Le contrôle n'est pas un concept juridique unitaire, et ceux intéressants les collectivités territoriales françaisesl’expriment distinctement. De l’instauration d’une décentralisation au lendemain de la Révolution française,jusqu’à la récente loi du 16 décembre 2010, l’évolution de ces contrôles est intrinsèquement liée à celle de l’Etat,de la démocratie locale et de la justice administrative. Processus indispensable au respect d’un Etat unitaire etgarant de la légalité, les contrôles exercés par l’Etat fluctuent entre objectifs de tutelle et objectif de vérification,et posent ainsi la question de leur compatibilité avec le respect de la liberté d’administration de ces collectivitéspar des conseils élus. Simultanément, les contrôles des citoyens sur ces mêmes collectivités sont affaiblis par unecitoyenneté locale hétérogène, et une démocratie locale finalement complexe et captée par une caste politique, aupoint que l’efficience de ces contrôles citoyens pose question. Enfin le respect des droits individuels face auxpouvoirs des puissances publiques locales nécessite l’intervention d’un juge indépendant, tant à l’égard desindividus cocontractants d’une collectivité territoriale, qu’à l’égard des autres administrés. Créée par la loi du 28pluviôse an VIII, instaurant le Conseil d’Etat et les Conseils de préfecture, la justice administrative est au coeurde ces processus de contrôles. Par l’instauration des Conseils de préfecture interdépartementaux en 1926, desTribunaux administratifs en 1953 et enfin des Cours administratives d’appel en 1987, le juge administratif a été,et reste, l’arbitre puissant de ces contrôles multidirectionnels intéressants les collectivités territoriales. / Control is not a unitary legal concept, and those interesting French local governments articulate. Theintroduction of decentralization in the aftermath of the French Revolution, until the recent law of 16 December2010, the evolution of these controls is intrinsically linked to the state of local democracy and justiceadministrative. Process is crucial to ensuring a unitary state and guarantor of legality, the controls exercised bythe state fluctuated between supervisory objectives and audit objective, and thus pose the question of theircompatibility with the respect for freedom of Directors these communities by elected councils. Simultaneously,the control of citizens on these communities are weakened by heterogeneous local citizenship and localdemocracy finally captured by a complex caste politics to the point that the effectiveness of these controls raisesquestions citizens. Finally, respect for individual rights against the powers of local government powers requiresthe intervention of an independent judge, both against individuals and contractors a local authority in respect ofother citizens. Created by the law of 28 Pluviose year VIII, establishing the Conseil d’Etat, and the Conseils deprefecture, administrative law cases is at the heart of these control processes. Through the establishment of inter-Tips Conseils de prefecture in 1926, the Administrative Tribunals in 1953 and finally Administrative Courts ofAppeal in 1987, the administrative judge was, and remains, the referee controls the powerful multidirectionalinteresting local authorities.

<p>This study is case study of political participation among the Kani tribe from Kuttichal grama panchayat in the Thiruvananthapuram district in Kerala, India. The study is based on the collected data of 117 people of the Kani tribe living in four different settlements: Pankavu, Mangode-Valippara, Chonampara and Kaithode. The aim of the study is to examine the impact on political participation by different factors, which is done by the use of the quantitative method of cross tables. The study confirms previous studies in its conclusion that high status individuals, defined in terms of education and economic standard, are the group of the highest political participation, when this is defined as being involved in political work and holding a party membership. On the local political scene however, where political participation consists of participation in local assemblies and voluntary work, the impact of the examined variables are very limited. The main theory, which is used for the analysis, is a cost and benefit analysis.</p>

