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[pt] Desde o momento em que Cristóvão Colombo colocou seus pés pela primeira vez nas Américas, o espectro da violência privada no mar esteve por perto, fosse ela empreendida pelas mãos dos próprios espanhóis, fosse por aqueles que disputavam com eles o direito de explorar as riquezas recém-descobertas. Nesta tese argumentamos que os relatos de navegação deixados por corsários, piratas e bucaneiros nos séculos XVII e XVII foram parte fundamental para a criação do imaginário europeu acerca do Novo Mundo e de seus habitantes. Procuramos explorar uma diversidade de relatos que, cada qual à seu modo, representaram os dilemas políticos que vieram a desembocar na criação do Estado e do sujeito político modernos. Este processo, contudo, não foi linear, como em uma escala de progresso em direção à civilidade. Pelo contrário, a leitura dos relatos de navegação nos revela uma experiência diversa e frequentemente contraditória. O escopo desta tese abarca os séculos XVI e XVII. Neste período as instituições sociais herdadas da idade média tardia que ordenaram a relação entre indivíduos e sociedade estavam em franco declínio, processo este que somente se aprofundou com a reimaginação da geografia planetária após os descobrimentos. Argumentamos nesta tese que a figura do pirata foi um ator central nesta reimaginação do mundo a partir de suas margens, de suas áreas limítrofes. Ao longo do trabalho, abordamos os relatos de André Thevet e Jean de Léry, Francis Drake, Anthony Knivet, Alexander Exquemeling e, por fim, o romance Rosbinson Crusoé, de Daniel Defoe. Cada um destes trabalhos trouxe algo de novo para a complexa equação que teve lugar nos dois séculos em questão. / [en] Since when Christopher Columbus first came into the Americas, the specter of private violence stood nearby. This thesis argues that the accounts of navigations left by the privateers, pirates and buccaneers of the XVI and XVII centuries were crucial parts for the making of the European imaginary about the New World, its inhabitants, and the European place in it. We explore the diversity of accounts that, each in its own way, represents the political dilemmas that came to a close at the Modern Estate and the Modern political subjects. This process, thought, should not be represented as an unambiguous tale of progressive civilization. On the contrary, the reading of the accounts of navigation reveals a much more ambiguous and frequently contradictory experience. The scope of this thesis encompass the XVI and XVII centuries. During this time, the late medieval social and political institutions that mediated the relations between society and individuals were at a steady decline. The discoveries made by the Spanish and the Portuguese and the following re-imagination of global geography only aggravated the problem, and from the ashes of the late medieval system modernity arose. We argue that the pirate figure was a central actor in this process acting from the margins. During this thesis we explore the accounts of Andre Thevet and Jean de Léry, Francis drake, Anthony Knivet, Alexander Exquemeling and the novel Robinson Crusoé, from Daniel Defoe. Each one of these accounts brought something new to the complex operations that were taking place in those transitional centuries.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-09-25T12:21:48Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Fabiola Faro Eloy Dunda.pdf: 1471915 bytes, checksum: b65bc31e4f3b6b441de14ad0282ae1bb (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-12-03 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / The health subject is inserted in the International Relations context and has been developing cooperative actions in the area since some initiatives like the creation of the Sanitation Councils and International Health Conferences in the XIX century, till the International Sanitation Office Constitution in 1902 which was later on named as the Pan American Health Organization in 1958 and the World Health Organization, created in the post II World War context in 1948. The Brazilian South/South cooperation had its practices deepened during Lula s government if we take into consideration the number of projects in the area, the geographical areas in which the programs were established, the presence of the subjects in the forums in which Brazil took part. This work aims at analyzing the Brazilian South/South cooperation in the health area as an instrument of Lula s Soft Power government instrument between 2003 and 2010 and to do so, were used the geographical and political dimensions of analysis. Observe at first if a intersection point between the Brazilian External Politics during Lula s government and the initiatives in health cooperation exists will allow the evaluation if this cooperation was an instrument of inserting Brazil in the International System. Data from the Health Ministry, Brazilian Cooperation Agency and from the Institute of Applied Economics Research concerning the subject, numbers referring to cooperation, and cooperative countries were collected. This data was correlated with the literature relevant to the subject and to the Brazilian cooperation development, specifically the health cooperation as well as to the external politics in Lula s government. The analysis of the data and the confrontation with the literature allow us to conclude that there was an increase in the South/South health cooperation during Lula s government mainly the projects concerning the HIV/AIDS area and the human milk