[pt] Esta tese busca analisar articulações entre consumo, comunicação e movimento das mulheres no Brasil oitocentista. Particularmente, na forma de diferentes dinâmicas de consumo presente em periódicos que lutavam pela emancipação feminina no final do século XIX. Para tanto, esta pesquisa, de caráter bibliográfico e documental, recorreu mais a fontes primárias e secundárias. No âmbito teórico, refletimos, em um primeiro momento, sobre a trajetória do consumo dentro das ciências sociais e humanas, e a concepção do mesmo enquanto sistema simbólico essencial para a manutenção do capitalismo e da sociedade moderno-contemporânea. Em seguida, nos debruçamos nos estudos sobre as mulheres, com um foco especial no pensamento sobre a condição e o papel da mulher na sociedade ocidental. Dessa forma, começamos com a querelle des femmes, no final do século XV, e avançamos em direção às discussões mais recentes, pautadas por questões identitárias e anticolonialistas. Depois, nossa atenção se desloca para a história e transformação do periodismo brasileiro durante os anos 1800, em que o meio se apresenta como uma plataforma para debates e contestações políticas. Atenção especial é dispensada ao período conhecido como Belle Époque Tropical (1870-1920), que entrevê mudanças significativas na sociedade brasileira da época. Dentre elas, a emergência de um número considerável de periódicos femininos dedicados à defesa da emancipação das mulheres. Com uma base teórica e histórica sólida, apresentamos, analisamos e comparamos, enfim, o corpus desta pesquisa, recolhido a partir de oito periódicos diferentes que circularam entre os anos de 1852 e 1900, no Brasil. Eis, pois, que, o consumo não é só uma forma de satisfazer necessidades físicas ou biológicas dos seres humanos, mas, sim, um sistema simbólico complexo, é possível arguir que a existência de diversas dinâmicas de consumo associadas ao periodismo feminino no final do século XIX aponta para a existência de um movimento, com contornos feministas, que buscava estabelecer-se de maneira mais concreta no cenário nacional ainda que com mais dificuldades do que suas contrapartes estadunidenses e europeias. O movimento das mulheres no Brasil, como outros movimentos antes dele no Velho Continente, emerge de maneira desconexa, mas é de grande relevância. Dentro da esfera do consumo, desenvolvem-se relações comerciais e de troca que possibilitam entrever um emaranhado de conexões significantes entre proprietárias, editoras e redatoras de jornal com ambições sociopolítico potentes e diversos estabelecimentos comerciais, indivíduos influentes ou diferentes profissionais. / [en] This dissertation seeks to analyze the connections between consumption, communication, and women s movements in nineteenth-century Brazil. Particularly, it focuses on the different dynamics of consumption present in periodicals that fought for women s emancipation in the late 1800s. Therefore, this research, bibliographical and documental in nature, relies heavily on primary and secondary sources. Theoretical considerations begin with the trajectory of consumption within the social sciences and humanities and its conception as a symbolic system essential to the maintenance of capitalism and modern-contemporary society. The studies on women are examined next, with a special focus on the condition and role of women in Western society. The analysis begins with the querelle des femmes in the late fifteenth century and advances towards more recent discussions, about identity and anticolonial issues. Then, the focus turns to the history and transformation of Brazilian press during the 1800s, when the medium served as a platform for political debates and challenges. The period known as the Tropical Belle Époque (1870-1920), which witnessed significant changes in Brazilian society at the time, including, but not restricted to, the emergence of a considerable number of women s periodicals dedicated to the defense of women s emancipation. With a solid theoretical and historical foundation, the research corpus, collected from eight different papers that circulated between 1852 and 1900 in Brazil, is presented, analyzed, and compared. Hence, consumption is not only a way to satisfy physical or biological needs but a complex symbolic system. It is argued that the existence of different consumption dynamics associated with women s journalism in the late nineteenth century indicates the existence of a feminist movement that sought to establish itself more concretely on the national scene, albeit with more difficulties than its American and European counterparts. The women s movement in Brazil, like others before it in the Old Continent, might have emerged in a disconnected manner but is of great relevance. Within the sphere of consumption, commercial relationships are developed, which allows for significant connections between owners, editors, and newspaper writers with powerful sociopolitical ambitions and various commercial establishments, influential individuals, or different professionals.

