Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of California, Berkeley, 1994. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 354-392).

A presente tese analisa o trabalho e a organização dos músicos profissionais envolvidos na criação do Sindicato Musical de Porto Alegre (posteriormente Sindicato dos Músicos Profissionais de Porto Alegre), desde 1934, ano de sua primeira fundação, até o início da década de 1960, quando o exercício da profissão de músico foi regulamentado pela lei que criou a Ordem dos Músicos do Brasil (1960) e quando foi aprovada a Súmula 312 do Supremo Tribunal Federal (1963), que fixou uma importante jurisprudência para os músicos profissionais. Procura-se mostrar como a constituição do trabalho musical no âmbito e no contexto da criação das leis trabalhistas e da Justiça do Trabalho no Brasil se caracterizou pela adoção, por parte do Sindicato dos Músicos, de meios e estratégias para buscar coletivamente estabilidade no emprego e assim escapar aos imprevistos do mercado e ao capricho dos empregadores. / This thesis examines the work and organization of professional musicians involved in the creation of the Centro Musical de Porto Alegre (later Sindicato dos Músicos Profissionais de Porto Alegre), since 1934, the year of its first foundation, until de early 1960s, when the practice of the music profession was regulated by the law that created the Ordem dos Músicos do Brasil (1960) and when was approved the Súmula 312 of the Supreme Court (1963), which set an important jurisprudence for professional musicians. We want to show how the constitution of the musical labor in the context of the creation of labor laws and the Labor Court in Brazil was marked by the adoption of means and strategies to collectively seek stability in employment and thus escape from the vagaries of the market and the whims of the employers.

The country women were always in the social movements, however they are not on the registers as personages in the happenings, but as marginal actors. In the social process, the woman was seen as a marginal actor in the history with different social roles for man and woman, where he was always over then woman. However, in 1980 with social movements started in 1970 , that image started to change in Brazil when highlight women s organizations and between that organizations for country women. It was an important point for the women take part on the social movements. It has been meaning the beginning of the female participation in a field usually represented as male. Furthermore, the relationship between labor unions and female workers were not easy. Since the beginning, labor unions were a space for men. Women always had have important presence in the country life, even not recognized, but the labor unions did not join them to the day-by-day practice or share with them the power in the workers organizations. The main objective of this study consists of analyzing the ways of the women participation in the labor union movement for female and male country workers in Sergipe (MSTTR). The study connects the women difficulties to participate in the MSTTR to the socialization process and, therefore, the formulation of different role for men and women. / As mulheres rurais sempre foram figuras constantes nos movimentos sociais rurais, no entanto não ficaram registradas como personagens dos acontecimentos, mas apenas como coadjuvantes. Isso decorre do processo de socialização no qual a mulher sempre foi vista como ator social secundário na história, a partir da construção de diferentes papéis sociais para homens e mulheres, aquele estando sempre como superior à mulher. Todavia, na década de 1980, com as lutas feministas iniciadas nos anos 1970, no Brasil, essa imagem começa a se transformar, e nesse período surgem organizações de mulheres e entre elas as de trabalhadoras rurais. A formação de movimentos de mulheres em geral e das trabalhadoras rurais em particular, marca definitivamente a participação das mulheres nos movimentos sociais, o que tem significado a entrada do feminino num espaço tradicionalmente representado como masculino. Contudo, as relações entre sindicato/mulheres trabalhadoras não foram das mais fáceis. Já em suas origens, os sindicatos se constituíram historicamente como espaços privilegiados para homens. Embora as mulheres sempre tivessem tido presença significativa na vida do campo mesmo não reconhecida - os sindicatos não as incorporaram à prática cotidiana nem dividiram com elas o poder das entidades representativas dos trabalhadores. Assim, o objetivo principal deste estudo consiste em analisar as formas de participação da mulher no Movimento Sindical dos Trabalhadores e Trabalhadoras Rurais em Sergipe (MSTTR). O trabalho relaciona as dificuldades das mulheres em participar do Movimento ao processo de socialização e, conseqüentemente, à construção de papéis sociais diferenciados para homens e mulheres.

