As the international relations changed tremendously after the Cold War Era, the foreign policies of Mainland China also made a great deal change. And due to the collapse of the Soviet Union, Mainland China came to new perspectives on international systems; that is, the ¡§multi-polar international system¡¨ had replaced the ¡§bipolar system.¡¨ And under the hegemony of the United States, the international system should transform into ¡§one superpower with multi-polar system.¡¨ But whatever the international system could be, Mainland China has begun to consider itself as a pole in the international system after the Cold War. The concept of being a pole became more evident when Ze-Min Jiang unveiled the idea of ¡§major power foreign policy¡¨ in 1997. This is became the concept of ¡§major power¡¨ was somewhat similar with the ¡§pole¡¨ as Xiao-Ping Deng proposed before. Under the premise of being an international major power, ¡§power¡¨ had been set up as the diplomatic goal that Mainland China kept pursuing. In other words, Mainland China wanted to be an internationally powerful and influential ¡§major power.¡¨ And the importance of the Third World countries served the place where China expected them to be strategic partners. However, as the confrontation of the United States and the Soviet Union gradually vanished, the political ideology that maintained the relationship between Mainland China and the Third World also weakened. Having kept the mission of making good relations with the Third World countries, the Chinese found it was necessary to have common interest for both, and therefore, even economic strategy as well as economic measures could play alternative role for Chinese foreign policy.

In the Post-Cold War era, the shape of international system has been changing into the ¡§One Super Power with Multiple Powers¡¨ which differs from the ¡§Bipolar System¡¨ in the Cold War era. Due to the new situation, states have to adjust their foreign policies. This thesis, based on theories of Neo-Realism and Neo-Liberalism, is focused on the bilateral foreign relations between PRC and European Union (EU). The diplomatic relations established between PRC and EC in 1975 and the ¡§EC-China Trade and Cooperation Agreement¡¨ in 1978 did not help to tighten the bilateral relations in the Cold War era. Considering the multi-faced factors such as economy and politics, etc., EU finally realized the importance of the Asia and PRC in the early 1990s. Since 1995, EU had announced six documents regarding its China policy: ¡§A Long Term Policy for China-Europe Relations¡¨ in 1995, ¡§Building a Comprehensive Partnership with China¡¨ in 1998, ¡§Report on the Implementation of the Communication "Building a Comprehensive Partnership with China" COM(1998)181¡¨ in 2000, ¡§EU Strategy towards China: Implementation of the 1998 Communication and Future Steps for a More Effective EU Policy¡¨ in 2001, ¡§Country Strategy Paper 2002-2006¡¨ in 2002, and ¡§A Maturing Partnership - Shared Interests and Challenges in EU-China Relations¡¨ in 2003. EU upgraded PRC to be one of six global strategic partners in 2003. To carry out its China policy, EU appealed to political and human rights dialogues, economic and trade relations, and EU-PRC cooperation. PRC¡¦s rapid economic growth in the early 1990s attracted EU¡¦s attention. PRC, in pursuit of continuous economic development and enhancement of its international prominence, happily accepted the friendliness expressed by EU. In order to develop good relations with EU, PRC made flexible changes in terms of internal and external policies. Despite the fact that the PRC-EU relations were significantly improved in the Post-Cold War era such as EU surpassed the US in 2004 as PRC¡¦s greatest trade partner, some disagreements remained in the areas of human rights and economic interaction. Therefore, the common goal and priority of cooperation between PRC and EU was to pursue ¡§economic and trade interests,¡¨ whereas ¡§same bed, different dreams¡¨ continued in universal value and strategic interests because of difference emphases. Both Neo-Realism and Neo-Liberalism have their limits in interpreting the overall situation between PRC and EU. Kenneth Waltz¡¦s Neo-Realism, stressing the international system and national interests, is ideal for this thesis subject but can hardly explain the yet-to-be-established balance of power, economy and cooperation. On the contrary, the Neo-Liberalism perfectly interprets the economic and trade interaction, cooperation, and institution between PRC and EU, but is limited in detailing the long-term PRC-EU relations since WWII.

