The challenge of the just war theory in the post-modern era is compounded by technologic advances in warfare and the friction among state actors in a decentralized state system. The inquiry of this investigation on just war is the extent of its validity in an era that extols the sciences and human reason on the one hand and economic necessity on the other as the standard by which state actors regulate their political objectives. The thesis Just war; unjust consequences examines the longevity of the just war tradition, its moral necessity throughout history and its indispensable application in the nuclear age. Chapter 2 examines the moral foundations of the ‘two kingdoms’, which formulates the background of the just war theory, from the biblical account of the great controversy between good and evil to the formation of modern church/state relations. Within the ancient and contemporary setting, ecclesiastical and theological traditions have provided a public platform to establish moral parameters in regards to state actor intent and post-modern application, such as the U.S.-Iraq war. Chapter 3 investigates Augustine’s enduring contribution to the moral and historical formation and longevity of the just war theory. From its earliest development to its modern antecedent the just war theory has been an integral aspect of the philosophical and theological analysis distinguishing ‘why’ and ‘how’ wars are fought and the import of moral parameters to manage international conflict. Chapter 4 examines Reinhold Niebuhr’s contribution to the realist tradition and U.S. foreign policy in the 20th and 21st centuries. This section examines the impact of the modern state actor’s intent for war. The primary issue is that the classical formulation that identifies human nature as the catalyst of social disorder and war is superseded by the scientific method, which adheres to the viewpoint that war is complicated by numerous economic and political factors. Hans Morgenthau’s realist tradition of international relations theory, which advocates that humankind is the centric disruptive force by its abuse of power at all levels of human interaction especially among nations was eventually eclipsed by Kenneth Waltz’s neorealist school of thought, which shifted the culpability of war from the egocentricities of human nature to the disproportions of economic and military power among competing state actors in a decentralized state system. This shift in international relations theory within the framework of weapons of mass destruction contested the validity of the just war tradition in the nuclear age. Chapter 5 reasserts the Christian realist tradition’s viewpoint that the perpetrator for war is the individual actor within collective competitive self-interest, epitomized by the state actor. The classical model is reinstated as a plausible cause for war. It is within this framework that a contemporary adaptation of the just war moral theory is provided to contest the contemporary complexities of warfare in the 21st century. Chapter 6 investigates the practical challenges of modern warfare. The background of Operation Iraqi Freedom reveals the complications of state actor competition in international politics, and the necessity of moral parameters to thwart unwarranted state actor aggression. Finally, Chapter 7 reiterates, the prolonged necessity of the just war tradition in both the ancient and modern eras and, the import of moral parameters to thwart unwarranted state actor aggression and provides a reformulation of the just war moral theory to challenge the viewpoint that deems the utility of weapons of mass destruction as viable national security alternative and its tactical application in warfare. / Thesis (PhD)--University of Pretoria, 2014 / gm2015 / Practical Theology / PhD / Unrestricted

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2016-01-29T13:40:52Z No. of bitstreams: 1 leonardobassoliangelo.pdf: 1057795 bytes, checksum: 59a664556375c240973fe28359f5d003 (MD5) / Rejected by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br), reason: Adicionar instituição on 2016-02-01T15:46:02Z (GMT) / Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2016-02-01T16:14:37Z No. of bitstreams: 1 leonardobassoliangelo.pdf: 1057795 bytes, checksum: 59a664556375c240973fe28359f5d003 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2016-02-01T20:11:18Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 leonardobassoliangelo.pdf: 1057795 bytes, checksum: 59a664556375c240973fe28359f5d003 