L’étude du culte impérial romain au IVe siècle est généralement reléguée au second plan dans les recherches portant sur le sujet, souvent mis dans la même situation de déclin avec les cultes traditionnels. Or, à la lumière des sources d’époque et des travaux de certains historiens, comme Louis Bréhier, le culte impérial semble avoir vraisemblablement survécu à ce pronostique de disparition. Plus intéressant encore, le culte impérial apparait s’être transformé et adapté à la nouvelle réalité qu’offrait un Empire romain se christianisant et dont le pouvoir de l’empereur se sacralisait. Le travail présenté dans ce mémoire met en parallèle les métamorphoses que connait le culte impérial avec le renforcement du pouvoir impérial au cours du IVe siècle, tout en comparant l’évolution de la perception qu’avaient les chrétiens de cette institution fondamentalement traditionnelle. Comme mentionné ci-dessus, l’étude se base sur un corpus de sources contemporaines, allant d’homélies chrétiennes à des sources épigraphiques, en passant par les panégyriques, qui viendront corroborer l’information relevée chez plusieurs historiens s’étant penchés sur le sujet. Globalement, cette recherche démontre que le culte impérial a réussi à se départir des connotations religieuses jugées problématiques par les chrétiens tout en continuant de fonctionner et d’occuper une place centrale dans la vie des romains. Ceci, conjointement à un pouvoir impérial s’exprimant de manière absolue, va amorcer la métamorphose du culte impérial en un « culte monarchique », exaltant encore plus le pouvoir de l’empereur pour les siècles à venir. / The study of the Roman imperial cult in the 4th century has often been relegated to the background in research relating to this subject. The imperial cult has even often been relegated to the same fate than the rest of the Roman traditional cults. However, in the light of period sources and the work of certain historians, such as Louis Bréhier, the imperial cult seems to have survived this prognosis of disappearance. More interesting still, the imperial cult appears to have transformed and adapted to the new reality offered by a Christianizing Roman Empire while the power of the emperor was becoming more sacred. The work presented in this thesis parallels the metamorphosis experienced by the imperial cult with the strengthening of imperial power during the fourth century, while comparing the evolution of the perception that Christians had of this fundamentally traditional institution. As mentioned above, the study is based on a body of contemporary sources, ranging from Christian homilies to epigraphic sources which will corroborate the information found in the work of several historians who have studied the topic. Overall, this research demonstrates that the imperial cult succeeded in shedding religious connotations that Christians considered problematic while continuing to function and occupy a central place in the life of the Romans. This, together with an imperial power expressed in absolute terms, initiated the metamorphosis of the imperial cult into a "monarchical cult", exalting even more the emperor's power for centuries to come.

The aim of this thesis is to approach Ptolemaic and Imperial royal sculpture in Egypt dating between 300 BC and AD 220 (the reigns of Ptolemy I and Caracalla) from a contextual point of view. To collect together the statuary items (recognised as statues, statue heads and fragments, and inscribed bases and plinths) that are identifiably royal and have a secure archaeological context, that is a secure find spot or a recoverable provenance, within Egypt. I then used this material, alongside other types of evidence such as textual sources and numismatic material, to consider the distribution, style, placement, and functions of the royal statues, and to answer the primary questions of where were these statues located? what was the relationship between statue, especially statue style, and placement? And what changes can be identified between Ptolemaic and Imperial royal sculpture? From analysis of the sculptural evidence, this thesis was able to create a catalogue of 103 entries composed of 157 statuary items, and use this to identify the different styles of royal statues that existed in Ptolemaic and Imperial Egypt and the primary spaces for the placement of such imagery, namely religious and urban space. The results of this thesis, based on the available evidence, was the identification of a division between sculptural style and context regarding the royal statues, with Egyptian-style material being placed in Egyptian contexts, Greek-style material in Greek, and Imperial-style statues associated with classical contexts. The functions of the statues appear to have also typically been closely related to statue style and placement. Many of the statues were often directly associated with their location, meaning they were an intrinsic part of the function and appearance of the context they occupied, as well as acting as representations of the monarchs. Primarily, the royal statues acted as a way to establish and maintain communication between different groups in Egypt.

