In Law of Peoples Rawls tries to work out a theory that will ensure a fair interaction between the world’s ‘peoples’ (synonymous with “nations”). By this he means a description of international rules that both liberal and non-liberal peoples can accept, with the purpose of eradicating political injustices in the world; which Rawls believes is the big cause of the greatest evils in the world. Furthermore, in his theory, Rawls envisions a set of international institutions (WTO, World Bank and “the UN”) that will work as the basic structure for implementing this scheme of law; global rules of trade; providing loans; facilitation of capital investment, etc. However, the theory lacks a description of which political liberties the peoples would want to secure, within the international institutions, and of what principles of distribution they should be assigned. Accordingly, I will in this essay try to establish which rights the peoples—as Rawls envisions them—would want to secure, and why they would want to be viewed as equal to everybody else, by reasons of the institutions profound and pervasive effect on peoples success. Furthermore, I will contend that this equality in political liberties, and especially the ‘principle of equal participation’, will be impaired by the inequalities in resources that Rawls accepts between the peoples. Consequently, an issue of how wealthier peoples will use their power to promote their self-interest, and the lack of belief that constitutional safeguards, within the international institutions, will constrain them from using means of agitation.

La thèse est intitulée :« Justice politique et démocratie chez John Rawls. Repères pour une rationalité politique africaine contemporaine ». Notre objectif est d’utiliser les contenus essentiels de la conception politique de la justice de John Rawls pour proposer une voie qui serait la meilleure en vue de venir à bout des crises et de l’instabilité politique en Afrique noire en général et en République Démocratique du Congo en particulier. Dans l'introduction, nous avons réaménagé la problématique en allant dans le sens de plus de précision sans trop nous écarter de la question principale. Nous avons précisé l’hypothèse et l’objet de la thèse. Nous avons ainsi nettoyé l’introduction en écartant tous les aspects qui pouvaient poser problème.Pour ce qui concerne le corps du texte, nous avons commencé par une brève présentation du principal auteur de référence. Nous avons ainsi présenté brièvement J. Rawls, ses principaux ouvrages ainsi que les principaux précurseurs de sa pensée. Ensuite, nous avons analysé la conception de la justice politique de l’auteur avec une attention particulière en faveur de son volet domestique. Nous avons montré que cette conception de la justice politique a été élaborée comme une réaction aux défis de la crise de la justice politique dans les démocraties occidentales. Elle y a soulevé néanmoins certains enthousiasmes et certaines inquiétudes. Mais malgré cela, ses contenus essentiels pourraient être utilisés pour élaborer des réaménagements des processus politiques face aux déficits de la justice politique en Afrique. A cet effet, nous avons décrit la manière dont se présente la crise de la justice politique en Afrique et nous l’avons illustré par un cas concret de la crise de la justice politique en rd Congo. Nous avons analysé quelques élaborations théoriques de quelques philosophes africains en réaction à cette crise. Et nous avons montré que pour venir à bout de l’instabilité politique due à la crise de la justice politique en Afrique, il faut construire chaque Etat africain suivant le modèle d’un système équitable de coopération. Mais pour ce faire, il faut inverser le sens de la pyramide et prendre comme socle d'émergence de la justice politique le village, c’est-à-dire les institutions de la justice politique à la base :construire chaque village africain, en général, et chaque village rd congolais, en particulier, comme un système équitable de coopération ouvert à la liberté, à l’égalité de chances et à l’amélioration des conditions existentielles des citoyens les plus défavorisés. On harmonisera ainsi le système démocratique du sommet (les institutions nationales) à la base (les institutions villageoises). / Doctorat en Philosophie / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Denna studie har som syfte att undersöka på vilket sätt muslimskt religionsutövande möjliggörs i en allsvensk fotbollsklubb. Forskningen som har gjorts är kvalitativ och har genomförts med hjälp av intervjuer samt en granskning av klubbens skrivna material i form av dess värdegrund. Resultatet har analyserats med hjälp av två teorier som ser olika på mångfald, dels en liberal multikulturalism och dels en radikal multikulturalism – baserade på en distrinktion mellan dessa båda av Anne Sofie Roald. Därtill har John Rawls rättviseteoretiska begrepp "ursprungspositionen" använts som analysverktyg. Det har framgått att den allsvenska klubben har en välkomnande attityd gentemot mångfald. Det har också framkommit att den står på en sekulär grund. Detta kan utgöra en problematisk plats för en muslimsk religionsutövande spelare. Analysen belyser att klubben erbjuder de muslimskt religionsutövande spelarna förutsättningar, men dessa inte är permanenta och det kan ifrågasätta den välkomnande attityden klubben vill förmedla.

