of the Dissertation The Musical Entourage of Rudolf II (1576-1612) reconstructed from the Imperial Accounting Ledgers Michaela Žáčková Rossi (2016, Supervisor: doc. PhDr. Petr Daněk Ph.D.) The proposed dissertation is undertaken as an attempt to make accessible the payments of the imperial court under Rudolf II concerning its musical life. Quite a century ago Albert Smijers published payments to the imperial musicians, but only to them of the chapel, while the other categories were considered unsystematically; but even among the "trometter", "kammermusici" and "servants on two and more horses" we find excellent composers. This dissertation, using the known sources and on the basis of new heuristics in the State Archives of Vienna, brings for the first time a complete list of all musicians of the Rudolf's court, including the period, function and wages development of their stay. Thanks to the extensive lists and graphs, it also present the specialization and career evolution of the Imperial musicians, number and quality of their extraordinary payments, bonuses etc. The conception of a first global view on the Rudolfine musical entourage in Prague will be complemented in a forthcoming monograph by a complete list of (Gnadengeld), it means "grace payments" to the musicians for their music dedications...

L’étude de la Lydie antique s’est traditionnellement concentrée sur deux points : les recherches sur les origines de la monnaie et la période lydo-perse d’une part, et la cité de Sardes d’autre part. Cette recherche propose d’étudier cette région à partir d’un corpus numismatique, afin d’établir l’histoire de la Lydie à travers les différentes expériences impériales des époques hellénistique et romaine. Avec la conquête d’Alexandre le Grand et l’installation de l’ordre séleucide, la Lydie entre pleinement dans le monde grec. Avec l’extension de la puissance pergaménienne, et donc la rivalité croissante entre les Attalides et les Séleucides, les cités lydiennes se trouvent au coeur des grands enjeux internationaux de la période. Malgré l’installation romaine à la fin du IIe siècle avant J.-C., la Lydie reste troublée par les tensions de la basse époque hellénistique. L’étude de la période impériale ouvre d’autres perspectives : questionner la rupture traditionnelle entre période hellénistique et romaine, appréhender les conséquences la réforme monétaire d’Auguste, étudier les relations entre hellénisme et romanité et apporter un éclairage nouveau sur la « crise » du IIIe siècle. Cette étude propose d’inscrire la Lydie dans un temps long permettant de questionner les modalités de son intégration aux espaces impériaux qui la dominent et d’interroger les processus d’hellénisation et de romanisation d’une région orientale au passé prestigieux / The study of antique Lydia has traditionally been focused on two lines: research on the origin of the money and the Lydo-Persian period on the one hand, and the city of Sardis on the other hand. The aim of this research is to study the history of this region from a collection of numismatic sources, to establish the story of Lydia through the different imperial experience of the Hellenistic and Imperial areas. With Alexander’s conquest and the installation of the Seleucid’s organisation, Lydia completely joined the Greek world. With the extension of Pergamon’s power, and the rising rivalry between the Attalids and the Seleucids, Lydian cities found themselves at the heart of the time period’s major international issues. Despite the Roman settlement in Asia Minor at the end of the second century B.C., Lydia experienced tensions from lower Hellenistic period on. The study of the imperial period opens up other perspectives: disregarding the traditional separation between the Hellenistic and the Roman periods, grasping the consequences of Augustus’s monetary reform, reviewing the links between Hellenism and Romanity, and providing a new light upon the “crisis” of the Third century. This study would fit Lydia into a long time period, questioning its integration into imperial spaces which prevail over, and questioning the process of Hellenisation and Romanisation of a region which has a glorious past

This work presents an analysis about power and politics in imperial Brazil as it seeks to show the traces the genesis and trajectory of two families in the backcountry of Bahia and Sergipe: the Fontes and the Dantas, which constituted powerful groups that accomplished regional importance by the confluence of political action and marriage arrangements. The research analyzes the literature pertinent to the object and printed sources and manuscripts from the nineteenth century located in the Instituto Histórico e Geográfico de Sergipe, in the Arquivo do Judiciário, in the Arquivo Público de Sergipe (Aracaju/SE), in the Arquivo do Barão de Jeremoabo (Itapicuru/BA), in the Paróquia Nossa Senhora da Piedade – (Lagarto/SE), in the Associação Nacional dos Professores de História, in the Arquivo Público do Estado da Bahia (Salvador/BA), in the Arquivo Público do Judiciário do Estado