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-02-01T20:11:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 leonardobassoliangelo.pdf: 1057795 bytes, checksum: 59a664556375c240973fe28359f5d003 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-02 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Guido Tomás Marlière foi um militar francês que chegou ao Brasil na comitiva da Família Real portuguesa, em 1808. Em 1813, iniciou um trabalho de civilização dos índios em Minas Gerais, função na qual ascenderia ao ponto de chegar ao posto de diretor-geral dos índios de Minas Gerais, no período imperial (1824). Em dezesseis anos, compôs um projeto que visava incorporar os indígenas do Leste de Minas Gerais, na região do rio Doce e afluentes à sociedade colonial/imperial, de forma que pudessem se considerar e atuar como súditos/cidadãos da realidade brasileira de seu tempo, através da inserção política, desenvolvimento econômico e inclusão social. Porém, antes disso era necessário que se destituíssem de sua cultura e incorporassem as noções do “homem civilizado”, quando haveria todo um aparato logístico e instituições a exercer esse trabalho, como as Divisões Militares do Rio Doce, a Junta de Conquista, Civilização dos Índios e Navegação do Rio Doce e, no período imperial, a Direção-Geral dos Índios de Minas Gerais, chefiada por Marlière durante cinco anos. Neste trabalho, analisei a atuação de Guido Marlière durante os dezesseis anos em que se ocupou da política para os índios de Minas Gerais, trabalho que não foi isento de tensões, como conflitos entre índios e entre esses e o indivíduo civilizado, e também a visão de outros agentes dessa atividade, como seus subordinados. Utilizando fontes primárias oficiais da política indigenista de Minas Gerais e da Coroa portuguesa/Império do Brasil, bem como correspondências provenientes de um cotidiano administrativo e apontamentos de viajantes europeus que conviveram com indígenas nesse período, procurei situar o trabalho de Marlière no contexto de paulatina inserção do indígena na sociedade do Brasil no início do século XIX. / Guido Tomás Marlière was a French military who arrived in Brazil in the Royal Family retinue (1808). In 1813, started a work of civilization of Indians in Minas Gerais, occupation in which reached was promoted to arrive to post of general-director of Indians of Minas Gerais, in the Imperial period (1824). In sixteen years, composed a project whose goal was to incorporate the Indians of the East of Minas Gerais, in the region of Doce River and tributaries, to colonial/imperial society, for they was considered subjects citizen in Brazil in this time, through the politic insertion, economic development and social inclusion. But, before we needed to eliminate their culture and to incorporate the “civilized man” notions, when they have a logistic apparatus and institution to make this work, with the Military Divisions of Doce River, the Board of Conquest, Civilization of the Indians and Navigation of Doce River and, in the Imperial period, the General Direction of Indians of Minas Gerais, headed by Marlière for five years. In this work, I analyzed the Marlière´s administrative performance during the sixteen years in which he occupied the politics for the Indians of Minas Gerais, work was gone by tensions, as conflicts between Indians and between those and the “civilized individual”. Using official primary sources of the indigenous politics of Minas Gerais and the Portuguese Crown/Empire of Brazil, as correspondences from administrative everyday and from travelers who lived with indigenous´s notes, I wanted emphasize the Guido Marlière work in the context of gradual insertion of indigenous in the society of Brazil of the beginning of Nineteenth Century.

L’objectif de la présente recherche portant sur l’évolution du droit des États à recourir à la force dans les relations nternationales est de montrer suivant une approche historique fondée sur le droit international que la pratique des États en la matière a changé. Effectivement, du droit de « faire la guerre » reconnu comme un droit souverain, passant par les premières tentatives de son encadrement au XIXe siècle, la rupture significative est venue en 1945 avec la création de l’ONU ; la Charte des Nations Unies ayant consacré un principe d’interdiction du recours à la force, exception faite de la légitime défense et de l’autorisation du Conseil de sécurité. Toutefois, aucune précision n’ayant été apportée sur la forme que doit prendre cette autorisation du Conseil de sécurité, dès 1966 comme