The aim of the thesis is to cover the variability of the protectorate press propaganda in relation to the generational and social belonging of the target readership group. This has been researched through analysing three collaboration newspapers - Arijský boj, Zteč and Přítomnost. Propagandist images have been reconstructed based on an analysis of three large topics, namely depicting the classes of the protectorate intellectuals, the youth and finally the Jewish minority. Except for covering the specific propagandist techniques, the aim is also an attempt to evaluate the perspectives of accepting these images by the protectorate society, and of explaining why they failed. Due to the primary sources that were used in the research, presented thesis affects mainly the period between 1942 and 1945.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T16:32:57Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Paula Martins Xavier Fagundes.pdf: 678778 bytes, checksum: 643ecdf20912224e01aec66bc73bc721 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-10-27 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / The present work is a historical research and aimed to investigate the importance and the role of Catholic leaders involved in the establishment of the Catholic Institute of Higher Studies (CIHS). Founded in 1932 in the city of Rio de Janeiro, the CIHS was the first step taken for the foundation of the future Pontifical Catholic University of Rio de Janeiro, founded in 1941 and recognized in 1946 as papal. The chronological cut taken by the research was the period of 1910 to 1932, because it was the period of a more intense action of the Catholic church in social, political, cultural and religious context. Moreover, the formation of a network of Catholic intellectuals allowed discussions regarding the establishment of a Catholic university to take place within the economic and social elites, allowing the foundation of the CIHS. The study was based on analysis of newspaper articles published at the time, as well as in the analysis of Revista A Ordem, published by D. Vital Center, an agency of the high Catholic hierarchy. Newspapers do Brasil and A Noite were fundamental to check the movement of the Catholic elite in order to establish the CIHS. Based on the results we can say that there was the conformation of an intellectuals network linked to the Catholic Church, in the period from 1910 to 1932, linking projects to get into the sphere of the Brazilian higher education, giving a first step towards such project when founded the Catholic Institute of Higher Studies in 1932 / O presente trabalho trata-se de uma pesquisa histórica e teve como objetivo principal verificar a importância e a atuação das lideranças católicas envolvidas na fundação do Instituto Católico de Estudos Superiores (ICES). Fundado em 1932, na cidade do Rio de Janeiro, o ICES foi um primeiro passo tomado para a fundação da futura Pontifícia Universidade Católica do Rio de Janeiro, fundada em 1941 e reconhecida como pontifícia em 1946. O recorte cronológico tomado pela pesquisa foi o período de 1910 a 1932, por se tratar do período de maior ação católica no âmbito social, político, cultural e religioso. Ademais, a formação de uma rede de intelectuais católicos permitiu que discussões a respeito da fundação de uma universidade católica tomassem espaço no seio das elites econômicas e sociais, permitindo a fundação do ICES. O estudo se apoiou na análise de artigos de jornais publicados à época, bem como na análise da Revista A Ordem, publicada pela Centro D. Vital, órgão vinculado à alta hierarquia católica. Os jornais Do Brasil e A Noite foram fundamentais para se verificar a movimentação da elite católica a fim de se fundar o ICES. Com base nos resultados é possível afirmar que houve a formação de uma rede de intelectuais ligados à Igreja Católica, no período de 1910 a 1932, articulando projetos a fim de entrar no âmbito do ensino superior brasileiro, dando um primeiro passo para atingir tal projeto fundando o Instituto Católico de Estudos Superiores em 1932

O presente trabalho tem por objetivo comparar as interpretações da Revolução Mexicana realizadas por três representantes dos ideais anti-imperialistas na América Latina da década de 1920: o peruano José Carlos Mariátegui, o boliviano Tristán Marof e o brasileiro Oscar Tenório. A partir de seus textos sobre o México, analisamos como estes intelectuais refletiram sobre os significados políticos da Revolução Mexicana no âmbito de seus países e também como a experiência mexicana possibilitou que os autores pensassem (e repensassem) seus projetos políticos, tanto na perspectiva nacional quanto na continental. Também abordamos a circulação de ideias políticas na América Latina, demostrando a singular importância deste evento para a geração de intelectuais do período em pauta. / This study aims to compare the interpretations of the Mexican Revolution made by three exponents of the anti-imperialist ideals in Latin America of the 1920s: the Peruvian José Carlos Mariátegui, the Bolivian Tristán Marof and the Brazilian Oscar Tenório. From their writings on Mexico, we analyzed how they reflected upon the political meanings of the Mexican Revolution within their own countries. We have also observed how their interpretations of Mexico Revolution sustained their political positions both in their own countries and in a continental perspective. In addition, we have demonstrated the circulation of political ideas in Latin America, showing the singular importance of the Mexican Revolution for the generation of intellectuals of 1920s.