<p>This thesis aims at investigating the relationship between citizens' attempts to influence decision-making in a democracy and the representativeness of policy outcome. The question is to what extent the degree of citizen political activity, in terms of expressing policy preferences, affects: 1. The <i>policy agreement</i> between citizens and their elected representatives. 2. The <i>perceptual accuracy</i> of citizen opinions among representatives. It is argued that both policy agreement and perceptual accuracy are potentially important prerequisites to attain responsiveness in a democratic political system. The important normative question of the thesis is based on the fact that citizen's attempts to influence public decision-making often seems to be biased in favour of social groups already rich in resources. If political participation is socially biased the question is if this participation also will cause a bias in the opinions articulated towards decisionmakers and in the end also in a biased political influence.</p><p>Earlier research on the topic of this thesis has basically been limited to the classical study published by Sidney Verba and Norman H. Nie in 1972: <i>Participation in America. Political democracy and social equality.</i> In order to examine this issue further, a survey was conducted in 40 Swedish municipalities. Included was a random sample of citizen from each municipality as well as a sample including all elected councilors in the municipalities. The effects of four different channels of citizen preference articulation is examined 1) participation in local elections, 2) non-electoral political participation, 3) activities and membership in voluntary associations and 4) everyday contacts between citizens and their elected representatives.</p><p>The results of the empirical analyses show that electoral participation does not have a positive effect on either policy agreement or perceptual accuracy in Swedish municipalities. The main tendency as regards the non-electoral channels of citizen preference articulation indicates a linear and positive effect on the policy agreement between citizens and representatives but no similar positive effect on the perceptual accuracy. </p>

This thesis aims at investigating the relationship between citizens' attempts to influence decision-making in a democracy and the representativeness of policy outcome. The question is to what extent the degree of citizen political activity, in terms of expressing policy preferences, affects: 1. The policy agreement between citizens and their elected representatives. 2. The perceptual accuracy of citizen opinions among representatives. It is argued that both policy agreement and perceptual accuracy are potentially important prerequisites to attain responsiveness in a democratic political system. The important normative question of the thesis is based on the fact that citizen's attempts to influence public decision-making often seems to be biased in favour of social groups already rich in resources. If political participation is socially biased the question is if this participation also will cause a bias in the opinions articulated towards decisionmakers and in the end also in a biased political influence. Earlier research on the topic of this thesis has basically been limited to the classical study published by Sidney Verba and Norman H. Nie in 1972: Participation in America. Political democracy and social equality. In order to examine this issue further, a survey was conducted in 40 Swedish municipalities. Included was a random sample of citizen from each municipality as well as a sample including all elected councilors in the municipalities. The effects of four different channels of citizen preference articulation is examined 1) participation in local elections, 2) non-electoral political participation, 3) activities and membership in voluntary associations and 4) everyday contacts between citizens and their elected representatives. The results of the empirical analyses show that electoral participation does not have a positive effect on either policy agreement or perceptual accuracy in Swedish municipalities. The main tendency as regards the non-electoral channels of citizen preference articulation indicates a linear and positive effect on the policy agreement between citizens and representatives but no similar positive effect on the perceptual accuracy.

Abstract This research will mainly study the Ping-Ling Freeway Plebiscite Act and the Ping-Ling County River and Fish Protection Act. The thesis adopts the logic of collective action and the analytic path of the resource mobilization theory and approval theory, which are derived from the collective action and social action theories. The research will further analyze the cause, process, effect and obstacles, of the Ping-Ling Plebiscite Action and River and Fish Protection Act. By observing the two actions, conclusions can then be drawn on the relationship between the regional collective action and the regional democracy. In the research, it is noted that a political elite, who is also an initiator, organizer as well as spokesperson, plays a significant role in the behavior of collective action. The Ping-Ling Plebiscite and the River and Fish Protection Act, with the leadership and power of the political elite added to hold, construct a systematic mechanism such as the Fish Protection Patrol Party. The politic elite will provide the residents theory discourse for use in participating collective action. Throughout the process of the regional residents participating in collective action, there will be great benefits to the democratic development in the region. From the process of actively participating in the regional affairs, the residents will develop new perspectives, and thus have positive on the development of regional civism. It is also discovered in the study that the factional structure of Ping-Ling County is gradually changing. The phenomenon of faction predominating the residents¡¦ power of political life is gradually diminishing. The residents now cast their votes based on the candidates¡¦ ability and contribution to the region and much less based on faction. It is shown that regional democracy can be radicated and practiced through collective action, and this can be a possible approach for every region¡¦s municipals push.

It is widely argued that in liberal democracies, demands and interests of different social groups are defended by their representatives in the decision making bodies. The municipal councils can be seen one such channel at the local level. The aim of this thesis is to explore the municipal councils with reference to their power, representation channels, and the weight of different groups in it. The profiles of the local councilors in reference to their education, ethnicity, sex, and class properties are investigated. In order to explore the above concepts a case study in Denizli Municipality is carried out. Questionnaires and deep interviews with municipal council members and municipal stuff are made.