A presente tese analisa o trabalho e a organização dos músicos profissionais envolvidos na criação do Sindicato Musical de Porto Alegre (posteriormente Sindicato dos Músicos Profissionais de Porto Alegre), desde 1934, ano de sua primeira fundação, até o início da década de 1960, quando o exercício da profissão de músico foi regulamentado pela lei que criou a Ordem dos Músicos do Brasil (1960) e quando foi aprovada a Súmula 312 do Supremo Tribunal Federal (1963), que fixou uma importante jurisprudência para os músicos profissionais. Procura-se mostrar como a constituição do trabalho musical no âmbito e no contexto da criação das leis trabalhistas e da Justiça do Trabalho no Brasil se caracterizou pela adoção, por parte do Sindicato dos Músicos, de meios e estratégias para buscar coletivamente estabilidade no emprego e assim escapar aos imprevistos do mercado e ao capricho dos empregadores. / This thesis examines the work and organization of professional musicians involved in the creation of the Centro Musical de Porto Alegre (later Sindicato dos Músicos Profissionais de Porto Alegre), since 1934, the year of its first foundation, until de early 1960s, when the practice of the music profession was regulated by the law that created the Ordem dos Músicos do Brasil (1960) and when was approved the Súmula 312 of the Supreme Court (1963), which set an important jurisprudence for professional musicians. We want to show how the constitution of the musical labor in the context of the creation of labor laws and the Labor Court in Brazil was marked by the adoption of means and strategies to collectively seek stability in employment and thus escape from the vagaries of the market and the whims of the employers.

The country women were always in the social movements, however they are not on the registers as personages in the happenings, but as marginal actors. In the social process, the woman was seen as a marginal actor in the history with different social roles for man and woman, where he was always over then woman. However, in 1980 with social movements started in 1970 , that image started to change in Brazil when highlight women s organizations and between that organizations for country women. It was an important point for the women take part on the social movements. It has been meaning the beginning of the female participation in a field usually represented as male. Furthermore, the relationship between labor unions and female workers were not easy. Since the beginning, labor unions were a space for men. Women always had have important presence in the country life, even not recognized, but the labor unions did not join them to the day-by-day practice or share with them the power in the workers organizations. The main objective of this study consists of analyzing the ways of the women participation in the labor union movement for female and male country workers in Sergipe (MSTTR). The study connects the women difficulties to participate in the MSTTR to the socialization process and, therefore, the formulation of different role for men and women. / As mulheres rurais sempre foram figuras constantes nos movimentos sociais rurais, no entanto não ficaram registradas como personagens dos acontecimentos, mas apenas como coadjuvantes. Isso decorre do processo de socialização no qual a mulher sempre foi vista como ator social secundário na história, a partir da construção de diferentes papéis sociais para homens e mulheres, aquele estando sempre como superior à mulher. Todavia, na década de 1980, com as lutas feministas iniciadas nos anos 1970, no Brasil, essa imagem começa a se transformar, e nesse período surgem organizações de mulheres e entre elas as de trabalhadoras rurais. A formação de movimentos de mulheres em geral e das trabalhadoras rurais em particular, marca definitivamente a participação das mulheres nos movimentos sociais, o que tem significado a entrada do feminino num espaço tradicionalmente representado como masculino. Contudo, as relações entre sindicato/mulheres trabalhadoras não foram das mais fáceis. Já em suas origens, os sindicatos se constituíram historicamente como espaços privilegiados para homens. Embora as mulheres sempre tivessem tido presença significativa na vida do campo mesmo não reconhecida - os sindicatos não as incorporaram à prática cotidiana nem dividiram com elas o poder das entidades representativas dos trabalhadores. Assim, o objetivo principal deste estudo consiste em analisar as formas de participação da mulher no Movimento Sindical dos Trabalhadores e Trabalhadoras Rurais em Sergipe (MSTTR). O trabalho relaciona as dificuldades das mulheres em participar do Movimento ao processo de socialização e, conseqüentemente, à construção de papéis sociais diferenciados para homens e mulheres.

