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This dissertation examines Luke's use of kyrios within his narratives of the Gospel and the Acts of the Apostles. Luke reached back into the common religious cultural context of the early Christians where he obtained his understanding of kyrios as Yahweh from the Greek Jewish Scriptures (Chapter 1). When Luke and his Jewish audience heard kyrios, they first understood it to mean Yahweh. Luke was also writing in the larger cultural context of the Greco-Roman world and the Roman Empire, which was pervasively informed by the imperial cult (Chapter 2). Luke and his Greco-Roman audience (including his Jewish audience) instinctively recognized that kyrios' most obvious Greco-Roman referent was the emperor. Based on these identities of kyrios, Luke used his Gospel as the narrative canvas on which to develop and progressively reveal the identity of Jesus as Yahweh because he is kyrios (Chapter 3). Luke then took this established identity and made an overt political claim that Jesus is superior to the emperor as a god because he is Lord of all (Chapter 4). Luke's narrative agenda not only embraced the Jewish roots from which Christianity was born, it also challenged the environment in which it would thrive and ultimately triumph. For Luke, the identity of Jesus was profoundly clear. Jesus was Yahweh, the Lord God of Israel, born a human being and as such he explicitly replaced Caesar as Lord of all. / Religion

Lord Mansfield is typically remembered for his influence in common law and commercial law, and his decision in Somerset v. Stewart , which granted a slave, brought to England, habeas corpus to refuse his forced transportation out of that nation by his master. Both conditions allowed observers to praise him for what they viewed as very modern notions about economy and society (capitalism and anti-slavery, respectively). Mansfield's primary position as Chief Justice of King's Bench in England, which contributed most of the only published material from him, shielded him from any scrutiny about his wider influence in general British governance in the period of his public career, roughly 1740-1790. Throughout his career, Mansfield played a large role in the general government of the British Empire. Beginning with his role as Solicitor General in 1742 and continuing after he became Chief Justice in 1756, Mansfield interacted and advised the highest members of the British ruling elite, including the monarch. Because the nature of British governance in the 18th Century was very porous, Mansfield partook in the exercise of legislative (through his seats in the House and Commons and Lords), executive (through a formal seat on the Privy Council and later in the King's Closet), and judicial (through his roles as Solicitor and Attorney General, Chief Justice of King's Bench, and temporary positions as Lord Chancellor) power practically simultaneously throughout his career. In these capacities, Mansfield contributed to imperial policy at a critical moment. He was a champion for the British Empire as the beacon of the most perfect society at that time - a perspective he developed through his education and experiences during the crucial formative years of the British nation. He channeled his support for Britain into a seemingly rigid dogma that saw any threat or challenge to British authority or culture as inherently illegitimate. In this regard, Mansfield favored British domination over the other imperial powers, and he immediately rejected the earliest complaints of the Americans over British rule. Because of the nature of his position within British governance, Mansfield's view remained constant in a government that witnessed continual turnover. The potential of Mansfield's influence was not lost upon the public. Many factions from "true Whigs" such as John Wilkes, and American patriots viewed him as the epitome of the problem with the British government-its seemingly arbitrary, unconstitutional, and tyrannical posture toward everything. Mansfield posed a particular challenge for these groups because he was a Chief Justice, and they believed he was supposed to adhere to a strong notion of justice. Instead, they saw him continually leading their repression, and so they questioned the basis of the whole British system. Through pamphlets, newspapers, and visual prints, these groups identified Mansfield as a key conspirator, which they attributed to an anti-British disposition. In these ways, Mansfield and his opponents squared off over the definition of true Britishness internally and imperially. When these opponents gathered enough strength (Londoners during the Gordon Riots, and Americans with their War of Independence), they aimed to pull down Mansfield and his comrades for their violations. The former failed to overthrow society, but they arguably hastened a change in government. The latter succeeded in their movement to exit the Empire. The Revolution was not a total transformation for the Americans, however. They struggled to define their new nation and America had similar imperial aspirations. In this environment, Mansfield was the quintessential symbol of early national "leaders" bipolar attitudes towards Britain. Some leaders such as John Adams embraced their British heritage, and used Mansfield as a model to develop a strong, centralized, commercial nation. Other leaders such as Thomas Jefferson saw Mansfield as the chief villain to the idea of America. Jefferson coined the phrase "Mansfieldism" which he identified as a caustic relationship between law and government that favored the development of political and legal elitism that challenged the interests and participation of common citizens. Jefferson viewed Mansfield as the essential symbol of the American anti-revolution. These first-generation independent Americans both remembered Mansfield for his direct participation in the imperial crisis, but for Adams and his fellow Federalists, they had to initiate redemption for Mansfield to justify their program to create America. The redemption was successful. American institutions used Mansfield to fine-tune the balance between their British heritage and uniquely American outlook. As successive generations of Americans emerged into the political sphere, they remembered his seemingly progressive positions on law and society as presented through his court decisions over his actual participation against their independence. Especially through a selective reading of his decision in Somerset, Mansfield became the legal prophet for abolitionist nationalism. His decision arguably provided a legal precedent against the institution of slavery, but it more importantly transformed into the moral imperative of the movement. In this manner, Mansfield became fully redeemed among Americans. / History