dans l’affaire rhodésienne, ce dernier autorisait explicitement l’usage de « la force ». À partir de 1990, il prend de l’assurance avec la technique de l’autorisation et retient la formulation implicite d’« autorise les États Membres à user de tous les moyens nécessaires ». Cependant, il arrive qu’une résolution du Conseil ne soit ni n’explicite, ni implicite, mais des États interviennent, arguant de l’existence d’une autorisation implicite du fait de l’émergence des doctrines comme « guerre préventive », « guerre contre le terrorisme » ou encore « intervention humanitaire ». Des cas d’interventions menées en 1992 au Libéria, 1999 en Sierra Leone et au Kosovo et en 2003 contre l’Irak, sont illustrateurs. Ainsi, sur la base de l’interprétation des résolutions du Conseil, l’autorisation implicite tend à devenir la règle en matière de maintien de la paix et de la sécurité internationales. Dès lors, afin d’éviter de réduire le jus ad bellum à un unilatéralisme excessif, et en démontrant la conformité de l’autorisation implicite au régime juridique établi du recours à la force en droit international, nous invitons à la redéfinition de celle-ci. / The purpose of this research on the evolution of the right of States to use force in international relations is to show, following a historical approach based on international law, that State practice in this area has changed. Indeed, from the right to "make war" recognized as a sovereign right, passing through the first attempts of its leadership in the nineteenth century, the significant rupture came in 1945 with the creation of the UN; the United Nations Charter has enshrined the principle of the prohibition of the use of force,except for the self-defense and the authorization of the Security Council. However, since no details were given as to the form this authorization of the Security Council should take, as early as 1966, as in the Rhodesian case, the latter explicitly authorized the use of "force". From 1990, he gained confidence with the technique of authorization and retained the implicit formulation of "authorizes Member States to use all necessary means". Though, sometimes a resolution is neither explicit nor implicit, but states intervene,arguing the existence of an implied authorization because of the emergence of theories like"preventive war","war on terror" or "humanitarian intervention". Cases of interventions in 1992 in Liberia, 1999 in SierraLeone and Kosovo and in 2003 against Iraq are illustrators. So, based on the interpretation of Council resolutions, implied authorization tends to become the rule in the maintenance of international peace and security. Therefore, to avoid reducing the jus ad bellum to excessive unilateralism, and by demonstrating the conformity of the implied authorization with the established legal regime of the use of force in international law, we invite the redefinition of this one.

People can disengage from their internalized moral standards and self-regulation in order to perform immoral behaviour by using different Moral Disengagement mechanisms. These mechanisms within media have a positive effect on immoral behaviour. However, Moral Identity activation is said to counter arguments of Moral Disengagement. In this study, both concepts are applied to the context of war. An additional assumption took into account in how far participants’ internalized moral standards consider war as immoral. This is important since Moral Identity and Moral Disengagement are based on internalized moral standards. To test the hypotheses, this study employed a 2 x 2 RO between-subjects factorial design. The trait variable called Moral Consideration of War was supposed to reflect participants’ internalized moral standards with regard to war. It was used to operationalize the additional assumption. Factor 1 varied the activation of Moral Identity (Moral Identity activation versus control group) and factor 2 varied the depiction of the war scenario (Permissive Scenario versus Prohibitive Scenario). Scenarios were fictive newspaper articles. A Permissive Scenario comprised a higher number of arguments based on Moral Disengagement mechanisms than a Prohibitive Scenario. Main outcome measures were the support of war and war-related Moral Disengagement (questionnaire). In total 86 participants (f=45, m=41) were randomized into four cells and completed the online experiment. The Permissive Scenario failed to increase support of war and Moral Disengagement (questionnaire), on the assumption that war is considered immoral. Moral Identity