bank. According to recent data, these projects together corresponded to more than 50% of the cooperative ones in the area. The health cooperative projects followed the directives of the Brazilian External Politics when taking into consideration the geographical areas where these projects were set up (America, Caribe, Africa and Asia), as well as when we observe which cooperative health projects are considered in the MERCOSUL, UNASUL, Portuguese language speaking countries communities (CPLP), IBAS and BRICS Dialogues Foruns. The existence of cooperation projects, of Actions Plans among countries as well as the declarations of the Health Ministry of the countries taking part in the blocks and Dialogue Foruns are representative elements to conclude that the Brazilian South/South health cooperation is an instrument of Soft Power during Lula s government and in this context it has inserted Brazil in the International System / A temática da saúde está inserida no contexto das Relações Internacionais, evoluindo as ações cooperativas na área, desde iniciativas como a criação de Conselhos Sanitários e Conferências Internacionais de Saúde, ainda no Século XIX, até a Constituição do Escritório Sanitário Internacional, em 1902, posteriormente denominado Organização Pan-Americana de Saúde em 1958, e a Organização Mundial de Saúde, criada no contexto do pós II Guerra Mundial, em 1948. Projetos brasileiros de cooperação em saúde coincidem com o próprio desenvolvimento da cooperação brasileira, ao longo dos últimos sessenta anos. A cooperação Sul-Sul brasileira em saúde teve as suas práticas aprofundadas durante o governo Lula, ao se considerar o número de projetos na área, as áreas geográficas em que os projetos foram estabelecidos e a presença da temática nos blocos e fóruns de que o Brasil participa. A presente Dissertação tem por objetivo analisar a cooperação Sul-Sul brasileira em saúde, como instrumento de Soft Power do governo Lula, no período de 2003 a 2010, utilizando para este fim, as dimensões temática, geográfica e política. Observar, inicialmente, se um ponto de interseção existe entre a Política Externa brasileira no governo Lula e as iniciativas de cooperação em saúde, permitirá a avaliação se esta cooperação constituiu-se como instrumento de inserção do Brasil no Sistema Internacional. Foram coletados dados do Ministério da Saúde, da Agência Brasileira de Cooperação e do Instituto de Pesquisa Econômica Aplicada, quanto à temática, aos números da cooperação e dos projetos, e quais os países cooperantes nessa área, sendo os mesmo correlacionados com os dados da literatura pertinentes ao histórico e desenvolvimento da cooperação brasileira, e especificamente a cooperação em saúde, bem como, com a Política Externa do governo Lula. A análise dos dados e o confronto com a literatura permitem a conclusão de que houve aumento da cooperação Sul-Sul brasileira em saúde durante o governo Lula, destacando-se os projetos na área de HIV/AIDS e de Bancos de Leite Humano, que juntos, corresponderam nos dados mais recentes, a mais de 50% dos projetos de cooperação na área. Os projetos de cooperação em saúde seguiram as linhas diretivas da Politica Externa brasileira, quando se consideram as áreas geográficas onde os projetos foram estabelecidos (América do Sul, Caribe, África e Ásia), bem como quando se observa quais projetos de cooperação em saúde são contemplados dentro das iniciativas, MERCOSUL, UNASAUL, Comunidade de Países de Língua Portuguesa (CPLP), Fórum de Diálogo IBAS e BRICS. A existência de projetos de cooperação, de Planos de Ação entre os países, bem como de Declarações dos Ministros de Saúde dos países participante dos blocos e dos Fóruns de Diálogo, acordando os mesmos, em aprofundar a temática e instituir projetos na área, representam elementos que permitem a conclusão de que a cooperação Sul-Sul brasileira em saúde constituiu-se como instrumento de Soft Power durante o governo Lula, e nesse contexto, permitiu maior inserção do país no Sistema Internacional.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-17T18:10:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DISSERTACAO_PETER LOEB CALDENHOF.pdf: 2483377 bytes, checksum: 2e812ba2f3baa4d90a5f0ad156244509 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-03-26 / This dissertation studies the relations between the socioeconomic base and the political-juridical superstructure, with the demonstration that they form a dialectic totality, but keeping the relative autonomy of its parts. The text shows the specific nature of Law as an important part of the superstructure and its role in the definition of national development models within the process of mundialization. The relative autonomy of Law is demonstrated in theoretical and historical-concrete terms, first, by showing that there is no automatic determination of Law by the socioeconomic structure and, second, with the evidence of the political and juridical constitution of the material base itself. These elements of the relative autonomy are explained by the political and juridical characteristics of the state, Law, the international system and the mundialization process as something that is deliberately produced by the different actors in conflict within the domestic and international superstructures. Parting from this point of view of critical institutionalism, the relations between Law and Economics are demonstrated and analyzed in the case study of the current juridical-institutional organization of the shipping industry in Brazil and its effects in terms of development for the shipping