Made available in DSpace on 2015-09-25T12:22:10Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Luiz da Rosa Garcia Filho.pdf: 690059 bytes, checksum: 1840b21a7f696be5a567f8e9fff65654 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-10-31 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / This dissertation seeks to identify the role that the permanent International Criminal Court (ICC) occupies in the international system. In this paper, we analyze the formation of an international governmental organization (IGO) in light of theories of international relations, addressing the major theoretical schools, and giving special focus, to the applicability of the theory of hegemonic stability, bearing in mind the opposition that the United States offers to the Organization. We also draw a profile of the historical formation of the International Court, rescuing its predecessors and leaning on the principles that guide its activities, giving special attention to the principle of complementarity, which aims to safeguard the sovereignty of States Parties to the Rome Statute, an international treaty that gave start to ICC. Our research also takes care of the issue of the difficulties faced by this Court, in particular those under the opposition it faces in the International System (IS), addressing conciliation options and charting a prognosis for the future of the Organization in a world increasingly interdependent and globalized. / A presente dissertação de mestrado busca identificar o papel que o Tribunal Penal Internacional Permanente (TPIP) ocupa no sistema internacional. Neste trabalho, analisaremos a formação desta Organização Internacional Governamental (OIG) sob a luz das teorias de Relações Internacionais, abordando as principais vertentes teóricas e, dando especial enfoque, a questão da aplicação da teoria da estabilidade hegemônica, tendo em mente a oposição dos Estados Unidos em relação à Organização. Também traçaremos um perfil da formação histórica da Corte Internacional, resgatando seus precedentes e nos debruçando sobre os princípios que norteiam sua atividade, dando especial atenção ao princípio da complementaridade, que visa resguardar a soberania dos Estados signatários do Estatuto de Roma, tratado internacional que deu início ao TPIP. Nossa pesquisa cuida ainda da questão das dificuldades enfrentas pela referida Corte, em especial as decorrentes da oposição que enfrenta no Sistema Internacional (SI), abordando opções de conciliação e traçando um prognóstico para o futuro da Organização em um mundo cada vez mais interdependente e globalizado.

The mainstream theories of international relations (IR) can be categorized under two approaches: Cultural and Systems. Although the two approaches appear to be at the opposite ends of the spectrum, this paper aims to evaluate both approaches, and to provide a systemic approach to foreign policy: The systems thinking and culture (STC). STC attempts to incorporate domestic culture, a unit-level force, in analyzing states’ behavior in the international system, while still preserving the structure, as emphasized in systemic theories like neorealism. The STC model shows how the domestic culture as a unit-level force, and the structure as a systems-level force, can shape a state’s behavior and policies in the international political system.

The thesis analyses influence of actors in the regulatory mode of legislative process of the EU on a case study of liberalisation and integration of the Internal Market in electricity and natural gas. The Internal Market is regarded as an example of postmodern international system. Key arenas used for analysis of individual actors and their partial interests and goals (including ways of their pursuing) are national, regional and supranational.

This thesis analyses whether China tries to gain more power in the IMF staying within the current international U.S.-dominated system. The analysis focuses on China's behavior in the IMF during the reform process of the last decade. The thesis examines the ways in which China can gain more power staying in the IMF. However, current power structures make it difficult to implement changes and China might therefore use political groups such as the BRICS and their New Development Bank to exert pressure. But the intention of the BRICS is not to overthrow the system but to reform it. Using official statements and speeches delivered by Chinese, U.S. or IMF staff in the IMF as well as articles published in newspapers Chinese claims and US reactions were analyzed. The results suggest that China stays within the international system and does not try to overthrow it. Nevertheless, pressure is created through the establishment of the New Development Bank (NDB) and the Asian Infrastructure and Investment Bank (AIIB). The intention of this thesis is to give a current account of Chinese behavior in the international community, supporting the understanding of underlying dynamics. Keywords IMF, China, Reforms, BRICS, New Development Bank, Asian Infrastructure and Investment Bank, international system, challenge

No description available.