Submitted by Letícia dos Santos Colombo (leticiacolombo@hotmail.com) on 2018-09-19T01:59:19Z No. of bitstreams: 1 TERRORISMO UM ENSAIO SOBRE SUAS DEFINIÇÕES.pdf: 861813 bytes, checksum: e9d1f8081f1355fbe9298a50565e6e08 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Satie Tagara (satie@marilia.unesp.br) on 2018-09-20T14:20:01Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 colombo_ls_me_mar.pdf: 861813 bytes, checksum: e9d1f8081f1355fbe9298a50565e6e08 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-09-20T14:20:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 colombo_ls_me_mar.pdf: 861813 bytes, checksum: e9d1f8081f1355fbe9298a50565e6e08 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-08-24 / Não recebi financiamento / O termo “terrorismo” foi primeiramente utilizado na época da Revolução Francesa para caracterizar o régime de la terreur de Robespierre, criado para consolidar o governo pós-revolução. A partir de então, o termo passou a ser utilizado para caracterizar métodos e/ou objetivo final de grupos contrários ao poder estabelecido, combinando fatores como medo, violência, ataque a civis e motivação política. Embora estes fatores sejam observados na maioria dos casos, não há um consenso com relação à definição de terrorismo entre os Estados, acadêmicos e organismos internacionais, dificultando a elaboração de estratégias anti e contraterroristas. Assumindo essa tarefa de colocar em debate definições e práticas, política estatal e relações internacionais, terrorismo e violência de atores não nacionais e Estados, a pesquisa tem a intenção de analisar a prevenção e a luta contra o terrorismo a partir das implicações práticas dos diversos conceitos de terrorismo existentes no sistema internacional, principalmente dentro do marco legal dos Estados Unidos, onde há uma diversidade de definições que orientam políticas internacionais de opressão ao fenômeno. / The term "terrorism" was first used at the French Revolution to characterize the régime de la terreur from Robespierre, created to consolidate post-revolution government. Since then, the term has been used to characterize methods and / or end goal of groups opposed to established power, combining factors such as fear, violence, attack on civilians and political motivation. Although these factors are observed in most cases, there is no consensus regarding the definition of terrorism among states, academics and international organizations, making it difficult to elaborate anti-counterterrorism strategies. Assuming this task of discussing definitions and practices, state policy and international relations, terrorism and violence of non-national actors and States, the research intends to analyze the prevention and fight against terrorism from the practical implications of the various concepts of terrorism in the international system, mainly within the legal framework of the United States, where there are a diversity of definitions that guide international policies of oppression to the phenomenon.

Fundação Carlos Chagas Filho de Amparo a Pesquisa do Estado do Rio de Janeiro / Os direitos humanos consolidaram um conjunto de valores ético-políticos considerados fundamentais para assegurar o respeito à dignidade do ser humano. A problemática do desenvolvimento é fundamental para as considerações de política externa de países como o Brasil. A consagração do Direito ao Desenvolvimento (DaD) como um direito humano desafia a divisão artificial dos direitos humanos e revela a evolução temática deste campo de estudo. Essa dissertação usa o instrumental dos direitos humanos para avaliar a relevância e a singularidade de algumas posições brasileiras. Após uma dissonância observada nos anos 1970, reflexo do ciclo autoritário por que passava o país, verificou-se postura cooperativa do Brasil nas proposições que versavam sobre o DaD. No mesmo sentido, observou-se que, conquanto não seja conceito recorrente no discurso oficial brasileiro, as posições do país, no que dizem respeito ao modelo de desenvolvimento defendido e aos direitos humanos, autorizam a inferência de que há uma harmonia em relação aos princípios fundamentais dispostos na Declaração sobre o DaD, de 1986. Da análise das posições brasileiras, tornou-se possível particularizar a política externa do governo Lula. Do levantamento das variáveis internas e externas que exercem influência sobre a formulação política do governo, bem como das iniciativas públicas e dos discursos oficiais, encontramos alguma evidência empírica no sentido de que a política externa brasileira para os direitos humanos, na administração de Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, passa por um viés de promoção do desenvolvimento e de crítica à ordem internacional. A política se singulariza por incorporar uma dimensão de valores à crítica. Com isso, harmoniza-se com as posições defendidas pelo país nos plenários internacionais, onde o tema do DaD tem sido objeto de debate. / Human Rights have consolidated a set of ethic-political values considered essential to safeguard the respect to the dignity of the human being. The question of development is fundamental to foreign policy considerations of countries like Brazil. The consecration of the Right to Development (RTD) as a human right challenges the artificial division of Human Rights and reveals the thematic evolution of this major of study. This paper uses the instrumental of human rights to evaluate the relevance and singularity of some of the Brazilian positions. After a certain dissonance observed in the seventies, reflex of the authoritary cycle experimented by the country at that time, a cooperative stance from Brazil in the propositions that dealt with the RTD was verified. In the same sense, it was observed that despite not being a recurrent concept in the official Brazilian speach, the country?s positions concerning the model of development defended and the human rights allow to infer there is an harmony in relation to the fundamental principles placed on the Declaration on the RTD, of 1986. From the analysis of the Brazilian positions, it was possible to individualize the foreign policy of the Lula government. By the stocktaking of the internal and external variables that exert influence on the government?s political formulation, as well as of public initiatives and official speaches, we have found some empirical evidence in the sense that Brazilian foreign policy for human rights during Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva?s administration assumes an attitude of promotion of development and of criticism to international order. It is a singular policy for embodying a dimension of values to such criticism. Hence, it is harmonic with the positions defended by the country in the international plenary assemblies where the matter of RTD has been object to discussion.