branch and the economy as a whole. The dissertation shows that the current model is insufficient for the consolidation of an autonomous national shipping industry, with the consequent negative impacts on the systemic competitiveness of the Brazilian economy, its national accounts, the national accumulation of capital and the development of correlated economic sectors, such as the shipbuilding industry. / A presente dissertação aprofunda o estudo das relações entre base material socioeconômica e superestrutura político-jurídica, com a demonstração de que formam uma totalidade dialética, mas com relativa autonomia de suas partes. Esclarece a natureza específica do direito como importante elemento superestrutural e seu papel para a definição de modelos de desenvolvimento nacionais no atual contexto da mundialização, demonstrando, em termos teórico-conceituais e histórico-concretos, sua relativa autonomia, tanto pelo aspecto de sua não determinação automática pelas relações socioeconômicas, quanto pela constituição política e jurídica da própria base material. Estes elementos de relativa autonomia são explicados pelas características político-jurídicas do Estado, do direito, do sistema internacional e da própria mundialização enquanto processo deliberadamente produzido pelos atores em luta nas esferas superestruturais doméstica e internacional. Sob essa ótica de institucionalismo crítico, as relações entre direito e economia são demonstradas e analisadas no estudo do caso concreto da organização jurídico-institucional da navegação marítima brasileira atual e seus efeitos em termos de desenvolvimento setorial e geral. O trabalho demonstra que o atual modelo é insuficiente para a consolidação de uma navegação marítima nacional autônoma, afetando negativamente a competitividade sistêmica da economia brasileira, suas contas nacionais, a acumulação de capital nacional e o desenvolvimento de setores conexos, como a construção naval.

Parte significativa dos escritos de Marx Engels sobre política internacional são marcados por uma dificuldade teórica, que não deixou de causar desconforto na própria tradição marxista: diante dos êxitos da contra-revolução após 1848, e de uma perspectiva revolucionária plasmada na crítica ao sistema internacional herdado do Congresso de Viena em 1815, as categorias centrais do materialismo hitórico pareciam perder capacidade de formulação política. Se o avanço da concorrência capitalista no mercado mundial possibilitava que as contradições sociais dos países mais avançados fossem universalizadas, por meio da universalização das relações de produção burguesas, o sistema internacional parecia atuar em sentido contrário, permitindo que os tempos sociais do atraso arbitrassem o ritmo das transformações políticas na Europa. Negada pelo sistema internacional, a marcha da história social em Marx e Engels dá lugar a uma teorização negativa. Suas categorias clássicas dão lugar a outras. Classes sociais cedem terreno, em Engels, aos povos sem história. Em Marx, a causalidade é substituída pela analogia; processos, por indivíduos; realidades sociais concretas, por encarnações abstratas. A contemporaneidade política de tempos sociais divergentes que caracteriza a complexa duração do absolutismo na Europa fornece o terreno em que os problemas da teorização negativa eclodem. O fato de que o Estado absolutista de tipo oriental por excelência, a Rússia czarista, pudesse de alguma forma empregar, por meio de sua diplomacia, a coerção de tipo feudal encarnada em sua própria formação para arbitrar o ritmo das revoluções burguesas no ocidente, em pleno século XIX, constitui a principal negatividade com que Marx e Engels se depararam ao pretenderem retomar a marcha revolucionária interrompida em 1815. / An important part of Marx and Engels\'s writings on international politics is characterized by a theoretical difficulty, one which has been the cause of significant uneasiness in the Marxist tradition itself. Faced with the strides of counter-revolution in Europe after 1848, and departing from a revolutionary standpoint centered on the criticism of the international system as set forth by the Vienna Congress in 1815, the core categories of dialectic materialism seemed to loose power of political formulation. If the advancement of capitalist competition in the world market was bound to universalize the social contradictions of the most advanced countries, by the universalization of bourgeois production, the international system, on the other hand, appeared as the medium by means of which the social temporalities of backwardness managed to impose themselves on the European political order. Denied by the international system, the march of social history in Marx and Engels gives room to the a negative theorization. Its classic categories give way to new ones. In Engels, social classes give way to nonhistorial peoples; in Marx, causality is replaced by analogy, processes by individuals, concrete social realities by abstract representations. The international coexistence of different political temporalities that characterizes the complex duration of absolutism in Europe sets the stage for the problems of the negative theorization. The fact that the most typical form of oriental absolutist State, czarist Russia, could successfully deploy its feudal coercion, through its diplomacy, to dictate the rhythm of bourgeois revolutions in the West in the nineteenth century constitutes the main negativity with which Marx and Engels are faced in their quest to resume historys course after its interruption in 1815.