Depuis 1986, face aux mutations du contexte interne et international, la Francophonie poursuit et accentue la prise en compte d’objectifs politiques et noue l’ambition de devenir un acteur influent des relations internationales. Pour ce faire, elle n’a cessé de s’élargir et de se doter progressivement des moyens institutionnels et normatifs nécessaires. Aujourd’hui, son rôle politique commence à être reconnu. Elle est devenue un laboratoire d’un système international multipolaire en formation et d’une autre mondialisation humaniste. Elle est, aussi, un nouvel acteur et interlocuteur politique de ses membres en matière de démocratie, de droits de l’Homme ainsi que de prévention et de règlement des conflits. Pourtant, plusieurs défis stratégiques et le manque de moyens l’empêchent de devenir un acteur de premier plan et les « acquis » de ses actions demeurent fragiles. Face à cette situation, il est important pour la Francophonie, dans la perspective du nouveau Cadre stratégique décennal (2015-2024), de redéfinir sa stratégie. L’avenir de la Francophonie peut épouser, en effet, plusieurs scénarios. Doit-elle évoluer vers une vraie organisation politique en abandonnant les autres volets de son engagement et en particulier les volets solidarité et développement ? Doit–elle, au contraire, fidèle à sa spécificité, conjuguer étroitement, sans renoncer à aucune, ses missions de dialogue, de solidarité et de développement ? Avant tout, il convient qu’elle redevienne conquérante. De toute façon, il apparait indispensable de la rendre utile aux peuples francophones et de renforcer l’adhésion de ceux-ci par le vivre ensemble. Deux chantiers sont incontournables : l’éducation et l’économie. / Since 1986, in response to changes in the domestic and international context, the Francophonie has taken into consideration political objectives and showed ambition to become an influential actor in international relations. In order to achieve this goal, the organization has not stopped widening and gradually been equipped with necessary institutional and normative tools. Today, its political role begins to be internationally recognized. It has become a laboratory of a multi-polar international system which has been forming and of another humanist globalization project. It is also a new actor and political interlocutor of its members in terms of democracy, human rights, as well as conflict prevention and resolution. Nevertheless, several strategic challenges and lack of resources prevent it from becoming a major player at the forefront and its "achievements" remain fragile. Faced with this situation, it is important that the Francophonie, in the perspective of the new ten-year strategic framework (2015-2024), redefines its strategy. In fact, the future of the Francophonie can engage in several scenarios. Must it evolve towards a real political organization by abandoning its commitment to other sectors, particularly solidarity and development ? Must it, on the contrary, be faithful to its specificity and conjugate the factors of dialogue, solidarity, and development without sacrificing any of them ? Above all, it should again become a conqueror. By any means, it appears indispensable to make the Francophonie useful for the French-speaking peoples and to strengthen their engagement by fostering their common activities. Two domains are indispensable : education and economy.

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La crise de Suez de 1956 est avant tout synonyme d'une opération militaire menée par les Français et les Anglais, dont l'échec retentissant a sonné le glas de la politique colonialiste des deux États. Mais Suez 1956 représente aussi et surtout un véritable tournant dans les relations internationales pour plusieurs raisons. Tout d'abord parce que, pour la première fois depuis l'avènement de la Guerre froide, l'URSS et les USA vont faire front commun contre les puissances occidentales associées à Israël. Ensuite parce que concomitamment, les Soviétiques répriment l'insurrection hongroise, battant en brèche leur toute nouvelle théorie de la coexistence pacifique. Enfin parce que le Tiers-monde trouve naissance dans cet affrontement, et devient l'objet de conquête idéologique, notamment au Moyen-Orient. En quoi la crise a-t-elle modifié les interactions au niveau diplomatique, l’équilibre des institutions internationales, les relations géopolitiques, les relations bilatérales dans l'univers de la Guerre froide, les relations intra blocs Est-Ouest ? Quelles conséquences la crise aura-t-elle eue sur la stratégie et les objectifs politiques des différents acteurs ? / The Suez crisis of 1956 is generally synonym for a military operation led by the French and the English army, whose resounding failure sounded the end of the colonialist policy of both States. But Suez 1956 represents also and above all a real turning point in the international relations for several reasons. Firstly, because, for the first time since the advent of the cold war, the USSR and the USA are going to join forces against the western powers associated with Israel. Then, because concomitantly, the Soviet power repress the Hungarian revolution, damaging their quite new theory of the peaceful coexistence. Finally, because the Third World finds birth in this confrontation, and becomes the object of ideological conquest, especially in the Middle-East In what did the crisis modify the interactions at the diplomatic level, the balance of the international institutions, the geopolitical relations, the bilateral relations in the universe of the Cold war, the relations intra East-West blocks? What consequences the crisis will generate on the strategy and the policy of the various actors?

