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Essa dissertação tem como proposta analisar o desenvolvimento do colonialismo português, com seus avanços e retrocessos, e entender como a formação de uma ordem política africana, centralizada e autônoma, se contrapôs às iniciativas efetivas de colonização portuguesa no sul de Moçambique em 1895. Após a Conferência de Berlim (1884-1885), acirraram-se as disputas pelos territórios africanos e a posse da província de Moçambique viu-se seriamente ameaçada pelo interesse britânico e por seu projeto expansionista de ligar o Cairo ao Cabo. Nesse contexto, o anseio britânico em anexar o sul de Moçambique, escoadouro natural de toda a produção da África do Sul, nessa época uma colônia inglesa, resultou no envio de representantes ao poder que parecia desafiar e sobrepor ao de Portugal na região - o do Reino de Gaza. Diante da ameaça crescente à posse da província, o governo português reuniu esforços concentrados enviando as tropas encarregadas de subjugar o Reino de Gaza e garantir a ocupação efetiva desse território. A pesquisa percorreu o período entre 1821 e 1897 que, submetido à análise, fornece as bases necessárias à compreensão de como a presença portuguesa passou de acuada a ofensiva e de como o movimento migratório nguni no começo do século XIX gerou um Reino africano soberano capaz de ameaçar a posse de Moçambique por Portugal. O objetivo é compreender como, em conjunto, esses processos desenvolveram-se, modificaram-se mutuamente e engendraram transformações profundas tanto para os projetos portugueses como para as populações africanas dessa área. / This dissertation thesis proposes to analyze the development of the Portuguese colonialism and its advances and setbacks and to understand how the formation of a centralized and autonomous political order in Africa opposed to effective initiatives of the Portuguese colonization in the south of Mozambique in 1895. After the Conference of Berlin (1884-1885), disputes for African territories were reinforced and the possession of the province of Mozambique was strongly threatened by the British interest of linking Cairo to Cape Town. In that specific context, the British longing to attach the south of Mozambique, \"natural\" outflow for the whole South African production, at that time, an English possession, had as a result the sending of representatives who seemed to match or even overcome their Portuguese counterparts in the region, that is to say, in the kingdom of Gaza. Facing the growing threat of losing their control over the area, the Portuguese government gathered their military resources, sending them in order to subjugate the kingdom of Gaza and guarantee the effective occupation of that area. This research covered the period from 1821 to 1897 that, submitted to analysis, supplies the necessary basis to the understanding of how the Portuguese presence went from defensive to offensive and how the Nguni migratory flow in the beginning of the 19th century generated an African sovereign kingdom capable of representing a threat to the Portuguese possession of Mozambique. The objective of this study is to understand how, as a whole, those processes mutually unfolded and transformed themselves and also how they represented deep transformations in both the Portuguese projects and the life of the African populations in that area.