de Sergipe (Aracaju/SE), in the Biblioteca Nacional (Rio de Janeiro/RJ) and in the Instituto Geográfico e Histórico da Bahia. The text outlines the political transformations that have occurred in Portuguese America and its reflections in the sertão of Sergipe, and especially of Bahia; identifies the main agents of the spaces of power and their politic and social participation and highlights the efforts of a family to remain active in the public sphere. / Este trabalho apresenta uma análise acerca do poder e política no Brasil imperial ao buscar evidenciar os traços da gênese e da trajetória de duas famílias no sertão baiano e sergipano: os Fontes e os Dantas, as quais constituíram grupos poderosos e de importância regional pela confluência de ação política e de arranjos matrimoniais. A pesquisa analisa a bibliografia pertinente ao objeto e fontes impressas e manuscritas do século XIX localizadas no Instituto Histórico e Geográfico de Sergipe, no Arquivo do Judiciário, no Arquivo Público de Sergipe (Aracaju/SE), no Arquivo do Barão de Jeremoabo (Itapicuru/BA), na Paróquia Nossa Senhora da Piedade - Lagarto/SE, na Associação Nacional dos Professores de História, no Arquivo Público do Estado da Bahia (Salvador/BA), no Arquivo Público do Judiciário do Estado de Sergipe (Aracaju/SE), na Biblioteca Nacional (Rio de Janeiro/RJ) e no Instituto Geográfico e Histórico da Bahia. O texto esboça as transformações políticas ocorridas na América Portuguesa e seus reflexos no sertão de Sergipe e, em especial, da Bahia; identifica agentes dominantes dos espaços de poder e sua atuação política e social e destaca os esforços de uma família para se manter atuante na esfera pública. / São Cristóvão, SE

Analisamos neste trabalho como as transformações econômicas e sociais, que ocorreram no Segundo Reinado, contribuíram para desestabilizar a ordem imperial e, ao mesmo tempo, fortalecer o movimento republicano. As mudanças relacionadas à manutenção do trabalho escravo, que se colocava como o principal pilar de sustentação da ordem imperial, desencadearam necessidades divergentes que não podiam ser satisfatoriamente atendidas pela monarquia brasileira. Com isso, o movimento republicano que se organiza a partir de 1870 busca nas fragilidades do Império o seu espaço de atuação. Os republicanos, sentindo-se excluídos do jogo político imperial, viram na República Federativa a alternativa para a centralização política e administrativa do Império. Mas, é em São Paulo, onde os efeitos negativos dessa centralização eram mais sentidos, que se desenvolve o partido republicano mais forte e organizado do movimento. O republicano paulista Alberto Sales, dialogando com a insatisfação da elite econômica de São Paulo, envolve-se no trabalho doutrinário, que tinha como objetivo construir um programa capaz de orientar a ação republicana e torná-la coesa. Entretanto, os rumos que a República tomou na sua primeira década de vigência contribuíram para que esse propagandista paulista se desencantasse com ela. Buscamos aqui explorar o contexto político, econômico e social em que o movimento republicano emerge e investigar, a partir da teoria que orientou o movimento em São Paulo, as razões que poderiam explicar o desencantamento de um dos seus principais propagandistas com a República que se efetivou. / The objective of this paper is to analyze how the economical and social changes which occurred in the Second Empire helped to destabilize the imperial order and, at the same time, strengthen the republican movement. The changes related to the maintenance of slavery, which was the foundation of the imperial order, yielded divergent needs that could not be met satisfactorily by the Brazilian monarchy. Thus, the republican movement that became organized after 1870 tried to find in the empires´ weaknesses its field of action. The republicans, feeling excluded from the imperial political game, saw in the Federal Republic an alternative for the administrative and political centralization of the Empire. But, in Sao Paulo, where the negative effects of this centralization were most seriously felt, the strongest and best organized Republican Party arose. Alberto Sales, a republican from Sao Paulo, conversing with the dissatisfied economically elite there, got involved in political indoctrination to build a program capable of guiding the republican action and making it consistent. Nevertheless, the direction taken by the Republic in its first decade led the propagandist Alberto Sales to disappointment. We wish here to explore the political, economical and social contexts in which the republican movement emerged and to investigate, by taking as a starting point the theory that guided the movement in Sao Paulo, the reasons that could explain the disappointment of one of the Republic\'s most important propagandists.