The purpose of this research is to identify major factors that can be used to explain and predict the process of growth in union membership as represented by union victories in certification elections. The emphasis of this research is on organization and social-structural level factors. The logistic regression procedure reveals that organization level variables are most significant in explaining union victories in certification elections. Among the organization level variables, Unit Size, as defined by the NLRB, is the most significant variable in each year of the study and across all industrial classifications.

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La jeune génération de salariés est souvent accusée d’être moins militante, moins solidaire que les générations précédentes. L’objectif général de cette recherche est de démystifier les préjugés entourant l’engagement militant chez les jeunes syndiqués québécois d’aujourd’hui. Pour ce faire, divers concepts sont présentés, comme celui de jeunesse, de génération et d’engagement militant. Une synthèse de l’évolution historique de l’engagement militant ainsi que la situation particulière de la jeunesse contemporaine dans l’action syndicale permettent de dresser un portrait général. Notre cadre théorique repose sur les concepts d’individualisme et de conflit. L’approche qualitative et l’entrevue semi-dirigée ont été privilégiées. Le résultat de notre enquête menée auprès de dix-sept facteurs et factrices du Syndicat des travailleurs et travailleuses des postes nous révèle que l’engagement militant des jeunes est à la fois le reflet d’une distanciation et une manière différente de concevoir l’engagement militant. Les jeunes syndiqués ne sont pas plus individualistes que les autres générations, mais ils connaissent peu le syndicalisme. D’une part, les jeunes adoptent une position de recul afin de mieux s’approprier la chose syndicale. Il est possible d’affirmer que l’engagement militant n’est pas un phénomène statique, il évolue en acquérant l’expérience. D’autre part, faiblement socialisés au syndicalisme et fortement socialisés au droit, au dialogue et au respect, les jeunes syndiqués appréhendent les conduites violentes et les discours martiaux. Ces derniers ont une vision modérée sans être pour autant passive, car ils valorisent l’action collective et ont plus de facilités à déposer des griefs. / Younger generation workers are often accused of being less engaged and less united in militant activities than the previous generations. The general aim of this research is to demystify the prejudices surrounding the commitment towards union activities of today’s young Quebecois. To do it, diverse concepts are presented as that of youth, generation and militant commitment. An assessment on the historic evolution of the militating commitment as well as the particular situation of the contemporary youth in the industrial action allow to draw up a general portrait. Our theoretical frame rests on concepts of individualism and conflict. The qualitative approach and the semi-directed interview were retained. The result of our survey led with seventeen mailmen and mailwomen of the Canadian Union of Postal Workers (Montreal section) reveals that the militant commitment of the young people is at the same time the reflection of an alienation and a different way of conceiving militant commitment. The young people are not more individualistic than members of the other generations but they know little about the trade unionism. On one hand, the young union members take a step backwards to better appropriate the labor-union matter. It is possible to maintain that the militant commitment is not a static phenomenon, it evolves in contact of experience. On other hand, weakly socialized in the trade unionism and strongly socialized to law matters, to dialogue and to respect, they dread the violent driving and the warlike speeches. The later have softened vision without therefore passive, because they promote collective action and have more opportunities to deposit grievances.

