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The following study analyzes the national imaginary that emerges from the Tradiciones Peruanas, written by Peruvian Ricardo Palma (Lima, 1833-1919). The selected set of traditions is based on historical reference ranging between the years of 1820 to 1885. The research is organized into four chapters. The first chapter is an introduction with special emphasis on the theoretical framework, the state of the question, and the civic, aesthetic and ideological reasons that led Ricardo Palma to write the chosen corpus. The second chapter looks to the traditions that allude the presence of Argentine general Don José de San Martín and the Venezuelan liberator Simón Bolívar in the different instants -from the prior years to the subsequent years- of the emancipation process in Peru, ranging from 1820 to 1827. The third chapter refers to the literary version of what history has called the First Peruvian Militarism (1827-1883) and which Palma rewrites with all the tones of anarchy, anecdote, festivity and political apprenticeship that led to the construction of the nineteenth-century Peruvian Republic. Finally, the fourth chapter looks into the symbolic and literary representation corresponding to the traditions about the War of the Pacific (1879-1883), which are the most bloody and tragic years of nineteenth century Peru. Classical and representative texts of Peruvian literature are used to support the study as well as authorized criticism about Palma, ranging from the early testimonies of his son Clemente, and his daughter Angélica Palma, going through the essays of José de la Riva Agüero, José Carlos Mariátegui, Raúl Porras Barrenechea, Luis Alberto Sánchez, Estuardo Núñez, Wáshington Delgado, José Miguel Oviedo, Antonio Cornejo Polar, Julio Ortega to the meticulous contributions of Juan Díaz Falconí and Oswaldo Holguín Callo. In the same way, the study uses the contribution of historiography, specially from the texts of Jorge Basadre, Alberto Flores Galindo, Peter Klarén, Carmen McEvoy, and Juan Fonseca. Finally, the theory and reflection of postcolonial history supports the study with the texts of Ernest Renan, Benedict Anderson, Doris Summer, Friedhelm Schmidt-Welle, among others. / Spanish

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My dissertation, Family Across the Seas: Asian Diasporas in the Americas, explores literary depictions of Asian immigration history in contemporary women’s literature and creates conversations between Caribbean literature, Asian American literature, and Latinx literature. This dissertation compares multigenerational literary works that portray extended depictions of Asian Latin American and Asian Latinx immigrant experiences. My dissertation draws on literary works from Caribbean literature (Mayra Montero’s Como un mensajero tuyo), Latinx literature (Cristina García’s Monkey Hunting; Angie Cruz’s Let It Rain Coffee), and Asian American literature (Elaine Castillo’s America Is Not the Heart; Karen Tei Yamashita’s Brazil-Marú and Circle K Cycles). Through a close reading of multigenerational literature on Asian (Latin) American immigrant experiences, my dissertation examines how literature becomes an ideological tool for writers to depict the experiences of Asians and the Asian diasporas in the Americas and their negotiations of identity and belonging. This dissertation highlights the overlapping and intertwined histories of the Spanish and U.S. empires, the transoceanic crossings of people of Asian ancestry, and the racialization of Asians in the Americas. In my dissertation, I extend the geographical scope of “America” to “the Americas,” which include the Caribbean, Latin America, and the United States. By doing so, I acknowledge the historical connection between Asia and the Americas. Using Junyoung Verónica Kim’s Asia–Latin America as a method, the dissertation centers on the Global South and literary representations of Asian immigration experiences in the Americas. This dissertation engages with history and existing works on the Asian presence through the analysis of the multigenerational literature. / Spanish