Justice, and what is just, have been discussed by many with no true definition to go by and both political and moral theories alike have tried to find the right definition of what justice is supposed to be. This study will use three political theories to tackle the question if the american election system can be considered just or unjust. The three theories are John Rawls’s Justice as fairness, Thomas Hobbes and the social contract and lastly Robert Nozick’s libertarianism. To analyse the framing of question a normative ‘givet-att’ analyse method will be used, to form arguments from the values presented in the three different theories of justice. The conclusions drawn from the analysis are in the cases of Rawls and Hobbes theories quite similar, on how the election system should be interpreted. Nozick’s theory on the other hand gives a different conclusion compared to the other two. However, the goal of this study is not to find one true answer to whether the election system can be called just or not, but rather to show it from different perspectives of justice and how that can affect the view of the election system.

The following essay argues that Transnational Civil Disobedience may be justified when it is applied to questions relating to global climate change. Civil Disobedience as a politically motivated form of lawbreaking posits questions regarding political obligation and citizenship and such questions are amplified when applied to the transnational level.Furthermore, this essay focuses on the influential account of Civil Disobedience as it has been formulated by John Rawls. The writer argues that there are potential issues with this formulation when it is applied outside of the greater scope of Rawls’s work. Instead, the essay argues for a formulation of Civil Disobedience that includes a politicizing feature, and to view it as an extra institutional form of political discourse that is detached from notions of state belonging.Finally, it is argued that the All Affected Principle may be used as a necessary condition for justifying acts of Transnational Civil Disobedience. The nature of Global Climate change as an event that affects the human race as a whole, gives rise to the potential for non-citizens to claim a level of political agency in matters that affect them despite lacking formal representation.

This work tries to present the importance of the theory of justice of John Rawls from the point of view of Christian ethics, pointing out selected aspect of this theory. The basis for this reflection gives the fact, that the theory of justice of John Rawls is repeatedly cited in the presentations of the principles of Catholic social teaching. In some points they show similarities, in others are in opposition. Furthermore, John Rawls formulates his formal theory in a way to make it acceptable for every rational human being. In this group are also included persons with religious and moral ideas, or how John Rawls call them himself: people with comprehensive doctrines. The rationale to examine the theory of justice is justified also by the fact that Rawls ascribes not ignorable function in the aforementioned theory to religious ideas. Thirdly, in the case of John Rawls is possible to see one of the advocates and fore-representative of the liberal tradition. Liberalism is, because of its ambiguous definition but simultanously real presence in the society and thinking of people, not ignorable challenge for the Church and religious ideas, with which she already tries for two hundred years to tackle. In this work therefore will be presented the life and works of John Rawls, together with the basic theses of...