O regime da ação civil pública baseia-se no Código de Defesa do Consumidor e na Lei da Ação Civil Pública. A legitimidade sindical fundamenta-se na previsão constitucional do artigo 8º, inciso III, e na autorização concedida de forma genérica às associações na Lei da Ação Civil Pública, artigo 5º, inciso V e no Código de Defesa do Consumidor, artigo 82, inciso IV. O Código de Defesa do Consumidor organizou os interesses em três categorias: os interesses difusos, coletivos, e individuais homogêneos. Os interesses difusos são os que geram maior oposição da doutrina em relação à legitimidade sindical, em razão de sua amplitude quando comparado com a noção de categoria. Mas é possível fundamentar a legitimidade sindical em relação aos interesses difusos com base no Princípio Democrático e na Teoria dos Direitos Fundamentais. No processo coletivo, a regra geral é que o legitimado é um terceiro em relação ao direito material discutido no processo. A legitimação é concorrente, exclusiva e disjuntiva. A doutrina aceita os requisitos da pertinência temática e o período de pré-constituição da associação; mas considera obstativos da demanda coletiva os requisitos que exigem a autorização assemblear e a individualização dos substituídos. No Brasil, questiona-se a existência do requisito da representatividade adequada da class action. Este requisito somente pode ser avaliado em relação ao legitimado no caso concreto pelo juiz, mas muitos entendem que a legislação já fez essa avaliação ao autorizar abstratamente a legitimação. A doutrina assinala, ainda, que esse requisito somente será aplicável em relação às associações e sindicatos. / The civil public action was governed by Code of Protection of the Consumers and the Law of Civil Public Action. The standing to sue of the labor union in the civil public action was accepted by the article 8°, III from the Brazilian Constitution and by a generic allowance to associations at the article 5°, V of the Law of Civil Public Action and the article 82, IV, of Code of Protection of the Consumers. The Code of Protection of the Consumers creates three kind of general interests: diffuse, collective and homogeneous individual interests. There is opposition again standing to sue of the labor union relative to the diffuse interest, because that kind of interest is more widely spread out than the labor class that the labor union represents. The standing to sue of the labor union in the case of the diffuse interest is based on the Democratic Principle and the Human Rights Theory. In the collective suit, the general rule is that the party to suit is a third one in relation with the person that is connected with the substantive law effects. The standing to sue in the civil public action is considered free to all of the collective players that are mentioned by the law, without any hierarchy among them. About the requirement imposed by the Law, doctrine accept the thematic pertinence and the time of one year of the settlement of the association; but take as obstructive the requirements that impose the name of members of the group and the permission decided in special meeting of the labor union or civil association. There is doubt about the existence of the requirement of the adequacy of representation, from the American class action, in the civil public action. That requirement must be analyzed by the judge, but most of the doctrine affirms that the adequacy of representation was made by the lawmaker when they choose which one would have the standing to sue. Most of the doctrine asseverates that the adequacy of representation is necessary only for the private entities.

A presente pesquisa pretende ser útil nos esclarecimentos da maneira pela qual a experiência advinda do processo de industrialização na Inglaterra, e aperfeiçoada pelos estadunidenses, denominada contrato coletivo de trabalho, poderia servir de parâmetro para o Brasil e México, em termos da contribuição que este instrumento tem dado ao bem-estar social dos trabalhadores. As relações históricas de trabalho no contexto da economia política e na contemporaneidade destes relacionamentos com blocos econômicos diversos são analisadas, bem como as implicações para as relações de trabalho, em especial para os contratos coletivos. As análises feitas visam contribuir para uma melhor compreensão histórica do conflito do capital versus trabalho para elucidar a maneira pela qual seria conveniente atentar para uma melhor compreensão do equilíbrio necessário para valorizar estas relações. Propõe analisar a situação econômica básica versus o processo político e a dinâmica do relacionamento das classes sociais trabalhadoras tendo em vista a influência da doutrina monetarista-liberal de Milton Friedman, chamada de neoliberal, incluindo-se aspectos do peso secundário que a América Latina tem no cenário estratégico dos grandes países capitalistas, por isso as análises foram realizadas tendo em vista preliminarmente uma distinção metodológica fundamental entre direito objetivo e direito não objetivado para que se compreendesse sob a luz dessa distinção as influências recíprocas da economia e da política sobre o homem no horizonte das indefinições da práxis social. Procurou-se, também, o espírito da investigação histórico-estrutural, imiscuir-se nas influências externas comuns, questionando as facetas do internacionalismo trabalhista