose of FPE and violating their right to access education. It would appear that the most contentious issue for FPE in Swaziland is the top-fee, although the head teachers were of the view that the FPE grant paid by government is inadequate for running schools and therefore top-up fees are necessary. Problems were also identified with the embezzling of school funds by head teachers. These issues have led to tension between schools and the MoET / Educational Leadership and Management / D. Ed. (Education Management)

The aim of this study was to investigate the implementation and sustainability of Free Primary Education (FPE) in Swaziland in terms of the interplay between policy and practice. The study was undertaken in four schools in the Manzini region of Swaziland. The schools were purposively sampled on the basis of their location. The participants consisted of the head teacher, a teacher and a parent, and six learners from each of the schools. Two Ministry of Education and Training (MoET) officials were also included; a regional inspector for primary schools stationed at the Manzini Regional Education Offices (REOs) and a senior official stationed at MoET headquarters. A qualitative approach and a case study design were used. The participants were interviewed using semi-structured interview schedules, while the learners were engaged in focus group interviews at each school which were conducted according to a focus group interview schedule. Documents were also used as data sources. Data was analysed using a thematic and document analysis approach. The findings revealed a disconnection between policy and practice. FPE implementers are not well versed on the policies they are supposed to implement as they were not included in the policy-making process. Moreover, no consideration had been given to the legal framework underpinning FPE. It was found that the sustainability of FPE is threatened by certain indirect costs of schooling as well as the top-up fees that are being charged illegally by some schools, resulting in some learners dropping out of school – defeating the purpose of FPE and violating their right to access education. It would appear that the most contentious issue for FPE in Swaziland is the top-fee, although the head teachers were of the view that the FPE grant paid by government is inadequate for running schools and therefore top-up fees are necessary. Problems were also identified with the embezzling of school funds by head teachers. These issues have led to tension between schools and the MoET. / Educational Leadership and Management / D. Ed. (Education Management)

Les conventions internationales de protection des droits de l’Homme ont été élaborées au début de la seconde moitié du XXe siècle. Or, le champ matériel de ces traités est étroitement connecté aux réalités humaines, elles-mêmes en constante évolution, et les développements technologiques, sociaux, économiques ou scientifiques peuvent avoir des implications directes sur l’exercice des droits et libertés fondamentaux. L’interprétation évolutive des ces instruments, consistant à les envisager « à la lumière des conditions actuelles », est alors devenue courante dans la pratique des juridictions spécialisées, bien qu’elle soit parfois envisagée avec méfiance. Absente des règles d’interprétation du droit international formulées dans la Convention de Vienne sur le droit des traités, cette modalité interprétative intrigue dans la mesure où elle conduit le juge à s’écarter parfois explicitement du texte de l’accord et donc de la volonté des parties. L’interprétation évolutive invite par conséquent à une réévaluation de la fonction interprétative du juge international, entre son encadrement théorique traditionnellement strict et les exigences empiriques du droit international contemporain / Human rights treaties have been adopted at the end of the first half of the XXth century, in a technological, social and economic context which has since then deeply evolved. To maintain the effectiveness and relevance of those treaties, specialised jurisdictions have therefore increasingly interpreted their provisions in light of current living conditions. This method, called evolutive interpretation of treaties, is still looked at with suspicion. Indeed, it is not recognised by the Vienna Convention on the law of treaties and it may lead the judge to depart from the parties intention as expressed in the text of the convention. The evolutive interpretation of treaties invites therefore to reconsider the international judge’s interpretative function, between its strict theoretical conception and the empirical needs of contemporary international law