Argomento centrale della ricerca è il rapporto tra liberti imperiali e comunità cittadine in Italia durante i primi secoli dell'impero. Sulla base della raccolta e dell'esame del materiale epigrafico si è cercato di ricostruire il ruolo del gruppo sociale libertino nelle città, i loro legami con il territorio e con gli altri cittadini, la loro disponibilità economica e, di conseguenza, i principali ambiti di investimento. Il quadro che è emerso evidenzia una diffusa eterogeneità, sia nello spazio che nel tempo, delle manifestazioni della presenza libertina sul suolo italico.

Sir George Grey (1812-1898) served as Governor of South Australia, of New Zealand twice, and of the Cape Colony. This thesis explains his policy for the first time for a history of the political ideas of colonization. Grey introduced the policy of racial amalgamation to settler colonies after the 1837 Report of the Select Committee into Aboriginal Affairs, that had advised the policy of segregation as had been North American policy under Sir William Johnson. This thesis demonstrates that Grey was a Liberal Anglican who had adopted neo-Harringtonian thought, and who introduced Jeffersonian native policy into British native policy. He practised the strategic theory of Antoine-Henri Jomini, applying it to native policy. Grey captured the monarchical constitution of the empire for what had been a settler policy of dissent to the segregation of indigenes that dated back to Tudor Ireland and early Viginia. Grey's distinctive intellectual practices were ethnograpical research and speculation, for which he enjoyed an international reputation, and the constitutional design of settler colonies, an activity he came to totally identify with. The thesis concentrates on his first New Zealand governorship (1845-53) and upon the resumption of his second New Zealand governorship (1861-68) because it was in that colony he first fully practised his native policy and participated in constitutional design, and into which he brought about a crisis of indigenous amalgamation on the eve of the Waikato War in 1863, having introduced full responsible government.

This thesis investigates representations of dynastic legitimacy and imperial power in the later Roman Empire (AD 284-337). It explores the continuity and change in expressions of dynastic legitimacy by, for and about the emperors of this period, which were presented in coinage, panegyrics, and other literary and material evidence. I argue that familial relationships were used throughout this period to make legitimation claims or to counter claims made by rivals, rejecting the notion of clear breaks between the third century, the Tetrarchy and the reign of Constantine. The Tetrarchy’s creation of familial links through adoption and marriage led to a web of inter-familial relationships that they and later emperors used in promoting their own claims to imperial legitimacy. At the same time, the presentation of these imperial colleges as harmonious co-rulership relied heavily on the adaptation of pre-existing strategies, which in turn would be adapted by the emperors of the early fourth century. This thesis proceeds roughly chronologically, focusing on the regimes of individual emperors and their collaborators when possible. Chapter 1 examines the creation of the Tetrarchy as an extended ‘family’ and the adaptation of ideologies of third-century co-rulership. Chapter 2 explores the changes in the Second Tetrarchy, with an especial focus on the ‘Iovian’ family of Galerius and Maximinus Daza. Chapter 3 looks at Maxentius’ claims to both ‘retrospective’ and ‘prospective’ dynastic legitimacy. Chapter 4 examines Licinius’ legitimacy both as a co-ruler and brother-in-law of Constantine, and as the beginning of a new ‘Iovian’ dynasty. Chapter 5 delves deeper into the different claims to dynastic legitimacy made by Constantine over the course of his thirty-year reign. Taken together, these chapters offer a new approach by arguing against the dichotomy between ‘dynasty’ and ‘collegiality’ that tends to dominate scholarship of this period. Instead they focus on the similarities and continuities between the representations of imperial families and imperial colleges in order to understand how perceptions of dynastic legitimacy evolved in the third and fourth centuries.

nuestra Tesis Doctoral estudia el uso de las partículas en el griego de época imperial. En el capítulo introductorio se analizan los distintos problemas que estas formas no flexivas plantean, su definición y su categorización como clase de palabras, y las distintas perspectivas que han planteado las corrientes lingüísticas para su estudio. Frente a una koiné en la que desde época helenística se observa un progresivo descenso del uso de partículas de énfasis, la eliminación de sinónimos y su especialización funcional, en época imperial cambia la tendencia, dada la importancia que adquiere el aticismo como voluntad general de imitar el griego clásico de los autores del canon. Especial atención concedemos a Luciano de Samosata, figura clave de la Segunda Sofística, y a los Santos Padres (ss. I-IV d.C.), en cuyos textos se aprecian técnicas de la retórica clásica con marcas y rasgos aticistas. / The aim of our Ph.D. dissertation is to study the use of particles in the Imperial Age Greek. An introductory chapter contains the problematic issues relating to the study of these non-inflectional words, definition and categorization as a class of words, according to the approach of different disciplines and linguistic trends. Koiné greek shows a progressive elimination of two synonym particles, functional specialization and decrease in the use of focus particles; on the other hand, Atticism and Second Sophistic turn the tendency over because of the classical authors imitation. Special attention is focused on Lucian, a key figure of the Second Sophistic, and Early Christian Fathers as well (ss. I-IV AD), as their texts exhibit atticist and classical rhetoric features.