e suas ramificações, e a maneira como se desenvolveram comparativamente. / The present study should be of interest for the understanding how the experience of labor collective bargain contract, allowed by the industrialization process in England and improved by the North Americans, should be used as parameter for Brazil and Mexico, in terms of the contribution that this instrument has been giving to the workers\' social welfare. It analyzes also the history of the political economy and its contemporariness and the relationships with several capitalist blocks and the implications for the collective bargain contracts. It seeks for a best understanding the conflicts between capital versus labor, trying to elucidate the way should be better to comprehend the necessity of equilibrium, to promote the best value to the workers. It analyzes moroever the basic economy status versus the political process and the dynamics of the relationship of the working classes, considering the influence of the monetarist-liberal doctrine of Milton Friedman, called as neoliberal, included aspects of the secondary influence that Latin America has in the great capitalists\' strategic scenery. The analyses were done in terms of the fundamental methodological distinction between the objective law and nonobjectified law as a way to comprehend, under the focus of this distinction, the reciprocal influences from economics and politics concerning the man in the indefinite horizon of social praxis. The spirit of the historical-structural investigations also attempts for a critical look of the external influences, questioning about labor internationalism faces and their ramifications that has been developed comparatively

A presente tese analisa o trabalho e a organização dos músicos profissionais envolvidos na criação do Sindicato Musical de Porto Alegre (posteriormente Sindicato dos Músicos Profissionais de Porto Alegre), desde 1934, ano de sua primeira fundação, até o início da década de 1960, quando o exercício da profissão de músico foi regulamentado pela lei que criou a Ordem dos Músicos do Brasil (1960) e quando foi aprovada a Súmula 312 do Supremo Tribunal Federal (1963), que fixou uma importante jurisprudência para os músicos profissionais. Procura-se mostrar como a constituição do trabalho musical no âmbito e no contexto da criação das leis trabalhistas e da Justiça do Trabalho no Brasil se caracterizou pela adoção, por parte do Sindicato dos Músicos, de meios e estratégias para buscar coletivamente estabilidade no emprego e assim escapar aos imprevistos do mercado e ao capricho dos empregadores. / This thesis examines the work and organization of professional musicians involved in the creation of the Centro Musical de Porto Alegre (later Sindicato dos Músicos Profissionais de Porto Alegre), since 1934, the year of its first foundation, until de early 1960s, when the practice of the music profession was regulated by the law that created the Ordem dos Músicos do Brasil (1960) and when was approved the Súmula 312 of the Supreme Court (1963), which set an important jurisprudence for professional musicians. We want to show how the constitution of the musical labor in the context of the creation of labor laws and the Labor Court in Brazil was marked by the adoption of means and strategies to collectively seek stability in employment and thus escape from the vagaries of the market and the whims of the employers.

O objetivo deste trabalho é apresentar as formas adquiridas pela cultura do trabalho portuário avulso após o processo de modernização, ocorrido em 1993, ano de promulgação da Lei nº 8.630, que rege sobre a reforma portuária brasileira. O caso estudado é o Porto de Santos. O estudo levanta a hipótese que com a regulamentação da atividade sindical e a vinculação do trabalho portuário avulso ao sindicato (closed shop), fato ocorrido nos anos 1930, esta cultura passa a basear-se na figura da entidade sindical. O processo de regulação econômica e reforma do estado brasileiro, iniciado no Governo Fernando Collor de Mello, acaba com o closed shop e vincula o trabalho portuário a um órgão gestor de mão-de-obra. A lei aparece como marco, pois determina o fim do sistema de closed shop. Para análise da formação desta cultura utiliza-se a noção de experiência e o conceito de consciência de classe de E. P. Thompson e o conceito de habitus de Pierre Bourdieu. / The objective of this work is to present the forms acquired for the culture of the dock work after the process of modernization, occurrence in 1993, year of promulgation of the Law nº 8.630, that it prevails on the Brazilian port reform. The studied case is the Port of Santos. The study it raises the hypothesis that with the regulation of the syndical activity and the entailing of the dock work to the union (closed shop), fact occurred in years 1930, this culture starts to base in the figure of the labor union. The process of economic regulation and reform of the Brazilian state, initiate in the Government Fernando Collor de Mello, finishes with closed shop and ties the port work with a managing agency of man power. The law appears as landmark, therefore determines the end of the closed-shop system. For analysis of the formation of this culture it is used experience notion and the concept of class conscience of E.P. Thompson and the concept of habitus of Pierre Bourdieu.