Após a viagem inaugural de Vasco da Gama, os portugueses traçaram um projeto ambicioso de controle das rotas e dos entrepostos comerciais do oceano Índico, que previa a instalação de feitorias nas cidades africanas costeiras de Quiloa e Sofala. A importância dessa última residia na sua proximidade com os centros produtores de ouro do interior do continente, principalmente o reino do Monomotapa, identificado pelos contemporâneos como o mais rico e poderoso da região. Se no início de sua presença na costa índica os lusitanos aguardaram os mercadores africanos dentro da fortaleza, a partir da queda do volume nos negócios os comerciantes particulares e representantes da Coroa passaram a prospectar o sertão em busca das fontes de riqueza que escapavam da feitoria, desviadas pelas redes mercantis muçulmanas para a cidade de Angoche. Em duas fases distintas, o movimento português em direção ao sertão do continente africano se desenrolou ao longo de todo o século XVI e seus atores produziram grande volume de documentos sobre as diversas características das sociedades com que travaram contato. A partir do vasto conjunto documental, e partindo do pressuposto de que a aplicação de uma metodologia de leitura crítica das fontes nos permitiria acessar, ainda que não em sua totalidade, características das estruturas sociais, políticas e econômicas shona, o objetivo dessa pesquisa é investigar a história política do reino do Monomotapa ao longo do Quinhentos, tendo como ponto de partida a investigação dos interesses que levaram os mutapas a estabelecer relações amistosas com os lusitanos que penetraram em seu território. Ainda que o foco central não seja a presença dos portugueses em África, entendemos que a história do Monomotapa no século XVI somente pode ser compreendida a partir do contato, uma vez que o encontro dos projetos e interesses shona e português provocou o surgimento de novos contextos e arranjos significativos para as dinâmicas históricas dessa região. / After the inaugural trip of Vasco da Gama, the Portuguese have drawn an ambitious project for the control of routes and trading posts of the Indian Ocean, which included the installation of trading stations in the African coastal cities of Kilwa and Sofala. The importance of the latter lays in its proximity to the gold producers in the outback, especially in the Kingdom of the Monomotapa - identified by contemporaries as the richest and most powerful in the region. At the beginning of its presence on the coast, the Portuguese traders waited for African merchants inside the fortress. As the volume of business decreased, the private traders and agents of the Crown began to explore the wilderness due to the seeking of wealth sources that did not reach the feitoria of Sofala. By that time, Muslims had shifted commercial networks for the city of Angoche. In two different phases, the Portuguese movement towards the hinterland of the continent took place throughout the sixteenth century. This research relies on the vast amount of documents left behind by the Portuguese when they passed that encounter . It is based on the assumption that the use of a methodology of critical reading of the sources allows us to approach Shonas political, social and economic structures. Therefore, the purpose of this research is to investigate the political history of the kingdom of Monomotapa throughout the sixteenth century, starting with the research of the interests which led the Mutapas to establish friendly relations with the Lusitanians who invaded their territory. Even though the Portuguese presence in Africa is not our main focus, we understand that the history of Monomotapa in the sixteenth century can only be understood through the analysis of the contact of this people with the Portuguese. This is to say that the projects and interests of the Shona and the Portuguese led to the rise of new contexts and significant arrangements for the historical dynamics in this region.

Thesis advisor: Juliet B. Schor / A key emergent issue in debates over how to respond to climate change is whether wealthy countries can continue to pursue endless economic growth and still meet emissions targets called for by scientists. This study examines how and why ideas of sufficiency--which emphasize the need to limit production and consumption growth--have emerged in this context, despite great obstacles in growth-oriented societies more favourable to "business-as-usual" or ecological modernization ("green growth") approaches. These issues are examined through a comparative case study of the United Kingdom and Canada--the former one of the most successful nations to date in reducing its greenhouse-gas (GHG) emissions and the latter one of the worst performers in terms of emissions levels, emissions growth, and climate-policy implementation. The study draws on data from semi-structured interviews with actors involved in climate politics; attendance at public events and conferences debating climate-change responses; analysis of documents such as climate strategies, policy statements, speeches, op-eds, and press releases; and media articles. Evidence from these cases indicates that an ecological modernization project is very important to move beyond business-as-usual, but its limits are also evident to many in light of the need for deep and rapid emissions cuts. Combined with a critique of economic growth's faltering capacity to improve well-being, opportunities have emerged for a more challenging sufficiency perspective. Ideas of the limits to macro-economic growth have re-emerged, although they face daunting obstacles in neoliberal, consumerist capitalism. The idea of sufficiency has made greater inroads when formulated in more limited ways, such as: partial and nuanced growth critiques, demands for alternative economic indicators to replace GDP, or calls for micro-level sufficiency with respect to specific products, practices, or sectors. Sufficiency-based ideas have also benefitted where the boundaries with ecological modernization are blurred, including, paradoxically, instances where they could be linked to increased economic output in some other form. This emergence of sufficiency-based thinking has advanced further in the UK than in Canada--in large part because in Canada, a significant push for green growth has yet to occur and thus ecological modernization's limits have been harder to see or articulate. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2009. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: Sociology.