This thesis analyses the nation-building work that the Indian Army undertook during the military administration of Malaya, 1945-6. This was a two-part process, taking in military-led relief work and a political reform scheme. Historians have conducted little work on the Indian Army’s role in the British return to empire in Malaya, thus the army’s crucial and nuanced role has been overlooked. This limits the understanding of the army’s institutional development and role in Malayan nation-building between 1945-6. This thesis redresses this. It argues that the military administration of Malaya encapsulated the culmination of wartime changes to the role of the Indian Army fighting soldier. Whereas before the war the Indian Army found it expedient to keep its soldiers isolated from current affairs, British experience during the Second World War instead suggested that soldiers educated in current affairs could be very effective. Concurrently, British military leaders began to think on the role of the Indian Army and its men after the war. They concluded that the Indian Army’s soldiers could become catalysts of national political and social development, and initially identified this as a role for the army in post-war India. Furthermore, it was felt that the Indian Army could contribute both to the Commonwealth and United Nations ideals. The return to Malaya encapsulated these changes to the conception of the Indian Army soldier and was a practical expression and measure of these. The soldiers became agents of political change, imperial re-entrenchment and administration – which this thesis terms ‘soldier-administrators’. The Indian Army, it is argued, was deployed consciously as a nation-building force, using the new thinking on the role of Indian Army soldiers. In so doing, the Indian Army partook in targeted schemes for military relief, political reform and nation-building to try to build the new Malayan nation.

In the decade following the Asian-African Conference of 1955, the communist government of the People’s Republic of China took unprecedented interest in its relations with countries in the Middle East. China’s leaders formed particularly strong ties first with Gamal Abdel Nasser’s Egypt, then, beginning in 1958, with the Algerian Front de Libération Nationale (FLN), which at that time was engaged in a bitter struggle for independence from France. The bonds that developed between China and Egypt and between China and Algeria were strengthened by a shared commitment of the governments of these countries to carry out “revolutions” that would challenge Western preeminence in global affairs and establish their own societies as independent voices on the world stage. The common ideological heritage of these three revolutionary countries allowed their leaders to forge connections that went beyond mere expressions of mutual support. Sino-Arab relations in the 1950s and 1960s cannot be explained by a realist narrative of attempts to exert power or influence through high-level diplomacy; rather, the evolving relationships between China and its Arab allies demonstrate how three countries could co-opt one another’s experiences to define and articulate their own nationalist identities on behalf of domestic audiences. This thesis pays particular attention to two constituencies that played a central role in mediating the development of Sino-Arab relations: Chinese Muslims and Arab leftists. Focusing on publications about Sino-Arab relations written by or intended for members of these two groups makes clear the manners in which domestic ideological concerns shaped the development of international relationships. Sino-Egyptian and Sino-Algerian relations between 1955 and 1965 were primarily symbolic. The perception of international amity gave journalists, policymakers, intellectuals, and religious figures free rein to expound their own distorted interpretations of Chinese and Arab society in order to promote their own ideological causes. These causes, which varied over the course of the decade, included the incorporation of Chinese Muslims into Chinese politics, the conferral of revolutionary legitimacy on Nasser’s government, the celebration of China as a champion of global revolution, the legitimization of the FLN, and the presentation of China as a fully anti-imperialist country in contrast to the Soviet Union. Each of these projects had in common the enduring goal of transforming how citizens of China, Egypt, and Algeria perceived their own national identity.