Orientador: Flávia Arlanch Martins de Oliveira / Banca: Tania Regina de Luca / Banca: Marcia Regina Berbel / Resumo: Este estudo tem por objetivo fazer uma análise de tipo qualitativo no sentido de inteligir os acontecimentos envolvendo o judiciário, enquanto dispositivo de contenção e de produção do social, e sua atuação visando reprimir o nascente movimento sindical rural de influência comunista em Londrina, a partir da figura criminal da marginalidade política. Tendo como fontes primárias, um processo-crime iniciado em 1956, portanto, no período denominado democrático (1945-1964) e outro instaurado nos primeiros momentos do regime civil-militar (1964), acrescidos de documentos produzidos pela Delegacia de Ordem Política e Social do Paraná (DOPS/PR) e artigos de jornais da época, objetivou-se também extrair elementos de comparação entre os dois processos-crime nos diferentes regimes, com o fito de verificar as similaridades e as diferenças entre ambos. Partiu-se da perspectiva foucaultiana de que o dispositivo jurídico não reproduz apenas o discurso do Estado, mas constitui um amálgama de diferentes discursos como o veiculado na imprensa, nas escolas, nas igrejas, nas empresas, no meio acadêmico, etc. Verifica-se que a estrutura sindical legalista e corporativista preconizada pelo Estado e aceita pelo movimento sindical como modalidade de luta política nesse período produziu a proeminência do advogado como liderança iniciada nos rituais jurídicos e, portanto, habilitado a reivindicar em nome dos trabalhadores rurais os direitos balizados pela legislação trabalhista. Pode-se constatar também que, independente da modalidade do regime político estabelecido, os dispositivos policiais e jurídicos de informação, controle e repressão, foram sistematicamente se... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: The purpose of this study is a qualitative analysis to understand events in which the judiciary is seen as a device for social contention and production, and its work in preventing the surge of the rural union movement under the communist influence in Londrina, making use of the criminal figure of political marginality. Having as primary sources a criminal process that started in 1956, a period called as democratic (1945-1964) and another process from the initial moments of the civil-military regime (1964), together with documents prepared by the Delegacia de Ordem Política e Social do Paraná (DOPS/PR) and newspaper articles from that time, this study also aimed at comparing these two criminal processes from two different regimens in order to identify their similarities and differences. This study follows the Foucault perspective that the juridical device does not only translate the State’s discourse but it also comprehends an amalgam of other discourses as found in the press, in schools, churches, companies, academic communities and the like. It is verified that the legalist and corporative labor structure, as advocated by the State and accepted by the labor union movement as a political fight modality, in that period, turned the professional lawyer as a leader, initiated in the juridical rituals and, therefore, an individual qualified to demand, on behalf of the rural workers, those rights guaranteed by the labor legislation. It was also verified that no matter the modality of political regimen, the police and judicial devices of information, control and repression had been systematically improved in Brazil since the 1920s and were ostensibly put into action during the authoritarian regimens... (Complete abstract, click electronic access below) / Mestre

O objetivo deste trabalho é apresentar as formas adquiridas pela cultura do trabalho portuário avulso após o processo de modernização, ocorrido em 1993, ano de promulgação da Lei nº 8.630, que rege sobre a reforma portuária brasileira. O caso estudado é o Porto de Santos. O estudo levanta a hipótese que com a regulamentação da atividade sindical e a vinculação do trabalho portuário avulso ao sindicato (closed shop), fato ocorrido nos anos 1930, esta cultura passa a basear-se na figura da entidade sindical. O processo de regulação econômica e reforma do estado brasileiro, iniciado no Governo Fernando Collor de Mello, acaba com o closed shop e vincula o trabalho portuário a um órgão gestor de mão-de-obra. A lei aparece como marco, pois determina o fim do sistema de closed shop. Para análise da formação desta cultura utiliza-se a noção de experiência e o conceito de consciência de classe de E. P. Thompson e o conceito de habitus de Pierre Bourdieu. / The objective of this work is to present the forms acquired for the culture of the dock work after the process of modernization, occurrence in 1993, year of promulgation of the Law nº 8.630, that it prevails on the Brazilian port reform. The studied case is the Port of Santos. The study it raises the hypothesis that with the regulation of the syndical activity and the entailing of the dock work to the union (closed shop), fact occurred in years 1930, this culture starts to base in the figure of the labor union. The process of economic regulation and reform of the Brazilian state, initiate in the Government Fernando Collor de Mello, finishes with closed shop and ties the port work with a managing agency of man power. The law appears as landmark, therefore determines the end of the closed-shop system. For analysis of the formation of this culture it is used experience notion and the concept of class conscience of E.P. Thompson and the concept of habitus of Pierre Bourdieu.