L'hypothèse est que le contexte international a une influence négative sur la génération de ces politiques. En raison de l'interaction, les pays ont adopté des idées fausses - et donc - des politiques erronées de développement. En fin de compte, cette approche peut être exprimée en que le contexte international a conduit aux pays moins avancés à ne pas adopter des politiques de libéralisation, d'une part, ou qu'il n´y a pas des incitations suffisantes pour que les institutions formelles et informelles dans ces pays soient favorables à l'adoption de telles politiques, d'autre part.Cette recherche part de la conception selon laquelle c'est l'existence de politiques, institutions et sociétés de nature libérale (c'est-à-dire des sociétés qui sont ouvertes dans le sens proposé par, entre autres, Karl Popper) qui mieux résolvent le problème de la création de richesses. En ce sens, le contexte international n'a pas atteint l'objectif du développement international car il ne favorise pas la génération des sociétés ouvertes.Pour prouver l'hypothèse, la recherche est basée sur les contributions apportées par deux corps théoriques. D'une part, de la scène internationale, on utilise le constructivisme d´Alexander Wendt, Martha Finnemore, Gerard Ruggie, entre autres. D´autre part, pour comprendre l'impact du contexte international au niveau interne, la contribution de la nouvelle économie institutionnelle, entre autres, Douglass North et Elinor Ostrom sont utilisés.De ce qui précède, ce travail est composé de trois parties. La première examine le cadre théorique proposé. Dans le premier chapitre, on fait un examen des concepts clés autour desquels tournera la démonstration. Avec ces concepts, on propose un modèle pour expliquer l'impact soulevé par l'hypothèse et les phénomènes qui sont stimulés afin d'éviter la production de changements aux échecs répétés. Le deuxième chapitre porte sur la démonstration des postulats de la pensée libérale comme essentielle dans les actions conduisant à la création de richesses.Après du débat théorique, la deuxième partie porte sur la démonstration du modèle proposé pour la scène internationale. Cela se fait en trois chapitres. Dans le premier, on fait un parcours historique à travers des programmes promus du régime de développement international pour démontrer deux aspects.Dans le deuxième chapitre, on décrit les principaux acteurs sur la scène internationale et montre, à partir de la relation entre identité - intérêts, les actions et les contributions à la promotion des idées fausses reflétées dans les programmes développés. Le troisième chapitre examine la construction que le régime international de libéralisme intégré a stimulée et les phénomènes qui entravent la promotion de changements dans les idées et dans les programmes proposés, en raison de l'existence d'un phénomène de dépendance du chemin.La troisième partie porte sur l'étude des pays non développés. Dans le premier chapitre on fait une caractérisation générale de ceux-ci, à partir de la proposition faite par Douglass North, John Joseph Wallis et Weingast R. Barry dans son livre la Violence et des ordres sociaux (2010). Le deuxième chapitre montre comment les pays moins développés ont agi sur le régime international du libéralisme intégré. Le troisième chapitre, d'une manière analogue à la partie précédente, montre comment fonctionne le phénomène de dépendance du chemin pour ces pays.En conclusion, le modèle proposé est utilisé pour conjecturer les effets que peut avoir la crise économique qui, depuis 2008, est passée à travers le monde. Il est considéré qu'il y a suffisamment de preuves pour dire que cette crise sera une nouvelle fenêtre d'opportunité manquée et qui permettra d'approfondir la croyance et la promotion des idées fausses, illibérales, qu'entravent les progrès dans la promotion du développement dans les pays qui ont toujours échoué à résoudre les problèmes de création de richesse. / The hypothesis is that the international context has negatively influenced the generation of such policies. Because of the interactions, the countries have adopted wrong ideas - and therefore - misguided development policies. Ultimately, this approach can be expressed in that the international context has led to less developed countries not adopt policies of liberalization, on the one hand, or that there are not sufficient incentives for that the formal and informal institutions in these countries are favorable to the adoption of such policies, on the other.The research departs from the conception according to which it is the existence of policies, institutions, and societies of a liberal nature (i.e. of societies that are open in the sense proposed by, among others, Karl Popper) which best solve the problem of wealth creation. In this sense, the international context has not achieved the objective of international development since it does not promote the generation of open societies.To prove the hypothesis, the research is based on the contributions made by two theoretical bodies. On the one hand, from the international arena, it is used the constructivism of Alexander Wendt, Martha Finnemore, Gerard Ruggie, among others. On the other hand, to understand the impact of the international context at a domestic level, the contribution of the New Institutional Economics, among others, Douglass North, and Elinor Ostrom are used.From the above, the work is composed of three parts. The first examines the proposed theoretical framework. In the first chapter, a review of the key concepts around which the demonstration will turn is made. With these concepts, I propose a model to explain the impact raised by the hypothesis and the phenomena that are stimulated to avoid the generation of changes to the repeated failures. The second chapter examines