The planned language Esperanto achieved popularity in early twentieth century Japan, inspiring a national movement which was the largest outside Europe. Esperanto was designed to facilitate greater international and inter-cultural communication and understanding; the history of the language in Japan reveals a rich tradition of internationalism in Japan, stretching from the beginnings of the movement, in the wake of the Russo-Japanese war, through the end of the Pacific war, when, for a brief period, organised Esperanto in Japan ceased. Building upon existing studies of internationalism amongst elite opinion makers in Japan, this history of Esperanto reveals unexpected examples of internationalism amongst the broader Japanese public, a number of competing conceptions of the international world, and their realisation through a range of transnational activities. Esperanto was at once an intellectual phenomenon, and a language which could be put into immediate and concrete practice. The diversity of social groups and intellectual positions within the Japanese Esperanto community reveals internationalism and cosmopolitanism, not as well defined, static concepts, but as broad spaces in which different ideas of the world and the community of mankind could be debated. What linked the various different groups and individuals drawn into the Japanese Esperanto movement was a shared desire to make contact with, and help to reform, the world beyond Japan's borders, as well as a shared realisation of the vital role of language in making this contact possible. From radical socialists to conservative academics, and from Japanese diplomats at the League of Nations to members of rural communities in the deep north of Japan, although their politics often differed, Japanese Esperantists came together to participate in the re-imagining of the modern world; in doing so they became part of a transnational community, one which reveals insights into both modern Japanese history, and the nature of internationalism.

<p>This dissertation examines how the crisis of World War I impacted imperial policy and popular claims-making in the British Caribbean. Between 1915 and 1918, tens of thousands of men from the British Caribbean volunteered to fight in World War I and nearly 16,000 men, hailing from every British colony in the region, served in the newly formed British West Indies Regiment (BWIR). Rousing appeals to imperial patriotism and manly duty during the wartime recruitment campaigns and postwar commemoration movement linked the British Empire, civilization, and Christianity while simultaneously promoting new roles for women vis-à-vis the colonial state. In Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago, the two colonies that contributed over seventy-five percent of the British Caribbean troops, discussions about the meaning of the war for black, coloured, white, East Indian, and Chinese residents sparked heated debates about the relationship among race, gender, and imperial loyalty. </p><p>To explore these debates, this dissertation foregrounds the social, cultural, and political practices of BWIR soldiers, tracing their engagements with colonial authorities, military officials, and West Indian civilians throughout the war years. It begins by reassessing the origins of the BWIR, and then analyzes the regional campaign to recruit West Indian men for military service. Travelling with newly enlisted volunteers across the Atlantic, this study then chronicles soldiers' multi-sited campaign for equal status, pay, and standing in the British imperial armed forces. It closes by offering new perspectives on the dramatic postwar protests by BWIR soldiers in Italy in 1918 and British Honduras and Trinidad in 1919, and reflects on the trajectory of veterans' activism in the postwar era. </p><p>This study argues that the racism and discrimination soldiers experienced overseas fueled heightened claims-making in the postwar era. In the aftermath of the war, veterans mobilized collectively to garner financial support and social recognition from colonial officials. Rather than withdrawing their allegiance from the empire, ex-servicemen and civilians invoked notions of mutual obligation to argue that British officials owed a debt to West Indians for their wartime sacrifices. This study reveals the continued salience of imperial patriotism, even as veterans and their civilian allies invoked nested local, regional, and diasporic loyalties as well. In doing so, it contributes to the literature on the origins of patriotism in the colonial Caribbean, while providing a historical case study for contemporary debates about "hegemonic dissolution" and popular mobilization in the region. </p><p>This dissertation draws upon a wide range of written and visual sources, including archival materials, war recruitment posters, newspapers, oral histories, photographs, and memoirs. In addition to Colonial Office records and military files, it incorporates previously untapped letters and petitions from the Jamaica Archives, National Archives of Trinidad and Tobago, Barbados Department of Archives, and US National Archives.</p> / Dissertation

This thesis investigates the emergence of an internationally renowned psychiatric community in Uganda. Starting at the beginning of colonial rule in 1894, it traces the changing nature of mental health care both within and beyond the state, examining the conditions that allowed psychiatry to develop as a significant intellectual tradition in the years following Independence in 1962. This ‘golden age’ of psychiatry saw Uganda establish itself as a leader of mental health care in Africa, an aspect of history that is all the more marked for its contrast with the almost complete collapse of mental health care after the expulsion of the Asian population by Idi Amin in 1972. Using a wide range of new source material, including interviews with psychiatrists, traditional healers, and community elders, this thesis pushes the history of psychiatry in Africa beyond the examination of government policy and colonial hegemony. It brings together the history of psychiatry with the histories of missionary medicine, medical education, and international health by asking what types of people, institutions, and organisations were involved in the provision of mental health care; how important the growth of Makerere Medical School was for intellectual and institutional psychiatry; and how ‘African’ mental health care had become by the end of the period. It presents a history of mental health care in a country that has tended to be overshadowed by Kenya in the historiography, yet whose engagement with medical missionaries and efforts to advance medical training meant that the trajectory of psychiatry came to be quite different. Focusing in particular on the significance of western-trained Ugandan medical practitioners for mental health care, the thesis not only analyses African psychiatrists as historical actors in their own right, but represents the first attempt to examine the development of psychiatric education in Africa.