CoordenaÃÃo de AperfeiÃoamento de Pessoal de NÃvel Superior / nÃo hà / Os CÃrculos OperÃrios integram o catolicismo social e se afirma como uma estratÃgia polÃtica do catolicismo, respaldada na encÃclica Rerum Novarum, instituÃda pelo papa LeÃo XIII, em 1891, que orienta a intervenÃÃo da Igreja no mundo do trabalho. Diante dos antagonismos ideolÃgicos entre o liberalismo e o socialismo, emergente na sociedade moderna, industrial, a Igreja CatÃlica se reivindica como alternativa de poder, dotada de um projeto polÃtico teolÃgico. No Brasil, o pacto entre a Igreja e o governo de Vargas viabiliza a recuperaÃÃo da influencia religiosa do catolicismo junto ao poder pÃblico, perdidos com estabelecimento do Estado Laico republicano. Nessa conjuntura, a modernizaÃÃo da sociedade, caracterizada pela industrializaÃÃo, emergem os conflito entre o capital e o trabalho, e as primeiras organizaÃÃes trabalhistas. Neste contexto histÃrico os CÃrculos OperÃrios se propagam como instituiÃÃes catÃlicas a serviÃo da recristianizaÃÃo da sociedade pela Igreja Romanizada. Na defesa do projeto polÃtico teolÃgico da Igreja o Circulismo empreende suas aÃÃes educativas e culturais junto aos trabalhadores, orientadas pelos documentos doutrinÃrios da Igreja, objetivado a formaÃÃo de lideranÃas cristÃs e o consenso entre as classes com vistas ao estabelecimento da ordem social crista. No caso de Barbalha essa instituiÃÃo atua em interaÃÃo com o poder pÃblico e eclesiÃstico, na promoÃÃo do ensino, da mÃsica, do civismo e da religiÃo, em consonÃncia com a conjuntura polÃtica nacional. / The Labor Unions compose the Social Catholicism and settle as a political strategy of Catholicism, supported in the Rerum Novarum encyclical, issued by Pope Leo XII in 1891, which directs the Church intervention in the working world. Opposite to the ideological antagonisms between liberalism and socialism, emerging in the modern industrial society, the Catholic Church claims itself as an alternative form of power, holding a theological and political project. In Brazil, the covenant between the Church and the Vargas Government made possible for Catholicism to recover its religious influence beside public power, which had been lost with the imposition of the republican secular country. In this conjecture, the modernization of the society, marked by industrialization, the conflicts between capital and labor become evident and the first labor unions were created. In this historical context, the Labor Unions spread as Catholic institutions serving the re-Christianization of the society by the Roman Church. Defending this theological project, the unionism engages its cultural and educational actions along the workers, guided by Church\\\\\\\'s dictated documents, aiming the formation of Christian leaderships and the agreement between the classes that tried to settle the Christian Social Order. In the city of Barbalha, this institution acts along the public and canonical power promoting education, music, citizenship and religion, concurring with the national policy conjuncture.

O regime da ação civil pública baseia-se no Código de Defesa do Consumidor e na Lei da Ação Civil Pública. A legitimidade sindical fundamenta-se na previsão constitucional do artigo 8º, inciso III, e na autorização concedida de forma genérica às associações na Lei da Ação Civil Pública, artigo 5º, inciso V e no Código de Defesa do Consumidor, artigo 82, inciso IV. O Código de Defesa do Consumidor organizou os interesses em três categorias: os interesses difusos, coletivos, e individuais homogêneos. Os interesses difusos são os que geram maior oposição da doutrina em relação à legitimidade sindical, em razão de sua amplitude quando comparado com a noção de categoria. Mas é possível fundamentar a legitimidade sindical em relação aos interesses difusos com base no Princípio Democrático e na Teoria dos Direitos Fundamentais. No processo coletivo, a regra geral é que o legitimado é um terceiro em relação ao direito material discutido no processo. A legitimação é concorrente, exclusiva e disjuntiva. A doutrina aceita os requisitos da pertinência temática e o período de pré-constituição da associação; mas considera obstativos da demanda coletiva os requisitos que exigem a autorização assemblear e a individualização dos substituídos. No Brasil, questiona-se a existência do requisito da representatividade adequada da class action. Este requisito somente pode ser avaliado em relação ao legitimado no caso concreto pelo juiz, mas muitos entendem que a legislação já fez essa avaliação ao autorizar abstratamente a legitimação. A doutrina assinala, ainda, que esse requisito somente será aplicável em relação às associações e sindicatos. / The civil public action was governed by Code of Protection of the Consumers and the Law of Civil Public Action. The standing to sue of the labor union in the civil public action was accepted by the article 8°, III from the Brazilian Constitution and by a generic allowance to associations at the article 5°, V of the Law of Civil Public Action and the article 82, IV, of Code of Protection of the Consumers. The Code of Protection of the Consumers creates three kind of general interests: diffuse, collective and homogeneous individual interests. There is opposition again standing to sue of the labor union relative to the diffuse interest, because that kind of interest is more widely spread out than the labor class that the labor union represents. The standing to sue of the labor union in the case of the diffuse interest is based on the Democratic Principle and the Human Rights Theory. In the collective suit, the general rule is that the party to suit is a third one in relation with the person that is connected with the substantive law effects. The standing to sue in the civil public action is considered free to all of the collective players that are mentioned by the law, without any hierarchy among them. About the requirement imposed by the Law, doctrine accept the thematic pertinence and the time of one year of the settlement of the association; but take as obstructive the requirements that impose the name of members of the group and the permission decided in special meeting of the labor union or civil association. There is doubt about the existence of the requirement of the adequacy of representation, from the American class action, in the civil public action. That requirement must be analyzed by the judge, but most of the doctrine affirms that the adequacy of representation was made by the lawmaker when they choose which one would have the standing to sue. Most of the doctrine asseverates that the adequacy of representation is necessary only for the private entities.