activation had a negative effect on Moral Disengagement only on the assumption that war was considered moral. Moral Identity activation had no significant effect on support of war, on the premise that war was considered immoral. The interaction term of Moral Identity activation and Permissive Scenario had no significant effect neither on support of war nor on Moral Disengagement, no matter if additional assumption was taken into account or not. Results are discussed with regard to methodological limitations measuring internalized moral standards. Their measurement implied already individual Moral Disengagement. Interaction effect failed, supposedly because Moral Identity activation was not specifically targeted at immoral behaviour and because mediating effects of Moral Identity centrality were not considered.:I. CONTENTS I. Contents 2 II. List of Figures 5 III. List of Tables 6 IV. List of Equations 7 V. Abstract 8 VI. Zusammenfassung 9 1 Introduction 10 2 Theory 12 2.1 Moral Disengagement 12 2.1.1 Socio Cognitive Theory of Morality 12 2.1.2 Mechanisms of Moral Disengagement 13 2.1.3 Moral Disengagement and War 13 2.2 Moral Disengagement and Media 17 2.2.1 Moral Disengagement in Media and Aggressive Behaviour 18 2.2.2 Moral Disengagement in Media and War 19 2.2.3 Operationalization of Scenarios 21 2.3 Moral Identity 22 2.3.1 Moral Identity Centrality 22 2.3.2 Moral Identity Activation and Moral Disengagement 24 2.3.3 Moral Identity Activation in Interaction with Moral Disengagement in Media 26 2.4 Hypotheses 28 2.5 Reasons for this study 30 3 Methods 32 3.1 Experimental Design 32 3.1.1 Participants 33 3.2 Procedures 34 3.2.1 Trait Variables 34 3.2.2 Independent Variables 36 3.2.3 Dependent Variables 38 3.3 Statistical Analysis 39 4 Results 41 4.1 Descriptive Statistics 41 4.1.1 Socio-demographic Characteristics 41 4.1.2 Moral Consideration of War 42 4.1.3 Dependent Variables 42 4.2 Manipulation Check 43 4.3 Hypotheses Tests 44 4.3.1 Hypothesis 1a 47 4.3.2 Hypotheses 2a + 3a 48 4.3.3 Hypothesis 4a 49 4.3.4 Hypotheses 5a + 6a 50 4.3.5 Hypothesis 7a 53 5 Discussion 55 5.1 Moral Disengagement and Support of War 56 5.2 Moral Identity and Support of War 57 5.3 Methodological Problems 58 5.4 Discussion Main Effects without Additional Assumption 60 5.4.1 Moral Disengagement 61 5.4.2 Moral Identity 63 5.5 Limitations 65 5.5.1 Sample 65 5.5.2 Methods 67 5.6 Conclusion 68 6 References 70 7 Annex 76 7.1 Operationalization Permissive Scenario (German) 84 7.2 Operationalization Prohibitive Scenario (German) 86 7.3 Study Description for Participants (German) 88 8 Acknowledgements 89 9 Selbstständigkeitserklärung 90 / Die Mechanismen der Moralischen Entkopplung lösen das Selbst von internalisierten moralischen Standards und verhindern damit die Selbstregulierung des moralischen Verhaltens. Diese Mechanismen kommen auch in Medien vor und tragen zu unmoralischem Verhalten bei. Die Aktivierung der Moralischen Identität wirkt jedoch den Mechanismen der Moralischen Entkopplung entgegen. In dieser Studie werden beide Konzepte auf das Thema Krieg übertragen. Dabei ist wichtig zu beachten, dass internalisierte moralische Standards Krieg als unmoralisch bewerten. Schließlich basieren sowohl Moralische Entkopplung als auch die Aktivierung der Moralischen Identität auf dieser zusätzlichen Annahme. Zur Überprüfung der Hypothesen wurde ein 2 x 2 RO Between-Subjects Design verwendet. Faktor 1 variierte die Aktivierung von Moralischer Identität (Aktivierung Moralische Identität versus Kontrollgruppe). Faktor 2 variierte die Permissivität eines Kriegsszenarios in einem Zeitungsartikel (Permissives Szenario versus Prohibitives Szenario). Dabei wurde Permissivität hinsichtlich der Anzahl der Moralischen Entkopplungsmechanismen operationalisiert (Viele versus Wenig). Als Organismusvariable ist die Moralische Bewertung von Krieg zur Überprüfung der zusätzlichen Annahme notwendig gewesen. Abhängige Variablen waren die Unterstützung von Krieg und Moralische Entkopplung (Fragebogen). Teilnehmerinnen und Teilnehmer (N=86, f=45, m=41) des online Experiments wurden in vier verschiedene Versuchsbedingungen randomisiert. Die Ergebnisse zeigten, dass die Permissivität des Kriegsszenarios keinen Effekt auf Moralische Entkopplung (Fragebogen) oder die Unterstützung von Krieg hatte, unter Berücksichtigung der Zusatzannahme. Moralische Identitätsaktivierung verringerte Moralische Entkopplung (Fragebogen) aber nur unter der Bedingung, dass Krieg als moralisch bewertet wurde. Moralische Entkopplung hatte keinen Effekt auf die