Die Dissertation hat zu ihrem Gegenstand den Kult der Drachenkönige, longwang, im China der späten Kaiserzeit, namentlich der Dynastien der Ming und vor allem der Qing, genommen. Bei den Drachenkönigen handelt es sich um funktionale Gottheiten, welche nahezu im gesamten chinesischen Kaiserreich verehrt wurden und deren wesentliche Aufgabe in der Gewährung und Kontrolle von Niederschlägen verstanden wurde. Darüber hinaus konnten und haben sie in regionalen Variationen noch über weitere Funktion verfügt, welche jedoch alle mit dem Element Wasser in Verbindung standen. Das Ziel dieser Studie war es, für den genannten Zeitraum darzulegen, welche prägenden Einflussfaktoren auf die Vorstellung von den Drachenkönigen und den mit diesen verbundenem Kult einwirkten. Es wurden die Faktoren herausgearbeitet, welche maßgeblich dazu beitrugen, den Kult der Drachenkönige zu verbreiten und welche für die konkrete Ausgestaltung der Inhalte, Glaubensvorstellungen und Praktiken dieses Kults besonders auf lokaler Ebene als ursächlich angenommen werden können. Da man die Drachenkönige aufgrund ihrer Hauptfunktion, nämlich der Kontrolle der Niederschläge, treffend als Naturgottheit charakterisieren kann, war die Arbeit, inspiriert von den Überlegungen der sogenannten cultural ecology, von der These ausgegangen, dass der Kult der Drachenkönige in seinen regionalen und lokalen Ausprägungen hauptsächlich durch die jeweils vorherrschenden geographischen und hier besonders die klimatischen (und meteorologischen) sowie topographischen Umweltbedingungen geprägt wurde. Zur umfassenden Beantwortung der oben genannten Fragestellung beruht die Arbeit auf einer Kombination mehrerer Quellen und der zur jeweiligen Auswertung geeigneten Methoden. Dabei zieht sich durch die gesamte Arbeit ein Vergleich zweier Regionen des spätkaiserzeitlichen Chinas. Es handelt sich dabei um die Regionen von Jinzhong im Zentrum der nordchinesischen Binnenprovinz Shanxi und von Jiangnan südlich des Unterlaufs des Flusses Changjiang, das zum Teil die im südlicheren China gelegene Küstenprovinz Jiangsu umfasste. Beide Regionen unterscheiden sich in Bezug auf ihre topograpischen und klimatischen Gegebenheiten deutlich voneinander. Die Quellengrundlage, auf welche sich dieser Vergleich im Wesentlichen stützt, sind zum einen Lokalbeschreibungen, fangzhi oder difangzhi, sowie Quellen der spätkaiserzeitlichen xiaoshuo-Literatur (vor allem zhiguai und biji) und moderner Volkserzählungen, minjian gushi. Die methodische Vorgehensweise spiegelt sich auch im Aufbau der Arbeit gemäß ihren Hauptkapiteln wider. Darüber hinaus gibt sie einen Überblick über die historische Entwicklung des Kults der Drachenkönige sowie die bestimmenden geographischen Grundlagen des spätkaiserzeitlichen Chinas. Ein ausführlicher Anhang ist der Arbeit beigefügt. Die grundlegenden Ergebnisse lassen sich überblicksartig folgendermaßen zusammenfassen: - Die Drachenkönige sind keine originären chinesischen Gottheiten. Vielmehr entstand die Vorstellung über sie und damit ihr Kult aus einer Vermischung des indisch-buddhistischen Glaubens an nāgarāja genannte Schlangengottheiten sowie der chinesischen Vorstellung von Drachen, long, ohne dabei letztere zu verdrängen oder zu ersetzen. - Darüber hinaus konnte festgestellt werden, dass die Drachenkönige als funktionale Gottheiten zu verstehen sind. Das soll heißen, dass ihr Kult und dessen Inhalte ebenso wie ihre Bedeutung für die Gesellschaft der späten Kaiserzeit und die Ursachen dafür, dass sie als Gottheiten und daher