A presente pesquisa pretende ser útil nos esclarecimentos da maneira pela qual a experiência advinda do processo de industrialização na Inglaterra, e aperfeiçoada pelos estadunidenses, denominada contrato coletivo de trabalho, poderia servir de parâmetro para o Brasil e México, em termos da contribuição que este instrumento tem dado ao bem-estar social dos trabalhadores. As relações históricas de trabalho no contexto da economia política e na contemporaneidade destes relacionamentos com blocos econômicos diversos são analisadas, bem como as implicações para as relações de trabalho, em especial para os contratos coletivos. As análises feitas visam contribuir para uma melhor compreensão histórica do conflito do capital versus trabalho para elucidar a maneira pela qual seria conveniente atentar para uma melhor compreensão do equilíbrio necessário para valorizar estas relações. Propõe analisar a situação econômica básica versus o processo político e a dinâmica do relacionamento das classes sociais trabalhadoras tendo em vista a influência da doutrina monetarista-liberal de Milton Friedman, chamada de neoliberal, incluindo-se aspectos do peso secundário que a América Latina tem no cenário estratégico dos grandes países capitalistas, por isso as análises foram realizadas tendo em vista preliminarmente uma distinção metodológica fundamental entre direito objetivo e direito não objetivado para que se compreendesse sob a luz dessa distinção as influências recíprocas da economia e da política sobre o homem no horizonte das indefinições da práxis social. Procurou-se, também, o espírito da investigação histórico-estrutural, imiscuir-se nas influências externas comuns, questionando as facetas do internacionalismo trabalhista e suas ramificações, e a maneira como se desenvolveram comparativamente. / The present study should be of interest for the understanding how the experience of labor collective bargain contract, allowed by the industrialization process in England and improved by the North Americans, should be used as parameter for Brazil and Mexico, in terms of the contribution that this instrument has been giving to the workers\' social welfare. It analyzes also the history of the political economy and its contemporariness and the relationships with several capitalist blocks and the implications for the collective bargain contracts. It seeks for a best understanding the conflicts between capital versus labor, trying to elucidate the way should be better to comprehend the necessity of equilibrium, to promote the best value to the workers. It analyzes moroever the basic economy status versus the political process and the dynamics of the relationship of the working classes, considering the influence of the monetarist-liberal doctrine of Milton Friedman, called as neoliberal, included aspects of the secondary influence that Latin America has in the great capitalists\' strategic scenery. The analyses were done in terms of the fundamental methodological distinction between the objective law and nonobjectified law as a way to comprehend, under the focus of this distinction, the reciprocal influences from economics and politics concerning the man in the indefinite horizon of social praxis. The spirit of the historical-structural investigations also attempts for a critical look of the external influences, questioning about labor internationalism faces and their ramifications that has been developed comparatively

This dissertation sets out to explore the roots of trade union members' job dissatisfaction, as a large body of prior quantitative research, spanning more than four decades, indicates that trade union members express higher levels of job dissatisfaction than non-union members. Industrial relations scholars have not been able to agree on an explanation as to why trade union members express comparatively more job dissatisfaction. The ambiguity in establishing a causal relationship between trade union membership and job dissatisfaction is due to the fact that previous works have largely been biased towards the use of quantitative methods. The present study, therefore, uses a unique qualitative approach consisting of grounded theoretical techniques and interviews with 43 trade union members to gather new insights on the topic. Interviews were conducted at two case study organisations, one a manufacturer and the other a public services organisation, in Scotland. Three alternative explanations that have sought to explain trade union members' job dissatisfaction were unpacked. These explanations link trade union members' job dissatisfaction to (i) unmet expectations from trade union membership, (ii) awareness of inequalities and (ii) industrial relations climates. The aim of this dissertation was to develop insights to enable a better understanding of why trade union members appear to express dissatisfaction with their jobs. The grounded theoretical approach has enabled at least three contributions to the industrial relations literatures and, to a lesser extent, to the human resources and job satisfaction literatures. These contributions are: (i) a deep, qualitative approach towards understanding the phenomenon; (ii) a critical evaluation of three alternative explanations of the phenomenon; and (iii) insights towards an initial model explaining the roots of trade union members' job dissatisfaction.