S’étendant sur une période de plus de 500 ans, le royaume méroïtique a étendu son influence jusqu’aux bords du Nil Moyen. Bien qu’il soit difficile de déceler clairement les limites précises du royaume, ce dernier couvrait environ mille cinq cent kilomètres de la vallée du Nil, depuis la frontière égyptienne jusqu’au sud de l’actuelle ville de Khartoum, ainsi que des territoires annexes à l’est et à l’ouest. L’objectif premier de cette étude est de comprendre l’organisation des centres urbains en bord de Nil en établissant des comparatifs entre les sites précédemment fouillés, tel le palais de Ouad Ben Naga, les palais et les grandes demeures de la capitale antique de Méroé et le site de Mouweis actuellement fouillé par le musée du Louvre. Bien que l’on ne soit encore que peu au fait des évolutions politiques et culturelles marquant le milieu du premier millénaire avant Jésus Christ, à la naissance de l’empire méroïtique, il est évident qu’une nouvelle conception du pouvoir émergea à cette époque. Un nouveau noyau étatique est établi, quoique son étendue soit encore difficile à délimiter. La diversité manifeste à travers le matériel et l’architecture a donné lieu à des particularités régionales étonnantes. De tels exemples constituent une excellente source d’information quant au contrôle étatique pratiqué dans ces régions. Il semble que le pouvoir se soit diffusé par l’intermédiaire des grandes structures administratives et religieuses. L’apport de nouveaux sites demeure également un excellent moyen de parvenir à une appréhension plus précise de l’organisation des palais au tissu urbain associé, ainsi que leur zone d’influence dans la périphérie de leur implantation. / Extending over more than 500 years, the Meroitic kingdom extended its influence to the edges of the Middle Nile. Although it is difficult to identify clearly the specific limits of the kingdom, it covered approximately one thousand five hundred kilometers from the Nile Valley, from the Egyptian border to south of the present city of Khartoum and peripheral territories east and west. The primary objective of this study is to understand the organization of the urban centers along the Nile in establishing comparisons between sites previously excavated, such as the Wad Ben Naga palace, palaces and mansions of the ancient capital of Meroe and the site of Mouweis currently excavated by the Louvre Museum. Although there is still little awareness of the political and cultural developments marking the middle of the first millennium BC -the birth of Meroitic empire- it is clear that a new conception of power emerged at this time. A new state is established, although its extent is still difficult to define. The great cultural diversity of this kingdom is made clear through its material and architecture, which has led to amazing regional particularities. Such examples are an excellent source of information on state control practiced in these areas. It seems that power is developed through major administrative and religious centers. The addition of new sites is also a great way to achieve a more accurate understanding of the organization of palaces and their implementation inside an urban network, but also their area of influence on the rest of the city.

O objetivo desta tese é apresentar como se dão as relações entre capital, militarismo, luta de classes e indústria cultural no filme Assassinato em Gosford Park, de Robert Altman (2001). Contextualizada no ano de 1932, a obra a princípio pareceria lidar exclusivamente com o Reino Unido; mais especificamente, com as relações entre duas classes sociais (gentry e classe trabalhadora). Entretanto, a inserção de elementos complicadores (a saber: um produtor de Hollywood; um ator, também norte-americano, que se passa por empregado escocês; e um ídolo das matinês, Ivor Novello, único personagem baseado numa figura real) na narrativa fílmica parece não permitir a interpretação de que tudo se resume apenas ao âmbito sóciocultural Britânico. São abarcadas não só considerações acerca da influência da indústria cultural (sobretudo a norte-americana) nas classes sociais ali figuradas, como também reflexões sobre as possibilidades mais progressistas de uso deste mesmo aparato técnico (o cinematográfico). / This thesis aims to present how the relationships between capital, militarism, social struggle and the culture industry are dealt within Robert Altmans Gosford Park (2001). Set in 1932, the film would at first glance seem to deal exclusively with the United Kingdom; more especifically, with the relationships between two social classes (gentry and the working class). However, the insertion of complicating factors (namely, a Hollywood producer; an American actor pretending to be a Scottish valet, and matinée idol Ivor Novello the sole character based on a real historic figure) in the filmic narrative seems to disallow the interpretation that it all comes down to the British socio-cultural scope. The film extends its considerations not only to embrace the influences of the (American) culture industry upon the social classes portrayed, but also to point to more progressive possibilities of use regarding the cinematographic apparatus.