als heilige Wesen betrachtet und verehrt wurden, darin begründet waren, dass sie eine wichtige Funktion erfüllten, welche eng mit den Lebensbedürfnissen der Menschen dieser Zeit verbunden war. - Der hauptsächliche Inhalt des Kults der Drachenkönig, wie er vor allem in der Region Jinzhong hervortrat, lag in ihrer Funktion als Bringer und Kontolleure der Niederschläge begründet. Jedoch erfuhren sie darüber hinaus eine funktionale Erweiterung und Ausdifferenzierung, welche sich vor allem in der Region Jiangnan zeigte und auf die Anpassung des Kultes an die vorherrschenden lokalen Gegebenheiten in Hinblick auf Topographie und Klima zurückzuführen war. - Gleichwohl in der Arbeit geographische Einflussfaktoren für die Untersuchung des Kults der Drachenkönige von besonderem Interesse waren, zeigte sich doch deutlich, dass diese allein nicht genügten, um die Inhalte dieses Kults und die damit verbundenen Glaubensvorstellungen und Praktiken zu erklären. Dies betraf sowohl die Betrachtung einer allgemeinen, gesamtchinesischen Ebene als auch die hier angestrebte lokale Perspektive. Statt daher den Blick durch unzulässige monokausale Erklärungsansätze zu verengen, muss die Vielzahl der natürlichen wie auch anthropogenen Einflussfaktoren auf die Ausprägung des Kults der Drachenkönige betont werden. Natürliche beziehungsweise geographische Faktoren, wozu in diesem Falle vor allem Topographie und Klima zu zählen sind, waren jedoch in Hinblick auf den Kult der Drachenkönige von besonders prägender Bedeutung. - Schließlich konnte noch festgestellt werden, dass den Drachenkönigen ein sehr ambivalenter Charakter innewohnte, da diese sowohl als segensreich als auch als schädlich erachtet werden konnten. Auch hierin spiegelt sich die natürliche Umwelt der Menschen des spätkaiserzeitlichen Chinas wider, welche einerseits reiche Ernten liefern konnte, andererseits auch von schweren Dürren und Überschwemmungen geprägt war. Die Drachenkönige brachten gemäß der verbreiteten Vorstellungen den notwendigen und rechtzeitigen Regen für eine erfolgreiche Landwirtschaft, doch waren sie gemäß den herrschenden Vorstellungen gleichzeitig für Dürren und Überschwemmungen sowie die daraus resultierenden Ernteausfälle und Hungersnöte verantwortlich.

This study aims to account for the high degree of influence and intensity displayed in bi-lateral relations between Russia and the other post-Soviet states - specifically Belarus, Ukraine and Kazakhstan (BUK.) It seeks to do so by employing an analytical framework based around the concept of 'post-Imperialism,' arguing that persistent legacies of the imperial past have both ensured a high degree of intensity in bilateral relationships as well as providing pathways of influence over certain policy areas - primarily for Russia, but in some instances for BUK as well. It also seeks to examine imperial legacy issues as distinct 'types' - from physical economic and military infrastructure, to cross-border constellations of elite personnel to the normative and cognitive inheritances of imperialism amongst both the elite and the population at large. It concludes that Russia has been able to mobilise and employ power resources not available to alternative actors in order to 'punch above its weight' when competing with other powers for influence in the post-Soviet space, and preserve certain Soviet era patterns of relations. It is not the focus of this study, but it is to be hoped that the framework will prove useful for researchers in other former imperial polities in future.