Unterstützung von Krieg, unter Berücksichtigung der Zusatzannahme. Die Interaktion von Moralischer Identitätsaktivierung mit der Permissivität des Kriegsszenarios war nicht signifikant, unabhängig davon ob die Zusatzannahme berücksichtigt wurde oder nicht. Die Ergebnisse werden in Bezug auf die methodischen Probleme bei der Messung internalisierter moralischer Standards diskutiert. Es fanden vermutlich Prozesse der Moralischen Entkopplung bereits während der Messung dieser Standards statt. Der fehlende Interaktionseffekt kann an der schwachen und unspezifischen Aktivierung der Moralischen Identität liegen, sowie nicht berücksichtigter Mediatoren, wie z.B. die Zentralität von Moralischer Identität.:I. CONTENTS I. Contents 2 II. List of Figures 5 III. List of Tables 6 IV. List of Equations 7 V. Abstract 8 VI. Zusammenfassung 9 1 Introduction 10 2 Theory 12 2.1 Moral Disengagement 12 2.1.1 Socio Cognitive Theory of Morality 12 2.1.2 Mechanisms of Moral Disengagement 13 2.1.3 Moral Disengagement and War 13 2.2 Moral Disengagement and Media 17 2.2.1 Moral Disengagement in Media and Aggressive Behaviour 18 2.2.2 Moral Disengagement in Media and War 19 2.2.3 Operationalization of Scenarios 21 2.3 Moral Identity 22 2.3.1 Moral Identity Centrality 22 2.3.2 Moral Identity Activation and Moral Disengagement 24 2.3.3 Moral Identity Activation in Interaction with Moral Disengagement in Media 26 2.4 Hypotheses 28 2.5 Reasons for this study 30 3 Methods 32 3.1 Experimental Design 32 3.1.1 Participants 33 3.2 Procedures 34 3.2.1 Trait Variables 34 3.2.2 Independent Variables 36 3.2.3 Dependent Variables 38 3.3 Statistical Analysis 39 4 Results 41 4.1 Descriptive Statistics 41 4.1.1 Socio-demographic Characteristics 41 4.1.2 Moral Consideration of War 42 4.1.3 Dependent Variables 42 4.2 Manipulation Check 43 4.3 Hypotheses Tests 44 4.3.1 Hypothesis 1a 47 4.3.2 Hypotheses 2a + 3a 48 4.3.3 Hypothesis 4a 49 4.3.4 Hypotheses 5a + 6a 50 4.3.5 Hypothesis 7a 53 5 Discussion 55 5.1 Moral Disengagement and Support of War 56 5.2 Moral Identity and Support of War 57 5.3 Methodological Problems 58 5.4 Discussion Main Effects without Additional Assumption 60 5.4.1 Moral Disengagement 61 5.4.2 Moral Identity 63 5.5 Limitations 65 5.5.1 Sample 65 5.5.2 Methods 67 5.6 Conclusion 68 6 References 70 7 Annex 76 7.1 Operationalization Permissive Scenario (German) 84 7.2 Operationalization Prohibitive Scenario (German) 86 7.3 Study Description for Participants (German) 88 8 Acknowledgements 89 9 Selbstständigkeitserklärung 90

[pt] Este trabalho tem por objetivo elaborar uma análise inédita sobre a representação do capelão militar, enquanto personagem, nos filmes de guerra hollywoodianos O Resgate do Soldado Ryan e Peal Harbor e no filme autoral A Grande Guerra e Paisà. Para isto, observou-se o percurso histórico do cinema, o seu uso como uma linguagem de comunicação e propaganda, as suas referências teóricas, que corroboram com a construção do personagem no campo religioso e social. A pesquisa é de natureza qualitativa, seguindo procedimento metodológico de revisão bibliográfica de livros, artigos de revistas científicas e sites da internet, os quais relatam fatos, histórias e trabalhos acadêmicos voltados ao objeto do estudo. De forma surpreendente, embora o capelão desenvolva um notável trabalho no campo sociorreligioso, há um déficit de conhecimento sobre a missão e as atividades desenvolvidas por ele junto às instituições militares e religiosas. Deste modo, este estudo proporciona certa visibilidade e notoriedade ao capelão militar, tendo como referência uma leitura crítica de filmes bélicos. A pesquisa, realizada no campo da comunicação cinematográfica, de modo particular, nas narrativas fílmicas, tem por objetivo extrair, agregar e justificar – de forma direta – os principais temas que estão presentes nas imagens, nos textos e nos sons das cenas, cujo personagem do capelão militar se enquadra, e - de forma indireta -, por meio dos elementos que fazem referência à sua missão institucional, agregada ao campo religioso no qual o capelão está imerso como oficial do culto. A pesquisa enumera, sobretudo, a partir da análise de conteúdo, as virtudes, as qualidades, os defeitos, os vícios, os estereótipos e os clichês, bem como as expressões gestuais e verbais que caracterizam e alimentam o imaginário da construção desse personagem no mundo cinematográfico. Assim sendo, os elementos presentes nas representações dos capelães militares evidenciam sobremaneira o poder simbólico que o personagem exerce, tanto no campo religioso quanto