Ces dernières années, la littérature latino-américaine a connu un accroissement de la production et de la publication de femmes écrivains qui explorent des genres tels que l'horreur ou le fantastique pour aborder les questions sociales qui les intéressent. Parmi ces thèmes figure la violence fondée sur le genre. Cette violence est le résultat de comportements normalisés soutenus par les structures patriarcales des sociétés latino-américaines, que ce soit dans le système gouvernemental ou scolaire, au travail ou dans la sphère familiale. Le présent travail de mémoire vise à réfléchir à la manière dont certaines auteures latino-américaines contemporaines abordent la violence fondée sur le genre à travers des récits courts dans les genres de l'horreur et du fantastique. Des histoires tirées des livres de cinq écrivaines seront analysées : Las cosas que perdimos en el fuego (2016) de Mariana Enríquez (Argentine), Las voladoras (2020) de Mónica Ojeda (Équateur), Sacrificios Humanos (2021) de María Fernanda Ampuero (Équateur), Despojos (2022) de Lola Ancira (Mexique) et Perras de reserva (2022) de Dahlia de la Cerda (Mexique). L'analyse examine en particulier la relation entre le genre et la forme littéraires, d'une part, et l'intrigue et le sujet des textes, d'autre part. Les histoires sont considérées à la fois comme des produits esthétiques et des produits sociaux qui remettent en question les pratiques sociopolitiques qui maintiennent l'inégalité des femmes en Amérique latine. / Latin American women´s writing has recently experienced an interest in the representation of social issues under the aesthetics of the fantastic or of terror. Among these social themes is gender violence. Such violence is the result of normalized behaviors supported by patriarchal structures in Latin American societies, whether in the government or school systems, at work or within the family nucleus. This thesis focuses on the representation of gender violence in horror and fantastic short-stories written by contemporary Latin American women. It analyses five volumes of short-stories: Las cosas que perdimos en el fuego (2016) by Mariana Enríquez (Argentina), Las voladoras (2020) by Mónica Ojeda (Ecuador), Sacrificios Humanos (2021) by María Fernanda Ampuero (Ecuador), Despojos (2022) by Lola Ancira (Mexico) y Perras de reserva (2022) de Dahlia de la Cerda (Mexico). The analysis focuses on the relationship between formal aspects and the plot and themes in the stories. Thus, they are considered aestetical and social products that cuestion sociopolitical practices that mantain gender inequality in Latinamerica. / La literatura en América Latina ha experimentado en años recientes un auge en la producción y publicación de autoras que exploran géneros como el horror o lo fantástico para abordar los temas sociales que les interesan. Entre estos temas se encuentra la violencia de género. Dicha violencia es el resultado de conductas normalizadas apoyadas por estructuras patriarcales en las sociedades latinoamericanas, tanto en el gobierno o los sistemas escolares, como en el ámbito de trabajo o en el núcleo familiar. El presente trabajo analiza la representación de la violencia de género en relatos fantásticos y de horror escritos por escritoras latinoamericanas contemporáneas. El corpus de análisis está compuesto de cinco volúmenes de relatos: Las cosas que perdimos en el fuego (2016) de Mariana Enríquez (Argentina), Las voladoras (2020) de Mónica Ojeda (Ecuador), Sacrificios Humanos (2021) de María Fernanda Ampuero (Ecuador), Despojos (2022) de Lola Ancira (México) y Perras de reserva (2022) de Dahlia de la Cerda (México). El análisis considera en particular la relación del género literario y de la forma con la trama y la temática de los textos. Los relatos se entienden en su doble vertiente de productos estéticos y de productos sociales que cuestionan prácticas sociopolíticas que mantienen la desigualdad de las mujeres en Latinoamérica.