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2016-09-02T12:30:27Z No. of bitstreams: 1 carlabeatrizdealmeida.pdf: 1402127 bytes, checksum: 038879361c662a52ec7f433c71b587d5 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Diamantino Mayra (mayra.diamantino@ufjf.edu.br) on 2016-09-06T11:52:28Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 carlabeatrizdealmeida.pdf: 1402127 bytes, checksum: 038879361c662a52ec7f433c71b587d5 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-06T11:52:28Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 carlabeatrizdealmeida.pdf: 1402127 bytes, checksum: 038879361c662a52ec7f433c71b587d5 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-07-05 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / O presente trabalho pretende promover a discussão sobre a trajetória do Supremo Tribunal de Justiça (funcionamento e composição) no período de 1849 a 1855. Através dos Livros de Atas de Julgamentos deste tribunal, dos relatórios do Ministério da Justiça, do Banco de Dados dos Ministros do Supremo Tribunal de Justiça e outras fontes, percebemos que os limites impostos ao Supremo Tribunal para tentar isolá-lo de possíveis conflitos políticos não lograram êxito completamente. A partir da década de 1840, a situação do Supremo Tribunal de Justiça e a questão da interferência do Executivo no Judiciário estará constantemente nos debates políticos da época. Refletimos sobre o método da prosopografia - sua aplicação e contribuição na pesquisa histórica -, bem como buscamos traçar o perfil coletivo dos membros do Supremo que na sua maioria exerceu cargos na Administração Pública e desta forma interferiu nos rumos do Estado Imperial Brasileiro. / The present work intends to promote discussion about the history of the Supreme Court (functioning and composition) in the period from 1849 to 1855. Using the Books of Acts of judgments of this court, reports the Ministry of Justice, the Database of the Supreme Court’s members and other sources, we realized the limits imposed the Supreme Court to try to isolate it of possible political conflicts were not successful. Since the 1840s, the state Supreme Court and the issue of executive interference in the judiciary will be constantly in the political debates of that age. Reflecting about the prosopography method - its application and contribution to historical research – and profiling the members of the Supreme which most of them provided the statement and interfered in the course of the Empire of Brazil.

À partir du règne de Constantin Ier, la défense de l’Empire fut mise en œuvre par un corps de généraux qui récupérèrent les anciens pouvoirs militaires des préfets du prétoire : les magistri militum. Confrontés à des menaces militaires incessantes (pression barbare aux frontières et épisodes de guerre civile), ces officiers supérieurs furent la plupart du temps épargnés par les purges qui frappaient le personnel de cour, car ils constituaient une assise fondamentale du pouvoir de l’empereur. Au début du Ve siècle ap. J.-C., l’Empire romain unifié fit place à deux partes imperii indépendantes, voire rivales : un Empire byzantin replié sur l’Orient, et une partie occidentale qui tendit à se fragmenter en royaumes barbares. Comment le haut commandement militaire évolua-t-il dans chacune de ces régions ? Ce corps d’officiers a fait l’objet d’une étude prosopographique tenant compte des recherches les plus récentes, en vue de fournir une synthèse qui a été menée selon trois axes principaux : - en termes institutionnels, quelle était la place de ces généraux dans la chaîne de commandement ?- en termes d’histoire militaire, quel fut le rôle de ces généraux dans les transformations que connut l’armée romaine tardive ?- en termes d’histoire sociale, comment cette noblesse militaire, dont une partie avait des origines barbares, se définissait-elle par rapport à la romanité et à la société de cour tardo-antique ? / From the reign of Constantine the Great onward, the defence of the Empire was the responsibility of a group of generals who were trusted with the previous military responsabilities of the pretorian prefects : the magistri militum. Facing restless threats (barbarian pressure on the frontiers and episodes of civil war), these high officers were most of the time kept away from the regular revolutions that struck the court : they were one of the base of the imperial authority. At the beginning of the fifth century, the unified roman Empire had been replaced by two independent, sometimes even rival partes imperii : a byzantine Empire, limited to the East, and a western part which eventually collapsed to form barbarian kingdoms. How did the high military command evolve in each of these parts ?A prosopographical study, taking into account the most up-to-date research, has been made on this group of officiers, in order to provide a synthesis developing three main axis :- from an institutional point of view, what was the place of these generals in the chain of command ?- from a military point of view, which role did this generals play in the transformations that affected the Late roman army ?- from a social point of view, how did this military nobility, which included people with barbarian origins, defined herself with regard to romanity and the Late Antique court society ?