The construction industry in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA) is faced with challenges of incessant delays, cost overruns and poor quality. The premise of the research reported here is that effective adoption and implementation of Building Information modelling (BIM) can contribute to the achievement of the necessary improvement. Against this backdrop, the aim of the research was to produce a strategic framework to underpin such adoption and implementation. It entailed investigation of the awareness of BIM, the extent of its use in KSA and the barriers to its more effective adoption and implementation. A mixed research approach was adopted, using a questionnaire survey and semi-structured interviews for collecting data. The questionnaire survey was used to obtain information on the awareness, barriers, drivers and status of BIM usage in the KSA construction industry, while the semi-structured interviews were designed to elicit the opinions of professionals and elucidate their own experiences in relation to the variables in this study. The data obtained were analysed using descriptive statistics, inferential statistics and thematic content analysis. The study found that the awareness of BIM in the Saudi construction industry is low and faced with inherent barriers that impede its successful application. These barriers were found to be a lack of knowledge of BIM, initial and running costs of implementation, a lack of training of personnel, and a fear of changing from the traditional methods of construction. The study identified strategies that could be used to address these challenges. These include enlightenment on the benefits of BIM application; creating awareness of BIM through workshops, seminars and conferences; training of workers; and the introduction of government intervention to enforce the application of BIM. In addition, this study identified the relevant factors that would enable the application of BIM in the Saudi construction industry to be meeting client's expectations and the requirement to use BIM technology, and using BIM because of the benefits it offers such as cost savings, efficiency, quality and increase in productivity. Regardless of these BIM drivers, however, the most important aim is to bring the stakeholders to commit themselves and invest in the necessary technology, tools and resources in order to improve construction processes. A strategic framework was developed to serve as a roadmap for BIM implementation. The framework also encompassed the key parties in the process and the specific roles to be played by them. The study concludes that the implementation of BIM could improve project performance in Saudi Arabia in terms of time, cost and quality.

This article explores the ways in which a multinational company approaches green human resource management (HRM) in its British, German and Swedish subsidiaries. The authors analyse the similarities and differences in Green HRM approaches in these three European subsidiaries of a US restaurant chain. This enables the comparison of Green HRM practices and behaviours, and considers the factors that influence the subsidiaries in this particular domain. Therefore, this research addresses the current lack of international comparative research in the field of Green HRM. The methodological approach is a multi-case study with 50 participants, using semi-structured interviews and focus groups. The results present evidence of proactive environmental management, reflected through a range of operational and people-centred initiatives across the three European countries. Although there is an overarching commitment to environmental sustainability, the positioning and alignment of the environment and HR function differ amongst the subsidiaries, as does the way in which the subsidiaries choose to engage the workforce in environmental sustainability. The study identified a number of factors that explain the differences in approaches including, amongst others, strategic and performance drivers and cultural dimensions, such as relationships with key stakeholders.