Les crimes contre l’humanité, les crimes contre la paix, les crimes de guerre, le génocide constituant le noyau dur des crimes internationaux représentent les actes qui causent les dommages les plus graves à la sécurité humaine et internationale. Ils sont codifiés dans les statuts des tribunaux pénaux internationaux. Les crimes transnationaux ou les crimes de traités ne sont pas codifiés dans ces statuts ou sont codifiés d’une manière assez limitée. L’apartheid, la torture, l’esclavage, la piraterie maritime, le terrorisme sont les exemples de ces crimes. Selon les règles de transformation du système international de Morton Kaplan, une variable du système international cause des transformations ou joue un rôle dans l’essor des systèmes internationaux. Le noyau dur des crimes internationaux est abordé dans notre travail comme l’une de ces variables du système. Dans ce but, le système bipolaire (1945- 1991), le nouvel ordre mondial (1991-2001) et le nouveau système depuis les attentats de 11 septembre 2001 ont été analysés. Les Tribunaux Internationaux de Nuremberg, de Tokyo, pour l’Ex-Yougoslavie, pour le Rwanda et la CPI sont devenus les études de cas. / Crimes against humanity, crimes against peace, war crimes and genocide constitute the hard core of most threatful acts to human and international security. They have been codified through the statutes of international criminal tribunals. Transnational crimes or treaty crimes are not codified in these statutes or they are narrowly codified. Examples of such crimes include the apartheid, torture, slavery, maritime piracy, and terrorism. According to the rules of international system transformation as defined by Morton Kaplan, one variable of the international system entails transformations and plays a role in the emergence of international systems. In this study, the hard core of international crimes is considered as one of the variables of the system. Thus, the bipolar system (1945-1991), the new world order (1991- 2001) and the new system after September 11 attacks are analysed. International Tribunals such as Nuremberg, Tokyo, for the former Yugoslavia, Rwanda and the International Penal Court constitute case studies.

Parte significativa dos escritos de Marx Engels sobre política internacional são marcados por uma dificuldade teórica, que não deixou de causar desconforto na própria tradição marxista: diante dos êxitos da contra-revolução após 1848, e de uma perspectiva revolucionária plasmada na crítica ao sistema internacional herdado do Congresso de Viena em 1815, as categorias centrais do materialismo hitórico pareciam perder capacidade de formulação política. Se o avanço da concorrência capitalista no mercado mundial possibilitava que as contradições sociais dos países mais avançados fossem universalizadas, por meio da universalização das relações de produção burguesas, o sistema internacional parecia atuar em sentido contrário, permitindo que os tempos sociais do atraso arbitrassem o ritmo das transformações políticas na Europa. Negada pelo sistema internacional, a marcha da história social em Marx e Engels dá lugar a uma teorização negativa. Suas categorias clássicas dão lugar a outras. Classes sociais cedem terreno, em Engels, aos povos sem história. Em Marx, a causalidade é substituída pela analogia; processos, por indivíduos; realidades sociais concretas, por encarnações abstratas. A contemporaneidade política de tempos sociais divergentes que caracteriza a complexa duração do absolutismo na Europa fornece o terreno em que os problemas da teorização negativa eclodem. O fato de que o Estado absolutista de tipo oriental por excelência, a Rússia czarista, pudesse de alguma forma empregar, por meio de sua diplomacia, a coerção de tipo feudal encarnada em sua própria formação para arbitrar o ritmo das revoluções burguesas no ocidente, em pleno século XIX, constitui a principal negatividade com que Marx e Engels se depararam ao pretenderem retomar a marcha revolucionária interrompida em 1815. / An important part of Marx and Engels\'s writings on international politics is characterized by a theoretical difficulty, one which has been the cause of significant uneasiness in the Marxist tradition itself. Faced with the strides of counter-revolution in Europe after 1848, and departing from a revolutionary standpoint centered on the criticism of the international system as set forth by the Vienna Congress in 1815, the core categories of dialectic materialism seemed to loose power of political formulation. If the advancement of capitalist competition in the world market was bound to universalize the social contradictions of the most advanced countries, by the universalization of bourgeois production, the international system, on the other hand, appeared as the medium by means of which the social temporalities of backwardness managed to impose themselves on the European political order. Denied by the international system, the march of social history in Marx and Engels gives room to the a negative theorization. Its classic categories give way to new ones. In Engels, social classes give way to nonhistorial peoples; in Marx, causality is replaced by analogy, processes by individuals, concrete social realities by abstract representations. The international coexistence of different political temporalities that characterizes the complex duration of absolutism in Europe sets the stage for the problems of the negative theorization. The fact that the most typical form of oriental absolutist State, czarist Russia, could successfully deploy its feudal coercion, through its diplomacy, to dictate the rhythm of bourgeois revolutions in the West in the nineteenth century constitutes the main negativity with which Marx and Engels are faced in their quest to resume historys course after its interruption in 1815.