As the case with most countries across Latin America, unprecedented migration to urban areas has strained city infrastructure systems. More particularly, the region faces a pressing crisis of water security, where rapid urbanization has outpaced water sector development. This thesis addresses the water infrastructure reform in El Alto and La Paz, Bolivia, focusing on strategies to better promote water access for the peri-urban poor. The research investigates the level of progressivity of water service expansion and pricing regimes: in other words, does the present model of water distribution positively improve the lives of the poorest groups? By investigating these social dimensions of water management, this study brings perspectives on the broader dialogue on Bolivia’s economic development, along with issues of participatory governance. Resumen: Como es el caso en muchos países latinoamericanos, la migración a áreas urbanas a niveles sin precedentes ha superado la capacidad de infraestructura. Concretamente, la región se enfrenta a una urgente crisis en la seguridad de agua potable dado que la rápida urbanización ha sobrepasado el desarrollo de este sector. Esta tesis aborda la reforma de la infraestructura de agua potable en El Alto y La Paz, Bolivia, enfocando en las estrategias para mejorar el acceso a agua por parte de los residentes periurbanos pobres. La investigación averigua el nivel de progresividad de los regímenes de precios y expansión de servicios de agua potable. En otras palabras, ¿contribuye el actual modelo de distribución de agua al mejoramiento de la vida de los grupos más desfavorecidos? Al investigar estas dimensiones sociales en el manejo de agua potable, este estudio ofrece perspectivas en cuanto al diálogo amplio del desarrollo económico de Bolivia, así como asuntos de gobernanza participativa.

This dissertation examines how confusion and lack of access to information about subsurface property rights facilitates the rapid acquisition of mineral rights by mining interests, leaving those who live 'above the surface' to contend with complicated corporate and bureaucratic apparatuses. The research focuses on the first proposed state-run large scale mining project in Ecuador, believed to contain copper ores, and on the natural gas hydrofracking industry in three counties in north central West Virginia. Qualitative and visual methods, including mapping, are employed to determine (i.) how the geography of subsurface ownership patterns is changing, (ii.) links between changes in subsurface ownership and surface ownership, and (iii.) how these changes are facilitated or impeded by institutional and governance practices. Rights and permit acquisitions are facilitated by state institutions, which often have strategic interests in mineral development. Accordingly, this research also considers the role of state strategy with respect to the establishment, bureaucratic management, and enforcement of vertical territory, which reflects the state’s interest in and sovereign claim over subterranean resources to benefit the nation. The research finds that the historical separation of subsurface property rights from the surface is associated with a persistent weakening of surface holder claims to land in favor of mining development, and that this weakening has contributed to the long-term persistence of absentee ownership and control over land in Ecuador and West Virginia. Viewing subsurface land deals from the perspective of those whose lives are disrupted on the surface, I conclude from this work that mundane practices such as deed transfers and local micropolitics about land use are significant factors in the lead up to larger scale violences and silences, such as forced displacement and even political imprisonment of activists opposed to extraction.

On October 1, 2018, Mexican President Enrique Peña Nieto, U.S. President Donald Trump, and Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau signed the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA), concluding 13 months of negotiations that concerned economies totaling 27.88% of world GDP. The recentness, magnitude, and relevance of the USMCA invokes a comprehensive analysis of the multidimensional factors that led to this agreement. Explaining the USMCA of 2018 requires insight of the continent’s political and economic forces that bound Canada, the United States, and Mexico with the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) of 1994. After doing so, this study then compiles a variety of works in a meta-analysis on NAFTA’s effects during the past 25 years. This paper finds that NAFTA achieved its intended goals, but failed to anticipate many negative repercussions for which it is criticized today. Then, this study investigates the demand for renegotiation of NAFTA which was triggered by Donald Trump calling it “the worst trade deal in history maybe ever” during his presidential campaign. However, when presenting the new USMCA to the press, he described it as a “wonderful new trade deal.” Therefore, study analyzes how different the USMCA is from NAFTA, and finds that the few changes are explained by a modernization of certain chapters to adapt the treaty to the digital era. These modifications heavily resonate the Trans-Pacific Partnership, a regional free trade agreement that included the U.S. until President Trump withdrew from it. What then results to be a rebranding of other agreements is predicted here to bring more political repercussions than economic change, as elections in Canada dawn later this year and in the U.S. in 2020. Ultimately, each party succeeded per its own renegotiation objectives; Mexico and Canada sought market penetration in the U.S., whereas the U.S. sought concessions and an end to NAFTA. Ratification of the USMCA is pending at the domestic level of each country, which this paper predicts will occur successfully, perhaps even before the end of 2019. Nonetheless, despite the modernization efforts involved in producing the USMCA, this paper questions whether the agreement equips these three member states to face the challenges of tomorrow.