the demonstration of the postulates of liberal thought as essential in actions leading to the creation of wealth.After the theoretical discussion, the second part focuses on demonstrating the model proposed for the international arena. This is done in three chapters. In the first, I make a historical review of the programs promoted within the international development regime.In the second chapter, I describe the main actors in the international arena and show, starting from the relationship between identity - interests, their actions and contributions in the promotion of the wrong ideas reflected in the programs promoted. The third chapter examines the construction that the international regime of embedded liberalism has stimulated and the phenomena that impede promoting changes both in the ideas and in the proposed programs, due to the existence of a phenomenon of path dependence.The third part deals with the study of the non-developed countries. In the first chapter I depict a general characterization of these, starting from the proposal made by Douglass North, John Joseph Wallis and Weingast R. Barry in his book Violence and Social Orders (2010). The second chapter shows how the less developed countries have acted on the international regime of embedded liberalism. One of the findings is that these have been passive actors, as they are usually understood, but that they have also been source and bearers of misconceptions. The third chapter, in a manner similar to the previous part, shows how operates the phenomenon of path dependence in these countries.In the conclusion, the proposed model is used to hypothesize the effects that can have the economic crisis which, since 2008, has gone throughout the world. It is considered that there is sufficient evidence to say that this crisis will be a new lost window of opportunity and that it will deepen the belief and promotion of wrong, illiberal ideas that they will impede progress in the promotion of development in the countries that still have failed to solve the problems of wealth creation.

The objective of this thesis is to analyze the concept of autonomy, taking as the case study Brazil under the Workers Party Government (2003-2016). Approach that will be taken aims at combining perspectives of Latin-American structuralism with those of realism and interdependency. Thesis essentially concentrates on two specific issue areas: global economy and international politics. By constructing a theoretical framework, I aspire to identify and analyze various factors considered to have a direct impact on the study matter. In doing so, I consider the behavior of distinct variables and their effect on the degree of autonomy. Finally, thesis addresses problems of international insertion for peripheral countries, considering possibilities and limits of truly autonomous action.

The thesis applies the neomedieval theoretical framework on the contemporary political map of the world. The thesis argues, that the contemporary international politics cannot be understood by an application of the unified geopolitical setting and that the key divergencies in the geopolitical environment play a crucial role for the actors operating in different regions. As an outcome of the theoretical works dealing with the selected theory, a three-world model is being presented dividing the political map among these settings - Durable Disorder (defined by networking and privatization), Westphalian System (defined by a dominant position of strong centralized state), and Chaotic Anarchy (lacking stable political power and control over means of violence). This model is consequently applied on the global political map with the consequent analysis of the strategies of different actors located inside specific environments and mutual interactions of these three worlds.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:58:04Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Alvaro Alves de Moura Junior.pdf: 1283736 bytes, checksum: 40acd68a8c26c9b4cbaab6a7ba520e08 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-04-20 / This thesis aims to analyze the impact of the Brazilian economic liberalization process between 1990 and 2002. It focuses on an account of the flows of foreign direct investment (henceforth: FDI) in the period under scrutiny. Its departure point is the view that the foregoing process offers evidence for a new mode of foreign insertion grounded on the political and economic agenda of globalization. More precisely, it advances a perspective built on the conceptual category of capitalist imperialism (HARVEY, 2005) that presupposes a complex arrangement between the State polity, the Empire and the capital accumulation process. In order to undertake the proposed task, it draws on a survey of the theoretical debate over globalization and its impact on the international system. The purpose is to contribute to an improved understanding of how Brazil is positioned within the context. Furthermore, the current work develops a broad explanatory analysis involving foreign as well as Brazilian trade and financial flows. As a result of such new stage of the Brazilian society, it argues for the idea that the adoption of liberalization principles (specifically with regard to internationalization of production) had not only affected negatively the income and employment but enables a reversed income flow (profits, dividends, royalties, intercompany interest) incompatible with the export capabilities of the involved sectors, which in turn might be conducive to challenges to external accounts and eventually hurt political autonomy of the nation / Esta tese tem como objetivo analisar o impacto do processo de liberalização econômica no Brasil entre os anos de 1990 e 2002, enfatizando os fluxos de Investimento