Les approches psychologiques connaissent un essor dans l’étude des relations internationales. Elles sont essentielles dans l’étude du processus cognitif des leaders, qui est central à la prise de décisions en politique étrangère. Notre recherche porte sur l’axe d’engagement choisi par les États-Unis envers les alliés, de l’unilatéralisme au multilatéralisme, dans l’adoption des politiques étrangères et s’il est déterminé par la vision du monde des présidents. Parmi les politiques étrangères américaines adoptées entre 2001 et 2013, nous retenons les plus significatives en termes de multilatéralisme, afin de construire la variable dépendante. Le cadre théorique utilisé, le code opérationnel, propose l’analyse du schéma cognitif de leaders à l’aide d’une étude de contenu de leurs écrits et de leurs discours. Cette théorie énonce que la vision du monde inhérente à un leader influence le comportement et les décisions du gouvernement dans les relations internationales. Cette étude examinera les discours relatifs à la politique étrangère américaine prononcés lors des mandats de George W. Bush et lors du premier mandat de Barack Obama en tentant de comparer empiriquement les résultats de leur code opérationnel à leur degré de multilatéralisme avéré dans leurs décisions. Nos résultats ne montrent pas de liens directs entre la vision du monde des présidents et l’axe d’engagement adopté en politique extérieure. Nous en concluons que la méthode d’analyse quantitative ne nous permet pas de déceler de changements concrets entre les mandats des présidents. Nous proposons alors d'autres explications concurrentes comme la théorie des élites ou l’ordre international libéral qui pourraient mieux répondre à notre problématique. / Cognitive theories are increasingly recognized in international relations studies. They are necessary in the study of a leader's cognitive process which is central to foreign policy decision-making. This study focuses on the axis of commitment the United States has adopted towards allies, from unilateralist to multilateralist, and analyzes if it is influenced by the president’s worldview. American foreign policies adopted between 2001-2013 are selected according to their relevance to multilateralism to construct the dependent variable. Our theoretical framework is the operational code, which allows an evaluation of the cognitive scheme according to public and private content discourse analysis. This theory suggests that the president’s worldview has an impact on government's behaviour and decisions making within international relations. This research is based on George W. Bush’s foreign policy speeches during his two mandates and on Barack Obama’s first mandate speeches, seeking to empirically compare their operational codes to the levels of multilateralism resulting from their decisions. Our findings cannot establish a direct link between the president's worldview and their position on the foreign policy commitment axis. We conclude that our quantitative analysis method is not adapted to illustrate a tangible change between the president's mandates. Therefore, we suggest alternative explanations such as the elite theory and the liberal international order which could better answer our research question.