[pt] Esta pesquisa destina-se à análise crítico-jurídica dos determinantes sistêmicos (jurídicos, políticos e econômicos) que atuam em face da efetividade dos instrumentos da justiça alimentar (do direito humano à alimentação adequada, da política de segurança alimentar e nutricional e da soberania alimentar) no Brasil. A fim de identificar e demonstrar como atuam os principais determinantes sistêmicos da justiça alimentar, dividiu-se a tese em três capítulos. O jurídico está dividido em duas seções que analisam os limites de fundamentabilidade e de justiciabilidade do ordenamento jurídico do direito humano à alimentação adequada. O político está dividido em três seções. A primeira analisa a crise da democracia como um macrodeterminante político da efetividade dos instrumentos da justiça alimentar. A segunda seção analisa injustiça alimentar como um determinante das assimetrias de poder entre os cidadãos e o sistema alimentar agroindustrial brasileiro. Na terceira seção analisam-se as espécies de determinantes políticos estruturais da injustiça alimentar que atuam em face da efetividade da política de segurança alimentar. O econômico está dividido em duas seções. Na primeira, analisam-se os determinantes econômicos na cadeia do sistema alimentar; e, na segunda, as espécies de determinantes econômicos de natureza processual-representativa: a comoditização, a corporificação e o poder de subordinação da propriedade e do mercado. Através de conclusões parciais, ao final dos capítulos, e das considerações finais, apresentam-se os principais limites, obstáculos e determinantes sistêmicos para a efetividade dos instrumentos da justiça alimentar no Brasil. / [en] This research is intended for the critical-legal analysis of the systemic determinants (legal, political and economic) that act in the face of the effectiveness of food justice instruments (the human right to adequate food, food and nutrition security policy and food sovereignty) in Brazil. In order to identify and demonstrate how the main systemic determinants of food justice work, the thesis was divided into three chapters. The legal is divided into two sections that analyze the limits of justiciability and justiciability of the legal system of the human right to adequate food. The politician is divided into three sections. The first analyzes the crisis of democracy as a political macro-determinant of the effectiveness of food justice instruments. The second section analyzes food injustice as a determinant of power asymmetries between citizens and the Brazilian agro-industrial food system. In the third section, the types of structural political determinants of food injustice that act in the face of the effectiveness of the food security policy are analyzed. The economic is divided into two sections. In the first one, the economic determinants in the food system chain are analyzed; and, in the second, the species of economic determinants of a procedural-representative nature: commoditization, embodiment and the power of subordination of property and the market. Through partial conclusions, at the end of the chapters, and final considerations, the main limits, obstacles and systemic determinants for the effectiveness of food justice instruments in Brazil are presented. / [fr] Cette recherche est destinée à l analyse critique-juridique des déterminants systémiques (juridiques, politiques et économiques) qui agissent face à l efficacité des instruments de justice alimentaire (le droit humain à une alimentation adéquate, la politique de sécurité alimentaire et nutritionnelle et la souveraineté alimentaire) au Brésil. Afin d identifier et de démontrer le fonctionnement des principaux déterminants systémiques de la justice alimentaire, la thèse a été divisée en trois chapitres. Le juridique est divisé en deux sections qui analysent les limites de la justiciabilité et de la justiciabilité du système juridique du droit humain à une alimentation adéquate. Le politicien est divisé en trois sections. La première analyse la crise de la démocratie comme un macro-déterminant politique de l efficacité des instruments de justice alimentaire. La deuxième section analyse l injustice alimentaire comme un déterminant des asymétries de pouvoir entre les citoyens et le système alimentaire agro-industriel brésilien. Dans la troisième section, les types de déterminants politiques structurels de l injustice alimentaire qui agissent face à l efficacité de la politique de sécurité alimentaire sont analysés. L économie est divisée en deux sections. Dans le premier, les déterminants économiques de la chaîne du système alimentaire sont analysés ; et, dans le second, les espèces de déterminants économiques de nature procédurale-représentative : la marchandisation, l incarnation et le pouvoir de subordination de la propriété et du marché. À travers des conclusions partielles, à la fin des chapitres, et des considérations finales, les principales limites, obstacles et déterminants systémiques de l efficacité des instruments de justice alimentaire au Brésil sont présentés.