This thesis examines the establishment and development of the worship of the emperor and his family members in the Latin West, tracing specifically the cult of those who were officially deified at Rome and received the title of divus or diva. It seeks to answer three questions: 1. Does uniformity of cult practices and priestly titles increase or decrease over time 2. What prompted change in cult practice (reflected in priestly titles) and how was this change managed? 3. What factors influenced the choices made by communities throughout the Latin West concerning these cults? It addresses these questions through a number of specific case studies. It begins with a study of how the practice of deification (consecratio) was established and how it developed within the city of Rome. It then examines priestly titles associated with the cult of the divi/divae in three groups of provinces: the Gauls, the Spains, and the provinces of North Africa. Finally, it discusses the spread of the worship of the divi/divae throughout the empire by examining the Augustales (and other variations on this title) and the priests responsible for overseeing cult to individual divi/divae. The evidence discussed is primarily epigraphical but is supplemented with numismatic, archaeological and literary evidence where it is available. This thesis addresses a number of hypotheses concerning Rome’s role in the development of cult in the Latin West, principally, that cult was imposed on communities in the provinces by the centre, that the establishment of cult was based on a series of models and adopted in similar ways throughout the provinces, and that the coloniae were responsible for bringing Roman culture and religion to the peregrine communities. It argues that even though some provincial cults were established through direct intervention from members of the imperial family, it was still up to the communities themselves to oversee cult practice and finance the cult. In the case of civic cult, there is little to no evidence of involvement from the centre. Civic cult was established by local initiative and did not originate in the coloniae and spread to other communities. Instead, it tended to arise in peregrine communities (and municipia) from the earliest development of this cult (as well as some coloniae) as individual communities sought to forge a connection with the imperial family and find their place within, and in connection to, the Roman Empire.

Since the euphoria of a hard-won independence and the hopes attached to socialist nation-building, Algeria has experienced liberalisation, increasing inequality and civil war. This thesis sets out to explore memories of post-independence nation-building in the 1970s, interrogating the past-present relationship, by asking how Algerians remember their own recent past, and what these memories reveal about contemporary subjectivities. Based on a year of ethnographic fieldwork in the low-income Algiers neighbourhood of Bab el-Oued, the research focuses specifically on memories of politics, urban space and sociability. While the authoritarianism of the period was rejected for its repression of civil liberties, the overwhelming narrative on the period was nostalgic, with the past routinely couched as more positive than the present. Memories of intense social mobility and rising living standards within the context of state-led development, competent urban management and warm neighbourhood relations governed by traditional morality and solidarity were used to critique the present; particularly the retreat of the state from its responsibilities since the 1980s and the fragmented, consumerist society that has emerged from civil conflict since the 1990s. However, social memory also translated a series of principles that demonstrated the continued relevance of the egalitarian claims made by postcolonial nationalism. Popular notions of social justice mapped future aspirations for the Algerian polity. Nostalgia was not only a matter of the past, but of the lost future of material plenty and equality promised by industrial modernisation that once seemed just over the horizon, but is now divorced from present experience. Such memories translated the passing of the dream of mass utopia, even though the modernist principles of equality, justice and progress continued to underpin both daily interactions and the political aspirations of the present.