La jeune génération de salariés est souvent accusée d’être moins militante, moins solidaire que les générations précédentes. L’objectif général de cette recherche est de démystifier les préjugés entourant l’engagement militant chez les jeunes syndiqués québécois d’aujourd’hui. Pour ce faire, divers concepts sont présentés, comme celui de jeunesse, de génération et d’engagement militant. Une synthèse de l’évolution historique de l’engagement militant ainsi que la situation particulière de la jeunesse contemporaine dans l’action syndicale permettent de dresser un portrait général. Notre cadre théorique repose sur les concepts d’individualisme et de conflit. L’approche qualitative et l’entrevue semi-dirigée ont été privilégiées. Le résultat de notre enquête menée auprès de dix-sept facteurs et factrices du Syndicat des travailleurs et travailleuses des postes nous révèle que l’engagement militant des jeunes est à la fois le reflet d’une distanciation et une manière différente de concevoir l’engagement militant. Les jeunes syndiqués ne sont pas plus individualistes que les autres générations, mais ils connaissent peu le syndicalisme. D’une part, les jeunes adoptent une position de recul afin de mieux s’approprier la chose syndicale. Il est possible d’affirmer que l’engagement militant n’est pas un phénomène statique, il évolue en acquérant l’expérience. D’autre part, faiblement socialisés au syndicalisme et fortement socialisés au droit, au dialogue et au respect, les jeunes syndiqués appréhendent les conduites violentes et les discours martiaux. Ces derniers ont une vision modérée sans être pour autant passive, car ils valorisent l’action collective et ont plus de facilités à déposer des griefs. / Younger generation workers are often accused of being less engaged and less united in militant activities than the previous generations. The general aim of this research is to demystify the prejudices surrounding the commitment towards union activities of today’s young Quebecois. To do it, diverse concepts are presented as that of youth, generation and militant commitment. An assessment on the historic evolution of the militating commitment as well as the particular situation of the contemporary youth in the industrial action allow to draw up a general portrait. Our theoretical frame rests on concepts of individualism and conflict. The qualitative approach and the semi-directed interview were retained. The result of our survey led with seventeen mailmen and mailwomen of the Canadian Union of Postal Workers (Montreal section) reveals that the militant commitment of the young people is at the same time the reflection of an alienation and a different way of conceiving militant commitment. The young people are not more individualistic than members of the other generations but they know little about the trade unionism. On one hand, the young union members take a step backwards to better appropriate the labor-union matter. It is possible to maintain that the militant commitment is not a static phenomenon, it evolves in contact of experience. On other hand, weakly socialized in the trade unionism and strongly socialized to law matters, to dialogue and to respect, they dread the violent driving and the warlike speeches. The later have softened vision without therefore passive, because they promote collective action and have more opportunities to deposit grievances.