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In my paper I make a case for why more countries ought to adopt reciprocal free movement of people policies. Looking at the EU as an example of successful implementation of reciprocal free movement of people policies, I establish a model for such an agreement between countries. I consider the American countries as an example of a region that could benefit from adopting a reciprocal free movement of people policy. For the ethical basis of the argument I look at the eight principles for free and democratic peoples – focusing on the first, sixth, and eighth principles – John Rawls sets out in his book The Law of Peoples (1999). I use his principles as the groundwork for establishing the rights of citizens of a country, the obligations a government has to those people, and how nations ought to interact with one another. Rawls uses an Egalitarian framework for establishing the eight principles of justice. Further using Joseph Carens' analysis in "Aliens and Citizens: The Case for Open Borders" (1987) in which he applies Rawls' theory of the Original Position to a global scale to argue for open borders. Carens argues for completely open borders and states there is rarely a justifiable reason to restrict movement. While Carens' argument is more radical than what I'm arguing, it serves as a good base for the ethical case to remove restrictions to movement. My argument recognizes reasons why nations might want to maintain a degree of control over who enters their country and recognizes the practical obstacles to a country embracing open borders. A regionally based freedom of movement policy allows countries to recognize its citizens' right and the rights of citizens of member states to move freely while maintaining a level of national sovereignty by being selective about the countries they enter into an agreement with. I used American countries as a case study – granted a case could be made for many other countries to have such an agreement – because they resemble Europe around the time of adopting Article 45 in the level of market integration, shared identity and history, and on-going political tensions surrounding issues of immigration. The conversation of immigration shifts to one of free movement under a free movement of people policy. Immigration grants a person the full status of citizens, whereas, free movement grants a person a range of rights as a legal resident while still maintaining citizenship in their country of origin.

A social problem that has created many debates is the issue of the gender distribution in a workplace where the main aim has been to create an equal workplace between the sexes without discrimination or favouring other genders. This has meant that it is necessary to break down male-dominated occupations to a more equal distribution between men and women, more specifically male-dominated occupations that are often leading roles within companies and organizations. According to the new directive by the European Parliament, all EU countries must take measures when it comes to increasing the number of women in management. The directive discussed during Session’s info November 21-24, 2022, plenary session in Strasbourg requires companies with more than 250 employees to carry out transparent recruitment within the company to ensure that at least 40 percent of nonexecutive board members or 33 percent of all board members are represented by women no later than July 2026 (EU. 2022). One country that has received harsh criticism is Sweden, which chose to vote no to the proposal, which has led to Sweden ending up in the same party as Hungary and Poland, which are often associated with Europe's worst countries when it comes to equality issues. This essay will analyse whether the quota system is the right way to achieve equality and how it in turn is a fair method to use. By implementing the different theories of John Rawls, Robert Nozick and liberal feminism we can for a better perception and understanding of what is "justice".

Yes / The pursuit of climate action to meet net-zero targets has triggered the call for a global energy transition from fossil fuels to clean energy sources. However, this global energy transition does not entirely recognise all countries’ social, economic and technological capacities as well as emission contributions as envisaged under the Common but Differentiated Responsibilities (CBDR) principle, which underlies international climate policy. It is concerned more with the outcome of transitioning to clean energy than with justice in the transition process. Recognition justice, an element of energy justice, enables us to identify the inequalities that global energy paradigms (such as the energy transition) can create and how a justice framework can help us understand the implications of energy injustice and address the inequities across energy systems. Recognition justice acknowledges the divergent perspectives rooted in social, economic and racial differences and the varied strengths of developed and developing countries. The energy transition process ought to recognise these differences so that they are reasonably expected to benefit everyone. Implementing the energy transition in the Global South (GS) in the same way as it is being advanced in the Global North will have security, justice, economic, resource-stranding, and sustainable development implications. This issue (of injustice in the energy transition) is aggravated by two dichotomous realities: many countries in the South will be most impacted by climatic changes, yet there remains political and social opposition to climate action through the energy transition. As a solution, this paper relies on the notion of recognition justice with support from the Rawlsian justice concept to argue that a delayed transition represents justice and recognises the peculiar nature and different circumstances of the GS. It identifies that learnings from the Kigali Amendment to the Montreal Protocol on Substances that Deplete the Ozone Layer and the notion of CBDR under international climate treaties can be mainstreamed into energy transition research and policies to achieve justice for countries of the GS. The paper further finds that a delayed transition for the GS will (i) enable the region to address sustainability-related issues of hunger and multidimensional poverty, essential to realising other Sustainable Development Goals, whilst gradually implementing energy transition policies; (ii) present an attractive case against political and social opposition to energy transition in the GS; (iii) advance the goal of CBDR already recognised under international climate treaties and the bifurcated approaches established in such treaties; and, finally, (iv) ensure that developed countries contributing the most to greenhouse gas emissions take the lead now and act while the GS effectuates national contributions sustainably