Orientador: Claudia Valladão de Mattos / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-22T10:23:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Costa_RichardSantiago_M.pdf: 19493104 bytes, checksum: 5f25f91acbf60eab43f89b48112b2700 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / Resumo: O presente projeto de pesquisa pretende estudar duas obras específicas do pintor brasileiro Rodolfo Amoedo intituladas O último Tamoio (1883) e Marabá (1882). Tais obras serão analisadas dentro do contexto de sua produção na segunda metade do século XIX buscando identificar aspectos formais e programáticos que as aproximam e ao mesmo tempo afastam da política de criação de uma identidade nacional implementada pela Academia Imperial de Belas Artes no decorrer do século XIX. Buscaremos associar essas pinturas, tão importantes no conjunto da obra de Amoedo, ao ambiente sócio-político e cultural do Brasil oitocentista, investigando suas intenções políticas e culturais no contexto artístico do período. Além disso, interrogaremos tais pinturas na tentativa de reconhecer traços do estilo de Amoedo que as ligassem à sua formação artística tanto no Brasil quanto na Europa, trazendo referências diversas nas áreas da literatura e pintura que contribuíram para sua feitura. Será fundamental investigar como Amoedo desmonta o aparato de exaltação do mito do "índio herói nacional", identificando os traços de um indianismo tardio sem fôlego, esgotado às vésperas da proclamação da República. Para tanto, será importante confrontar literatura e artes plásticas dentro das premissas do ut pictura poesis, visto que naquela floresceu primeiro o que se convencionou chamar de "indianismo". Propomos uma reflexão sobre a figura do índio melancólico e trágico das pinturas supracitadas de Amoedo em detrimento do índio heróico e guerreiro da produção literária do período anterior e seu papel na constituição de um imaginário nacional que tinha o índio como símbolo pátrio: através das diversas ressiginificações por que passou o corpo indígena, seja no campo da pintura e da escultura, seja no campo da ilustração e da literatura, analisaremos como Amoedo se insere como renovador do indianismo acadêmico, rearranjando os elementos próprios da retórica nacionalista no final do Segundo Império / Abstract: This research project aims to study two specific works of the Brazilian painter Rodolfo Amoedo titled The Last Tamoio (1883) and Maraba (1882). Such works will be examined within the context of his production in the second half of the nineteenth century trying to identify formal and programmatic aspects which approach and at the same time move back them from the creation policy of a national identity implemented by the Imperial Academy of Fine Arts during the nineteenth century. Trying to associate these paintings, very important in Amoedo's whole works, to the social, political and cultural environment of nineteenth century on Brazil, looking for his political and cultural intentions in the artistic context of that period. Furthermore we will study such paintings trying to recognize aspects of Amoedo's style that link them to his artistic development both in Brazil and in Europe, bringing different references in literature and painting areas which was a contribution to its conception. It will be essential to investigate how Amoedo disjoints the apparatus of exaltation of the "national Indian hero" myth, identifying aspects of a late breathless "indianism", exhausted on the eve of the Republic's proclamation. Therefore, it will be important to confront literature and fine arts within the premise of ut pictura poesis, since that first grew what is conventionally called "indianism". We propose a reflection about the image of the melancholic and tragic indian of the Amoedo's paintings above in detriment of the heroic and warrior indian of the literary production of the previous period and their role in the constitution of a national imaginary that used to have indian as a native symbol: through the different reinventions of its meaning which passed the indigenous body, whether in painting and sculpture, or in the field of illustration and literature, we are going to analyze how Amoedo introduces himself as a re-newer of the academic indianism, rearranging the specific elements of the nationalist rhetoric at the end of the Second Empire / Mestrado / Historia da Arte / Mestre em História da Arte

This thesis is focused on the analysis of constitutional relations between the mother country and its Dominions. The constitutional problems along with foreign and economic policy formed one of the most significant and interesting chapters in British imperial history. The thesis analysed the formation of the first Dominions, the question of the constitutional position of the Dominions, a gradual change of the then used imperial terminology (the term British Empire vs. the term Commonwealth), and a working of system of Colonial (Imperial) Conferences in connection with the significance of the second influential imperial institution - the Imperial Defence Committee. The thesis deals with establishment of the Imperial War Cabinet, and organising the Imperial War Conference. A constitutional resolution was adopted that once and for all rejected the vision of the federalisation of the Empire and launched post-war discussions on the modification of constitutional relations between individual autonomous countries of the Commonwealth, which culminated during the Imperial Conference of 1921. The circumstances and discussions that accompanied the Chanak Incident, the Lausanne Conference, the British- Japanese alliance, the Imperial Conference of 1923, the Geneva Protocol and the Locarno Pact, all were...