Cette recherche fait état de la crise du syndicalisme qui affecte la capacité d’action et l’efficacité des pratiques des organisations syndicales à travers le monde. Elle dresse un portrait complet des éléments de crise qu’elle décline sous les niveaux économique, politique et social. Cette recherche expose ainsi la nécessité d’un renouveau syndical pour porter précisément sur les coalitions, hétérogènes notamment, comme stratégie de renouveau syndical. Au plan analytique, elle évalue l’impact de l’identité et de la capacité organisationnelle d’une organisation syndicale aux Philippines sur son choix de se coaliser, mais aussi l’influence de ses objectifs et du contexte national dans lequel elle évolue. Les données empiriques pour mener cette étude proviennent principalement de près de 24 entrevues semi-dirigées, tenues auprès de représentants de l’une des plus grandes organisations syndicales des Philippines, de représentants d’organisations non syndicales alliées et de répondants externes à celle-ci. Premièrement, nos résultats montrent qu’une identité collective sociétale forte influence favorablement le choix de l’organisation syndicale étudiée de se coaliser. Elle confirme également le rôle essentiel de l’identité dans l’orientation de son action collective. Deuxièmement, nos résultats permettent de conclure qu’une capacité organisationnelle forte influence favorablement le choix de cette organisation syndicale de se coaliser, considérant qu’elle permet à celle-ci d’identifier les opportunités d’action, de mettre en œuvre de nouvelles stratégies et d’assurer la légitimité et la mobilisation des membres quant aux actions entreprises. De nos résultats ressort l’importance de l’éducation sur l’accroissement de la capacité organisationnelle et, particulièrement, sur la formation et le renforcement de l’identité collective de l’organisation syndicale étudiée. Plus encore, nos résultats exposent l’interaction entre les dimensions de l’identité et de la capacité organisationnelle : précisément, nous avons observé une relation de renforcement positif entre ces deux variables. Troisièmement, nos résultats mettent de l’avant l’interaction entre les différents niveaux de transformations résultantes de sa participation à différents types de coalitions. Ainsi dans le cas observé, l’obtention de transformation au plan intraorganisationnel permet à rebours d’obtenir des transformations au plan extraorganisationnel et vice-versa. Finalement, le contexte répressif des Philippines et les objectifs de l’organisation syndicale étudiée apparaissent favorables à son choix de se coaliser à différents niveaux (local, régional, national et international). / This research aims to survey the crisis, which affects the effectiveness and action-readiness of labor unions around the world. It portrays crisis elements happening at the economic, political and social levels, thus exposing the necessity of implementing union renewal. The research puts the focus on how coalitions might be one of the many key elements to this revitalization. It evaluates the influence of identity and organizational capacity on choosing whether to coalesce, while taking into account the specific union objectives and the national context in which it operates. The research has been conducted in a trade union organization based in the Philippines. The empirical data used in the research comes from 24 semi-structured interviews with representatives from one of the largest labor union in the country, representatives from non-union allies to this organization, and other actors not directly involved with the trade union organization under study. First, the results show that a strong societal, collective identity influences the choice of this union organization to join coalitions. Collective identity is also a fundamental element to better understand the orientation of the collective action displayed by this organization. Second, our results also suggest that a strong and visionary organizational capacity influences positively the choice of joining a coalition, since the union is reputed by then to be better-equipped to identify opportunities to act differently, to elaborate strategies of union renewal, and to ensure that these actions are properly understood and legitimized by the rank-and-file members. Our case study also demonstrates the importance of education for increasing organizational capacity, especially when it comes to collective identity formation and empowerment. Furthermore, our findings confirm the interaction between identity and organizational capacity: specifically, we observe a positive, mutually reinforcing relationship between the two variables. Third, our results reveal the interaction between the different levels of transformations resulting from the participation in coalitions. In fact, our case study shows that intraorganizational transformation leads to extraorganizational transformation and vice-versa. Lastly, our study shows that the combined effect of the repressive context of the Philippines and the specific objectives of the interviewed labor union seem to support its decision to coalesce at different (local, regional, national and international) levels.