Estrangeiro Direto (IED), que no período em questão representou uma das principais evidências do novo modo de inserção internacional do país, que se baseou na internalização da agenda política e econômica da globalização. Tal perspectiva estará baseada na categoria de imperialismo capitalista (HARVEY, 2005), que pressupõe um complexo arranjo entre a política do Estado e do império e o processo de acumulação de capital. Para tanto, basearse- á numa revisão bibliográfica acerca do debate teórico da globalização, e o seu impacto sobre o sistema internacional, de tal modo que se possa empreender uma análise de como o Brasil se insere nesse contexto. Além disso, o presente trabalho também contará com uma ampla análise explanatória, envolvendo os fluxos de comércio e financeiro internacionais e do Brasil. Como resultado dessa nova fase da sociedade brasileira, considera-se que a adoção dos princípios liberalizantes, especificamente no que tange à internacionalização da produção, além de ter afetado negativamente a renda e o emprego, também tem viabilizado um fluxo de renda reversa (lucros, dividendos, royalties, juros intercompanhias) incompatível com a capacidade exportadora dos setores envolvidos, fato que não apenas ressoa sobre as contas externas, mas também pode afetar parte da autonomia política do país

<p>The thesis examines the international refugee protection system in order to discover whether or not the system constitutes an international regime, as defined by international relations literature. To do so, it formulates a theoretical framework combining neoliberal and constructivist approaches to regime theory. It closely examines the legal documents that provide the normative and procedural framework of the protection system (such as the 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees, various regional agreements, as well as certain human rights documents) and discusses the legal, political, and moral obligation that these documents instill upon the member states of the protection system. It evaluates the principles, norms, rules, and decision- making procedures provided by the system, and compares them to the necessary criteria of an international regime in neoliberal theory. The purpose of trying to discover whether the refugee system constitutes an international regime is to show that if it is a regime, states are no longer afforded the full freedom of action and decision-making under the doctrine of sovereignty and that they have a certain level of obligation to abide by regime rules and help in the upkeep of the regime. After showing that the system constitutes a ‘strong promotional’ international regime, it discusses the importance of the regime within the international state system. It evaluates how it brings about cooperation and increasedstability within the regime, and lowers the costs of bargaining in order to bring about mutual gains for regime members. The thesis then examines the pre- and post-entry restrictive measures used by countries and attempts to prove whether or not the use of the measures constitutes a change in, or of, the regime, or a potential weakening of the regime. The thesis concludes that while the refugee regime itself is not changing, there is increasing incoherence between the proscribed behaviour of the regime and state action, which translates into a weakening of the regime. The regime analysis discusses the role the refugee protection regime plays within the international system as a whole and how this role is evolving through the use of restrictive measures.</p>

The thesis examines the international refugee protection system in order to discover whether or not the system constitutes an international regime, as defined by international relations literature. To do so, it formulates a theoretical framework combining neoliberal and constructivist approaches to regime theory. It closely examines the legal documents that provide the normative and procedural framework of the protection system (such as the 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees, various regional agreements, as well as certain human rights documents) and discusses the legal, political, and moral obligation that these documents instill upon the member states of the protection system. It evaluates the principles, norms, rules, and decision- making procedures provided by the system, and compares them to the necessary criteria of an international regime in neoliberal theory. The purpose of trying to discover whether the refugee system constitutes an international regime is to show that if it is a regime, states are no longer afforded the full freedom of action and decision-making under the doctrine of sovereignty and that they have a certain level of obligation to abide by regime rules and help in the upkeep of the regime. After showing that the system constitutes a ‘strong promotional’ international regime, it discusses the importance of the regime within the international state system. It evaluates how it brings about cooperation and increasedstability within the regime, and lowers the costs of bargaining in order to bring about mutual gains for regime members. The thesis then examines the pre- and post-entry restrictive measures used by countries and attempts to prove whether or not the use of the measures constitutes a change in, or of, the regime, or a potential weakening of the regime. The thesis concludes that while the refugee regime itself is not changing, there is increasing incoherence between the proscribed behaviour of the regime and state action, which translates into a weakening of the regime. The regime analysis discusses the role the refugee protection regime plays within the international system as a whole and how this role is evolving through the use of restrictive measures.