The thesis is focused on a specific area of intellectual property field, namely the system of protection of Intellectual property whose current form has been shaped by the international organizations, especially by the World Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO) and the World Trade Organization (WTO). There has therefore been allocated extra space in the thesis to make the reader familiar with these respective organizations, especially with their organizational structure, decision-making procedures and activities. Important part of the thesis is analysis of current relations between WIPO and WTO, including its negative aspects. The thesis also contains section devoted to possible future development of the relations between WIPO and WTO.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T13:48:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Silvana Shiow Shyan Shu.pdf: 746686 bytes, checksum: f7b6b31fbff827f6dd6504f307a71b1f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-03-06 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Considering the contemporary international system, this study aims to examine China s international engagement process by analyzing the importance of domestic factors and external factor in China foreign policy. The changes in China have transformed every aspect of its relationship with the outside world. Regarding to the domestic factors, they are mainly concentrated on Chinese interests which is its development. In the other hand, the external factors are basically concentrated on the relations among China and USA. This issue is followed by a discussion of the implications of United States in China s international engagement. As part of this study, it s aimed to examine the main adaptations of American Foreign Policy in post Cold War. American policy must display a sense of priorities which is keeping its role as the most powerful actor in the international order. Furthermore, as part of its strategy, the United States will address efforts to handle a workable and sustainable foreign policy with China. China is increasingly shaping international relations by its new role in the world and its rise. Therefore, it is very important to analyze the process of China s international engagement in the post Cold War era / Tomando por base a ordem internacional contemporânea, o presente trabalho aborda o processo de inserção internacional da China, buscando compreender a importância de estudar o peso dos fatores internos e externos na articulação de sua identidade externa. Numa perspectiva histórica, analisa-se o processo de definição da política externa chinesa e as suas peculiaridades que cristalizaram na sua configuração contemporânea. No campo dos fatores internos, estão compilados os interesses domésticos da China que reside na manutenção do desenvolvimento do país. Já no plano dos fatores externos, as relações sino-americanas desempenham uma importante importância no processo de inserção internacional da China. Em paralelo, busca-se compreender as adaptações da política externa norte-americana no pós Guerra Fria. O processo de inserção internacional da China é o tema central deste trabalho no qual se aborda a perspectiva de aprofundar a sua inserção na ordem global e a importância que hoje o país representa no reordenamento das relações internacionais.

國際關係也是社會關係的一環，對國際關係的研究必須植基於國家涉入的歷史、社會、文化等層面進行探求，否則很難對國際關係有著全貌的了解。在美國學界的實證主義長期宰制下，研究國際社會的英國學派長期受到忽視，隱沒於線性發展的歷史中。 為了發掘英國學派受到忽視的地位，本論文擬從下三點著手。首先，回溯英國學派的歷史起源、代表學者、名稱問題；再者，耙梳、整理英國學派的學術內涵，包括現實主義、理性主義及革命主義三個傳統，以及國際體系、國際社會及世界社會三個本體；第三、在美國實證主義的長期獨霸下，注重詮釋方法研究國際社會的英國學派是無法得到關注的。因此，這部分將從社會科學兩大陣營－實證主義及詮釋學著手，並進而帶入受實證主義籠罩的主流國際關係研究。本論文認為以實證主義研究具社會性的國際關係有其侷限，而多元、開放、重社會性的英國學派才能提供更完整的國際關係圖像。 本論文認為抱持多元開放、重視整體性、社會性、規範性的英國學派更能面對接踵而來的環境議題、全球化相關問題及人道干涉等全球性議題，如果正視國際關係也是社會關係的一部分，英國學派是能成為較適當的國際關係理論。 / Social relations encompasses international relations so that the inquiry for international relations must embark on the historical, social, cultural context that states involved in. Otherwise we can’t envisage a comprehensive image of international relations. Under the dominance of positivism led by American international relations, English School, whose intellectual focus is International Society, has been neglected for a long period of time and immerged in the linear history. For the sake of exploring English School, the thesis sets out three schemes. First, it retrospects the history, leading figures and label of English School. Second, it elucidates the arguments of English School, including the three ontologies- International System, International Society and World Society as well as three traditions, namely Realism, Rationalism and Revolutionism. Third, beginning with the discuss of Positivism and Interpretivism, the author argues Positivism has its limitation in societal international relations. Consequently, it is English School, which tilts toward an open and diverse inclination, that can tell a better story. The author concludes that English School that stresses on holism, society and social norms can take on the upcoming global issues, such as environmental issue, globalization and humanitarian intervention. If we square up to the fact that international relations is a part of social relations, English School can be a more adequate international relations theory.

This paper work analyses the foreign policy of Italy from its foundation in 1861 until nowadays. Its main aim is to provide a comprehensive overview of the Italian actions and its position within the international system as well as to examine core objectives, means and factors of the Italian foreign policy making. The country went through different stages during its 154-year existence and experienced various types of state organisation and ideologies which were all reflect in its foreign policy making. The analysis verifies that the approach to the foreign policy making, targets and means to achieve them in Italy differed in each phase. These phases were the Kingdom of Italy, the First Republic and the Second Republic. Hence, the foreign policy of Italy is examined in the framework of these stages and each chapter thus corresponds to one of them. A theoretical chapter is also incorporated into this paper work in order to facilitate the understanding of the forthcoming analysis further in the text.