The Nicaraguan Literacy Crusade of 1980, carried out in the aftermath,of a long and destructive revolution, was able, in five months time, to decrease the nation's illiteracy rate from 50 percent to 13 percent. The newly fonned Nicaraguan government, recognizing the political nature of education, viewed its Literacy Crusade as a major step· in the development of a "new", post-revolutionary Nicaragua. As a means of comparison, two other literacy campaigns are also examined: the Cuban campaign of 1961, and the UNESCO-sponsored Experimental World Literacy Programme, in place from 1965-1973. The Cuban campaign served as a precursor to the Nicaraguan effort. It, too, occurred after a revolution, with education also,viewed as a key to the consolidation of a new 2 government. Likewise, the effort in Cuba depended upon an intense and massive effort by the public, to participate as students, teachers, or both. In less than one year, the illiteracy rate in Cuba decreased from 26 percent to 4 percent, with 700,000 Cubans achieving minimal literacy. In addition, the campaign was simply the first step in a series of educational changes. Follow-up campaigns, as well as increased emphasis on formal schooling, has continued in Cuba. The UNESCO effort proved to be much less successful. The EWLP was to include intensive and selective literacy projects in eleven designated nations. The literacy projects were based upon work-oriented definitions of literacy, and were, for the most part, planned and administered by international experts. The lack of involvement by national leaders or educators proved to be a great hinderance, especially since many of the nations were interested in mass literacy programs, not selective literacy projects. At the conclusion of the EWLP, thirty-two million dollars had been spent, but only 120,000 adults had been classified as new literates. UNESCO's own assessment of the EWLP pointed to a number of problems in organization, personnel, methods and materials that contributed to this lack of success. The Nicaraguan Literacy Crusade was able to take the best parts of both of these previous efforts, and achieve some remarkable successes. The mass involvement of the people, and the commitment of time and resources at the national level made the Nicaraguan effort a national priority. While experts from other nations and international agencies participated in the Crusade, it was a decidedly Nicaraguan effort. Unlike the EWLP, the idea of literacy in both Nicaraguan and Cuba was tied to an overall change in the structures and attitudes of society; literacy was to be integrated into the people's lives, not to just be a way to improve job skills. For Nicaragua, the Literacy Crusade decreased the illiteracy rate, created 400,000 new literates, and led to follow-up efforts meant to further develop the educational and social process. From the comparison of these literacy efforts, three factors stand out as keys to successful increases in literacy in developing nations. Education must first be seen as part of an overall development strategy, created by and for a particular nation. A literacy campaign must also involve a majority of citizens in some way, especially those with no previous access to education. Finally, to enact these goals of overall development and mass participation, a literacy campaign must have support from all levels of government, who must be willing to sacrifice other goals in order to achieve long-term change.

Some business leaders find it challenging to manage individuals from different age groups; this is an issue, as organizations in many developed countries become more age-diverse. The purpose of this single case study was to provide business leaders with information about strategies top-level business executives and team leaders at a large company in Curaçao (a developed island nation in the Caribbean) use for enhancing productivity of an age-diverse workforce. The conceptual framework of this study consisted of generational theory of Mannheim. A key tenet of the generational theory includes that belonging to the same generational unit, generational location, and generational actuality shapes the beliefs, values, and attitudes of members of a generational cohort collectively. Data from interviews and company documentation that included an annual report, business guide, and performance management documentation were coded and analyzed using NVivo software, and member checking was used to enhance the trustworthiness of interpretations. Key themes that emerged from data analysis include the need to use communication strategies, foster equal treatment of employees, implement employee development plans, and adopt a structured approach for addressing issues related to age-diversity. Implementation of the different strategies and recommendations identified in this study might aid business leaders in their effort to manage an age-diverse workforce and increase workplace productivity. Implications for social change include the potential to improve empathy and relations between individuals from different generations and the cultivation of a more cohesive society.