no campo militar, social e político. / [en] This work aims to elaborate an unprecedented analysis on the representation of the military chaplain, as a character, in Hollywood war films Saving Private Ryan and Peal Harbor and in the authoral films “The Great War and Paisan. For this, it was observed the historical trajectory of cinema, its use as a communication and propaganda language, its theoretical references, which corroborate the construction of the character in the religious and social field. The research is qualitative in nature, following a methodological procedure of bibliographic review of books, articles from scientific journals and internet sites, which report facts, stories and academic works aimed at the object of study. Surprisingly, although the chaplain develops a remarkable work in the socio-religious field, there is a lack of knowledge about the mission and the activities carried out by him with military and religious institutions. Thus, this study provides a certain visibility and notoriety to the military chaplain, having as reference a critical reading of war films. The research, carried out in the field of cinematographic communication, in particular, in film narratives, aims to extract, aggregate and justify - directly - the main themes that are present in the images, texts and sounds of the scenes, whose character the military chaplain fits, and - indirectly -, through the elements that refer to his institutional mission, added to the religious field in which the chaplain is immersed as an official of the cult. The research lists, above all, based on content analysis, the virtues, qualities, defects, vices, stereotypes and clichés, as well as the gestural and verbal expressions that characterize and feed the imagination of the construction of this character in the cinematographic world. Therefore, the elements present in the representations of the military chaplains greatly evidence the symbolic power that the character exerts, both in the religious field and in the military, social and political field.

Diploma thesis Relation between the concepts of humanitarian intervention and regime change: the case of Libya is concerned with the study of military interventions after 1989 in the context of current theoretical discourse. It's main goal is assessing the 2011 NATO operation Unified Protector. The key question of thesis is, whether the intervention, due to the extensive reading of UNSC Resolution 1973, mandate still can be described in the terms of humanitarian intervention concept (in accordance with international law paradigm of R2P), or whether it rather had been a regime change. Based on primary data analysis, the paper shows that actors (most significantly the USA, France and Great Britain) contributing with a theoretically impartial military force, despite the immediate positive humanitarian outcome, helped significantly to overthrow the regime of Muammar Gaddafi. Due to the specifics of the operation, it can rather be described as a hidden regime change - a definition is also offered in the thesis. Based on the theoretical framework created by Michael Reisman, the author also assesses legitimacy of such deeds. The text is divided into three main chapters. Chapter one gives an account of broader context of just war theories, humanitarian intervention and regime change concepts. In the second...

This thesis investigates the portrayal of the Mariupol Theatre Airstrike withinthe Russo-Ukrainian War through a discourse analysis of news articles fromdiverse media outlets in Russia, Ukraine, France, Germany, the UK, and theUS. The study employs a qualitative comparative case study approach withinthe academic domain of targeting civilians in war. By applying the lenses oftraditionalist and revisionist perspectives within the theoretical framework ofJust War Theory, the research aims to understand how moral judgements aremanifested in the discourses presented by the media outlets reporting on theMariupol Theatre Airstrike. Notably, the findings reveal a dichotomy in media reporting: Russian mediaadopts a blend of traditionalist and revisionist positions, while Westernmedia also exhibits a blend of both positions, leaning more towards therevisionist perspective. By focusing on the specific case of the MariupolTheatre Airstrike, the study aims to provide a comprehensive analysis thatcontributes to the broader understanding of the complexities of media and theprovide a nuanced understanding on how moral judgments are being exhibited in the Russo-Ukrainian War.