O presente trabalho tem por objetivo comparar as interpretações da Revolução Mexicana realizadas por três representantes dos ideais anti-imperialistas na América Latina da década de 1920: o peruano José Carlos Mariátegui, o boliviano Tristán Marof e o brasileiro Oscar Tenório. A partir de seus textos sobre o México, analisamos como estes intelectuais refletiram sobre os significados políticos da Revolução Mexicana no âmbito de seus países e também como a experiência mexicana possibilitou que os autores pensassem (e repensassem) seus projetos políticos, tanto na perspectiva nacional quanto na continental. Também abordamos a circulação de ideias políticas na América Latina, demostrando a singular importância deste evento para a geração de intelectuais do período em pauta. / This study aims to compare the interpretations of the Mexican Revolution made by three exponents of the anti-imperialist ideals in Latin America of the 1920s: the Peruvian José Carlos Mariátegui, the Bolivian Tristán Marof and the Brazilian Oscar Tenório. From their writings on Mexico, we analyzed how they reflected upon the political meanings of the Mexican Revolution within their own countries. We have also observed how their interpretations of Mexico Revolution sustained their political positions both in their own countries and in a continental perspective. In addition, we have demonstrated the circulation of political ideas in Latin America, showing the singular importance of the Mexican Revolution for the generation of intellectuals of 1920s.

This study brings into focus the issue of reproduction and transformation ofcultural authority in the so-called post-Soviet context. It seeks to examine howintelligentsia may be presented and what empowering narratives it may articulatein a concrete locality, namely, in the post-1991 West Ukrainian city of L’viv. Theauthor argues that claims for cultural authority stemming from the socio-culturallocation of intelligentsia are decisive in discussions about Ukrainian nationalidentity and cultural development, which gained momentum after independence.Despite significant discursive transformations, after 1991 intelligentsia is stillpresented as the essence of the nation, as its typical and brightest representativeswho assume the right to speak for the whole nation and to extrapolate own valuesand choices to it. The debate focused on the issues of ‘the national’ actualizes a very significantissue of whose class vision is to become a winning concept for the Ukrainiannation-building. Post-Soviet ‘normalization’ in L’viv implies that cultural patternstypical of the privileged and educated urbanites have been rehabilitated andpresented as both nationally authentic and culturally superior ones. In the post-1991 L’viv the representations embedding the urban community into variouslocal, regional, national, and supranational symbolic contexts resonate with effortsof the intelligentsia to (re-)gain control over reproduction of their own socialpositions and cultural narratives about the nation. This study suggests that analysisof the nation-building processes in Ukraine should pay more attention to symbolicrepresentations of cultural authority which are exploited by local actors runningtheir empowering projects. / Denna studie tar upp frågor om sociokulturell reproducering och omvandling avkulturell auktoritet i en postsovjetisk kontext. Studien undersöker de sätt på vilkaen intelligentia kan representeras och de maktanspråk som den genom berättelserartikulerar i den västukrainska staden L’viv efter självständigheten 1991.Författaren hävdar att de anspråk på kulturell auktoritet som intelligentianuttrycker har principiell betydelse i de diskussioner som förs kring ukrainsknationell identitet och nationens kulturella utveckling. Trots betydande diskursivaomvandlingar som intelligentian genomgått har den behållit sin position somnationens centralfigur. Intelligentian representeras som nationens mest typiskaoch framstående representant med rätt att tala i hela nationens namn, vilket gör attden också kan överföra sina egna värderingar och åsikter till sina landsmän. Diskussioner om det nationella temat sätter mycket betydelsefulla frågor ifokus, inte minst de som handlar om vilkas klassvisioner som kommer att fågenomslag i det ukrainska nationsbyggandet. Den postsovjetiska”normaliseringen” i L’viv har inneburit att de kulturella mönster som är typiskabland privilegierade och högutbildade stadsbor har återupprättats, ofta framställdasom nationellt genuina och kulturellt överlägsna. I det postsovjetiska L’viv ärsymboliska representationer av urbansamhället färgade av olika lokala, nationellaoch supranationella symboliska kontexter. Dessa kommer väl till pass iintelligentians försök att (återigen) kontrollera reproducering av sina socialapositioner och de kulturella berättelserna om nationen. Avhandlingen sätterdärmed fingret på hur kulturell auktoritet utnyttjas av lokala aktörer som strävarefter ett socialt och politiskt övertag samt uppmärksammar betydelsen avsymboliska framställningar i analyser av nationsbyggandeprocesser i Ukraina.