Over the last thirty years, research on the immigration policy-making of liberal democratic states has been preoccupied with the puzzle of why migrant inflows have reached unprecedented levels in Western countries, despite popular calls for restrictionism. A common response of scholars to this puzzle is that whilst governments endeavour to reflect public preferences for restrictive immigration policy, they are prevented from doing so by norms and institutions that are characteristic of liberal democracies. These ‘liberal constraints’ include the national judiciary; international human rights norms; and supranational institutions, such as the European Union. But what of the national legislature? What is the role of this key liberal institution in shaping immigration law within Western democracies? On this question, the literature says remarkably little. This thesis endeavours to redress this apparent neglect. Its case study is the United Kingdom, which is viewed, on the basis of existing research, as a ‘most-likely’ case for having a weak legislature; and in which the executive branch of government has been shown to be relatively unconstrained by the judiciary in comparison with other European states. Does anything, then, act to constrain the immigration restrictionism of the British government? Informed by a novel theoretical framework, ‘interpretive political opportunity structures’, the investigation focuses upon the Parliamentary passage of a single policy: the Immigration Bill 2013-14. Its analysis is based on a detailed examination of the Bill and its legislative process; and on thirty-three interviews that I conducted with key immigration policy stakeholders, including two Government ministers, one from each of the Coalition parties; Government and Opposition MPs; members of the House of Lords; civil servants; legal professionals; and lobbyists. The findings reveal that the UK Parliament had an important liberalising impact upon the Bill, acting to constrain the restrictionist bent of the executive. If the UK is accepted as a case in which we are most likely to find the opposite of this, i.e., a legislature impotent against a dominant executive, then the orthodox view that the legislature is in general a marginal actor in shaping immigration law may have to be revised. Notably, the unelected upper chamber, the House of Lords, appeared to constitute a stronger check on executive power than the elected lower chamber, the House of Commons. This is consonant with Peers’ understanding of their duty to legislate responsibly, rather than responsively (i.e., in line with popular opinion) like MPs in the Commons. Insulated from populist pressures, the Lords invites comparison with respect to its function and impact to the judiciaries of other Western nations, suggesting, perhaps, that in the British constitutional system, known for its pusillanimous judiciary, the Lords evidences an ‘adaptation’ to the marked power imbalance between the judicial and executive branches of the UK state.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T14:27:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Sergio Blain.pdf: 2160462 bytes, checksum: 7793d21b6c2f73815ab5df9ec53ce907 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-02-24 / The aim of this work is to explain, based on the art of painting, the contribution of distinct peoples and their cultures (the Brazilian culture, in the present case) in building the kingdom of God among us. The mankind was raised in order to live in fraternal communion. The solidarity doctrine, which is consummated within the incarnation of the son, extends the will and the path of salvation. According to Paul it should have unit within the diversity of the Christian community. Anyone and every culture such as, Jews, Greeks, slaves, freemen, men and, women, can find a place in the Church. (Cf Gl 3,28) shows the contribution of the Catholic Church in forming the Brazilian thoughts, mainly the ones expressed by the firsts painters, sculptors, architects and, educators of Brazil. The Catholic Church also contributed to the fight for a progressive mentality of assimilation of different cultures (inculturation), based on the respect for ethical values, moral and artistic values of each ethnic group. The Catholic Church also tries to indicate that when the moral values of any culture are oriented to the common good, we can find all the elements of humanity necessaries to the deployment of respect and universal brotherhood, or as it was said before, the kingdom of God in the men life / O estudo demonstra, pela relação que estabelece entre teologia e pintura, a contribuição dos povos e suas culturas específicas, no caso a brasileira, para a construção do Reino de Deus entre nós. O homem foi criado para viver em comunhão fraterna. Na encarnação do Filho se consuma a doutrina solidária, estendendo a todos o agir e o caminho da salvação. Segundo Paulo, deve haver unidade na diversidade que deve ser clara na comunidade cristã. Na Igreja encontram lugar todos os homens e todas as culturas, judeus e gregos, escravos ou livres, homens ou mulheres. (Cf Gl 3,28) Procura deixar claro o contributo da Igreja na formação do pensamento brasileiro, principalmente no que tange a seus primeiros pintores, escultores, arquitetos e educadores. Também a luta por uma progressiva mentalidade de inculturação, direcionada ao respeito pelos valores éticos, morais e artísticos de cada etnia. Deixando claro que na própria forma de ser de cada povo, quando norteada para o bem, podem-se encontrar todos os elementos humanitários, para a implantação do respeito e da fraternidade universal, ou seja, o Reino de Deus na vida dos homens