Studiens syfte var att analysera Israels roll innan och efter Sexdagarskriget med utgångspunkt inom rättfärdig krigsteori och dess kriterier. Det jag ville göra med studien var att analysera om Israel uppfyllde kraven för att initiera ett krig rättfärdigt, och sedan använde sig av rättfärdiga åtgärder vid efterkrigstiden. Studiens metodval var en kvalitativ innehållsanalys med en deduktiv ansats där material hämtades från olika arkiv och andra relevanta källor för att besvara syftet. Resultatet redovisades i en kronologisk ordning för att visa ett tydligt händelseförlopp mellan den 15 maj och 22 november 1967. Analysen visade på att Israel uppfyllde kriterierna för jus ad bellum genom ett tydligt casus belli vilket var stängningen av Tiran-sunden för israelitiska fartyg. Analysen om kriterierna för Israels jus post bellum uppfylldes däremot inte eftersom inga åtgärder som krävdes tas av Israels regering. Israel visade i stället på en motvilja att förhandla och till slut gjordes omöjlig med de arabiska tre nej. / This study aimed to assess Israel's role before and after the Six-Day War, utilizing the framework of just war theory and its associated criteria. The primary objective was to examine whether Israel adhered to the prerequisites for justly initiating a war and subsequently implemented just measures in the post-war period. The study employed a qualitative content analysis with a deductive approach, data were sourced from state archives and other pertinent materials. The results were organized chronologically, offering a coherent depiction of events unfolding between May 15 and November 22 1967. The analysis indicated that Israel satisfied the criteria for jus ad bellum by presenting a clear casus belli, namely the closure of the Straits of Tiran to Israeli ships. However, the examination of Israel's jus post bellum criteria revealed failure to take any just measures. The Israeli government did not undertake any of the required actions. Instead, Israel exhibited a reluctance to engage in negotiations as they did not want to engage first, a stance that ultimately led to the arabs’ three nos.

No description available.

Syftet med denna studie var att komma till insikt, dels om hur kriget mot terrorismen har präglat diskursen kring det rättfärdiga kriget med dess särskilt utmärkande preventiva krigföring, och dels om huruvida begreppet "illegal kombattant" kan betraktas som legalt eller inte. Denna studie visar hur krigskonceptet har blivit alltmer diffust sedan det kalla kriget och hur attackerna gentemot USA den elfte september 2001 innebar en brytpunkt gällande diskussionerna kring rättfärdig krigföring. Studien visar också att begreppet "illegal kombattant", med dess preventiva syfte, tillvisso skulle kunna betraktas som legitimt i kontext till omfattningen av ovan nämnda attacker men att dess innebörd inte kan betraktas som legalt i vare sig nationell eller internationell bemärkelse. Jag har kommit till denna insikt genom att identifiera en diskursiv företeelse och lyfta fram dess legalitets- och legitimitetsaspekter och genom att identifiera en juridisk företeelse och lyfta fram syftet med dess innebörd med fokus främst på dess legalitetsaspekter. Med en diskursanalys har jag undersökt talet om det rättfärdiga kriget efter den elfte september, och genom en juridisk analys har jag prövat begreppet "illegal kombattant" gentemot nationell och internationell rätt. Dessa två analyser har fogats samman genom en samlad studie av kriget mot terrorismen och dess legalitets- respektive legitimitetsaspekter. / The purpose of this study was to come to realization on how the war on terror has characterized the discourse on Just War with its particularly distinctive preventive warfare, and also on whether the term "unlawful combatant" can be regarded as legal or not. This study shows how the concept of war has become increasingly diffuse since the Cold War and how the attacks against the U.S. on Sept. 11, 2001 represented an inflection point on the discussions of righteous warfare. The study also shows that the term "illegal combatant", with its preventive purposes, to a certain extent might be regarded as legitimate in the context of the magnitude of the above-mentioned attacks but that its content can not be regarded as legal in either a national or international sense. I have come to this realization by identifying a discursive phenomenon and highlighting its legality and legitimacy aspects and by identifying a legal phenomenon and highlighting the purpose and meaning of it, primarily focusing on its legality aspects. With a discourse analysis, I have examined the speach on Just War after September 11, and with a legal analysis, I have tested the notion of "unlawful combatant" against national and international law. These two analyzes have been consolidated in a comprehensive study of the war on terrorism and its legality and legitimacy aspects.