The relationship between the Socialist Unity Party [SED] and the medical intelligentsia in the German Democratic Republic [GDR] has often been described as one of the most problem-atic for the Republic‟s political vanguard. This thesis discusses this relationship for the two dec-ades after the erection of the Berlin Wall in 1961. With the inability of East German workers to leave for West Germany after this event, the GDR was able to enforce their programme of so-cialist development in a new way. Doctors, despite being crucial for this socialist society and its legitimacy, were not excluded from the state‟s radical new policies. However, as files from the former state security apparatus, party and trade union make obvious, doctors were very success-ful in preventing both the ideological conditioning of their community and state interference in the composition of the medical elite. With the examination of the every-day life of the medical intelligentsia, especially in East German hospitals, this thesis contributes to the discussion about the difference between the claims of the socialist party and the realities faced in the healthcare sector. There were a variety of complex reasons for the increasing distance between the state‟s claim and reality, many of which will be analysed in the course of this work. This analysis is, em-bedded in a historical approach, outlined mainly by Mary Fulbrook, which sets the micro-level in the context of the macro-level, considering the correlation between the claim and ideology of the SED, their communication, mechanisms and policies reaching the boundaries of the social con-glomerate of doctors, as well as their reactions, career aspirations and pre-conditions. For the seventies, a whole section is dedicated to exploring the reasons that the medical intelligentsia was one of the main-clients of so-called „human trafficking gangs‟, enabling insight into their situa-tion and the attitude towards the socialist state, which led them to „vote with their feet‟. This the-sis demonstrates, especially for the sixties and seventies, that there is still much potential for fur-ther research, in to the case of the most ideologically unreliable social group in the GDR: the medical intelligentsia.

The image of "unnecessary men" firstly emerged in 19th century Russia. It has aroused extensive attention since the date of its birth. This paper aims at embodying the causes and process of development and relative characteristics of representative figures in Russian and Chinese literature. Researchers usually refer to the typical representatives of "unnecessary men" in Russian literature as the heroes of «Eugene Onegin» by A. S. Pushkin, «Hero of our time» by M. Yu. Lermontov, «Oblomov» by I. A. Goncharov, etc. "Unnecessary men" in Chinese Literature -- Juan Sheng, Jue Xin, Xiao Jianqiu, etc. As an epitome of their era, they are among the leading elites grown up from the old norms. They are the inevitable products of the era with profound significance. They tragedy, no matter to the society or individual is filled with warming and enlightenment. Its significance is extensive and profound and is well-worth researing and exploring. / Образ «лишних людей» впервые появился в России XIX века. Он вызвал широкое внимание с момента своего рождения. Цель данной статьи заключается в том, чтобы воплотить причины и процесс развития и относительные характеристики представительных фигур в русской и китайской литературе. К типичным представителям лишних людей в русской литературе исследователи обычно относят героев «Евгения Онегина» А.С. Пушкина, «Героя нашего времени» М.Ю. Лермонтова, «Обломова» И.А. Гончарова и др. «Лишний человек» в китайской литературы -- Цзюань Шен（涓生）, Цзюэ Синь（觉新）, Сяо Цзяньцю（肖涧秋） и т.д. Как воплощение своей эпохи, они входят в число ведущих элит, выросших из старых норм. Они являются неизбежными продуктами эпохи с глубоким значением. Их трагедия, не важно для общества или отдельного человека, наполнена теплом и просветлением. Его значение является обширным и глубоким,и его стоит исследовать и исследовать.