L’usurpation politique sous l’Empire romain a fait l’objet d’approches historiographiques récentes et novatrices avec les travaux, notamment, d’Egon Flaig et de Joachim Szidat, au point d’occuper une place essentielle dans la définition du pouvoir impérial. Le travail ici mené se propose de faire une étude en deux temps de ce phénomène, qui exista avant d’être nommé tardivement (au IVè siècle). Une première partie se propose d’en étudier le vocabulaire riche et varié à travers l’examen de l’ensemble des sources disponibles considérées dans leur évolution chronologique afin de voir peu à peu émerger ce concept politique et d’en proposer une définition tenant compte de cette analyse philologique. La lecture des différents auteurs de la fin de la République et des premiers siècles de l’Empire, mais aussi des époques plus tardives, permettent de mettre en évidence la structuration de leur pensée politique du phénomène, tant dans le domaine des idées abstraites reprises de la philosophie grecque (Platon et Aristote), que dans le recours au mythe comme clé d’analyse (depuis Virgile jusqu’à Sénèque).A cette étude des mots et des idées succède une seconde partie qui se donne pour but d’appliquer la définition proposée dans la première partie à l’étude de la période du Haut-Empire. Les usurpations y sont recensées d’une façon exhaustive en prenant en compte non seulement celles qui eurent effectivement lieu (au demeurant peu nombreuses) mais aussi toutes celles qui firent l’objet d’un soupçon et d’une mise en accusation. Ainsi sont mis en valeur des types de profils de candidats, des scénarios de conquête du pouvoir et de légitimation de celui-ci, mais aussi des techniques de contrôle et de conservation du pouvoir de la part de ceux qui se présentent comme des détenteurs légitimes parce qu’ils prétendent incarner le consensus de tous les citoyens de l’Empire. L’usurpation se révèle alors comme étant un phénomène politique central dont la menace réapparaît chaque fois que ce consensus faiblit, et qui s’efface lorsque ce consensus est rétabli. Moteur de l’évolution politique, il est un moyen d’expérimenter des modèles de conquête et de conservation du pouvoir faisant office d'exempla, et dont la prise en compte permet de modifier quelque peu la périodisation par règne. / Political usurpation in the days of the Roman Empire has been the topic of many recent and innovative historiographical approaches, among which those of Egon Flaig and Joachim Szidat, to the point of becoming a defining feature of imperial power. This political phenomenon, whose existence preceedes its late denomination as « usurpatio » (during the IVth century AD) is what this present work will attempt to study in a two-step approach.The first step consists in studying the rich and varied vocabulary of usurpation through the examination of all available sources, which will be reviewed in chronological order, so as to observe the gradual emergence of this political concept and to offer a definition which takes this philological analysis into account. Besides, perusing the writings of various authors from the end of the Republic to the Principate era, as well as those from later centuries, will help bring to light the structuring of their political thought on the phenomenon, be it in the field of abstract ideas inspired from Greek classical philosophy (Plato and Aristotle) or in the use of myths as a key element of analysis (from Virgil to Seneca).The aim of the second part of this work is to apply the definition put forward in the first one to the study of the Principate era. The comprehensive list of usurpations you will find there takes into account not only those which actually happened (all in all a limited number) but also all those which fell under suspicion and resulted in an indictment. Consequently, candidate profiles start to emerge, as well as patterns of power conquest and the legitimation of it, but also techniques to control and hold that power by those who identify themselves as legitimate rulers, because they claim to embody the public consensus in the Empire.Therefore, usurpation seems to be a central political phenomenon which threatens to reappear every time that consensus is weakened, and disappears whenever it is restored. It fuels political development, it is a way of experimenting with different models of power conquest and the retainment of it. Taking it into consideration allows for a slight modification of the traditional periodising by reign.

The purpose of this thesis is to examine Michelle Cliff’s No Telephone to Heaven (1996), and to scrutinize, through Christopher’s mental illness, the couched, unspoken, and deeply embedded presence of imperial hegemony in the Caribbean. I shall argue that Christopher’s mental illness is not, as one might have it, an inexplicable lapse into insanity, but both a fitting, polyrhythmic expression of longstanding postcolonial/neocolonial abuse, and a dynamic form of counterhegemonic resistance. Thus, my use of the term, imperial illness, refers to colonial impacts on the Caribbean, and how those impacts continue to play a significant role in postcolonial/neocolonial societies and, concurrently, the strategies imagined by postcolonial subjects to resist. Christopher’s mental illness, then, is the result of sustained imperial socio-psychological torment, which produces, quite ironically, the conditions that make possible his acts of resistance.