En 1989, la Pologne, la Hongrie, la Tchécoslovaquie et la République démocratique allemande (RDA) furent secouées par des mouvements de protestations qui précipitèrent la dissolution de leur régime communiste. Il est souvent admis, dans l’historiographie comme dans la mémoire populaire, que les intellectuels, dont plusieurs écrivains, ont joué un rôle déterminant lors de ces bouleversements. Or, l’analyse de la révolution en Allemagne de l’Est et des prises de position de son intelligentsia littéraire démontre qu’une telle conclusion s’applique mal à cet État : les auteurs phares de la RDA, qui se sont pourtant présentés pendant et après la révolution comme des victimes et des opposants au régime, n’ont jamais partagé les revendications anticommunistes de leurs concitoyens et ont conservé un discours socialiste. Ce mémoire entend expliquer cette réaction particulière des écrivains les mieux établis de l’Allemagne de l’Est – soit Christa Wolf, Heiner Müller, Stefan Heym, Volker Braun et Christoph Hein. En étudiant leurs textes non fictifs et en analysant la relation qu’ils entretenaient avec le régime, la population et l’idéologie promue en RDA, nous démontrerons que ces auteurs avaient développé, avant l’ouverture du mur de Berlin, une stratégie d’action alliant loyauté socialiste et critique de l’autoritarisme, ce qui leur avait permis de cumuler un important capital social et culturel. À l’automne 1989 et lors du processus de réunification allemande, l’intelligentsia littéraire a en fait agi en fonction de cette même stratégie ; celle-ci, toutefois, n’était pas adaptée aux nouvelles conditions sociales. / In 1989, Poland, Hungary, Czechoslovakia and the German Democratic Republic (GDR) were shaken by protest movements that precipitated the dissolution of their communist regimes. It is often accepted in historiography as in the popular memory that intellectuals, amongst whom many writers, played a key role in these revolutionary changes. However, analysis of the revolution in East Germany and of its literary intelligentsia’s stance demonstrates that such a conclusion cannot apply to this state: the leading authors of the GDR, who presented themselves during and after the revolution as opponents and victims of the regime, never shared the anti-communist claims of the citizens, and maintained a socialist discourse. This master’s thesis intends to explain this particular reaction of the most influential East German writers – especially Christa Wolf, Heiner Müller, Stefan Heym, Volker Braun and Christoph Hein. By studying their non-fictional texts and analysing the relationship they had with the regime, the people and the ideology promoted in the GDR, we will demonstrate that these authors had developed, before the opening of the Berlin Wall, a strategy that combined a socialist loyalty and a critic of the authoritarianism, which allowed them to accumulate significant social and cultural capital. In the Fall of 1989 and during the process of German reunification, the literary intelligentsia acted accordingly to that same strategy which, however, was not adapted to the new social conditions.

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Resumé v anglickém jazyce Summary This thesis is an attempt to show two authors and mainly two of their major works created in two different cultures, concluded by comparison of these two key works. Vladimír Neff, through his five-part cycle of novels Sňatky z rozumu (and following) dealing to the broad extent with the lives of members of Born and Nedobyl families, has proved his outstanding narrative skills which, together with a fair dose of irony and perfect knowledge of historical facts, make this pentalogy Neff's life work that in a remarkable manner made its way into the history of Czech literature. The author draws very accurate picture of Prague changing over a hundred of years and portrays the glamour of the age that is to be noted for the pursuit of economic and technological progress. Thanks to psychologically very thoroughly and accurately depicted key figures of the founders of abovementioned families, some of which were given the typically bourgeois features by Neff, the readers become close witnesses of their rise and fall. Jaroslaw Iwaszkiewicz in his relatively extensive work Čest a sláva presents the life of two generations on the historical and social background depicted in great detail. It captures the hasty and sometimes breakneck changes in the modern history and the fate of the Polish...