Rescued from Japanese colonization after 36 years, Korea resumed independence as The Republic of Korea in 1948 grounded on liberal democracy. The democratic institution promised a system of separation of power, democratic rights and freedom for all people. In this context, local autonomy was experimented with but soon ceased due to internal instability and local government was suspended until the 1990s. Institutionally Korean central government undertook a steady shift toward decentralization over the past two decades or so, but that shift has more recently been tempered by the exercise of stronger central controls facing fiscal crises. This thesis argues that centralism is still a predominant ideology in intergovernmental relations despite the implementation of local autonomy. Central controls exhibited democratic change in some cases but the core nature of controlling local government has survived through institutional change appearing in different modes since the introduction of local autonomy. The democratic change in central control is declared to increase local autonomy. From this viewpoint, the democratic change in central control is assumed to improve the performance of local government based on the theory that the growth of local autonomy motivates local government to improve its performance. Financial crises were used to justify the revival of pervasive central controls. So this thesis is concerned with the relationship between central control and local performance in the context of fiscal crisis, whose focus is driven by the experience of fiscal crises over recent years in Korea. An extensive statistical analysis, drawing on a unique data base, reveals that, despite the local autonomy rhetoric, overall current central controls have a negative link with local government performance. Democratic change of central controls has not significantly improved the performance of local government. This evidence supports the view that even after the revival of local autonomy in Korea; central control plays a role of regulator rather than a role of constructive engagement with local government and emphasises institutional stability. Thus central government has not yet developed the creative potential of democratic local government and should more positively make an effort to establish democratic central-local government relations.

The structure of the Swedish public library field has been evolving during the last decades. The traditional mission of educating the citizens to become responsible, democratic and knowledgeable members of society has in a way led to the integration between public and school libraries. Lately new co-operational models have been under debate and a sense of resistance has arisen because of the economical and market influences. In parallel with closure of library branches new libraries have evolved in malls and wash houses and some with self-service with no use of librarians. This work shows how co-operation in rural areas finds the common goals for the people living there who are concerned about keeping the service needed including the public library and thus using existing means and crossing borders of commercial thinking. Participators in the project are interviewed to find out their various wishes and a mutual goal. The degree of local democracy is also investigated. The outcome of this thesis is that in rural areas with tough municipal economy the citizens co-operate over borders to keep the services they want, and in this specific case it is found to be a meeting spot in the centre of the village, where also the library will be located, together with the country store.

Nas últimas décadas, os governos municipais vêm adotando abordagens participativas em diversas políticas públicas setoriais, estimulados pelas esferas governamentais superiores que passaram a vincular a transferência de recursos financeiros ou a habilitação para exercer determinada atividade à criação e pleno funcionamento de instituições participativas. Por indução governamental, financiamento de órgãos internacionais ou pela autonomia jurídica que lhes foi concedida pela Constituição de 1988, os municípios brasileiros criaram ou reproduziram diversas instâncias de participação social: conselhos municipais, conferências temáticas, orçamentos participativos, audiências públicas, etc. Porém, o êxito dessas abordagens - no sentido de incluir os atores que estão à margem dos processos decisórios - não depende unicamente de sua institucionalização. Diversos fatores interferem na decisão de indivíduos e de organizações sociais em participar destas instâncias governamentais. Se há interesse em lograr êxito com essa abordagem, é importante compreender como estes fatores atuam no território, e o que o governo municipal pode fazer para aprimorar suas práticas. Um diagnóstico correto é o primeiro passo para um planejamento adequado, e o uso de uma ferramenta específica pode identificar forças e fraquezas relacionadas ao processo participativo, auxiliando na seleção de melhores estratégias. Na ausência de instrumentos criados no próprio país, a adaptação de instrumentos estrangeiros pode ser uma alternativa. Com esse cenário, o objetivo dessa pesquisa é validar uma ferramenta analítica, elaborada pela União Europeia, voltada ao diagnóstico das iniciativas governamentais de participação. Para tanto, utilizou-se de: i) levantamento bibliográfico e documental para análise do embasamento conceitual; ii) tradução, comparação com outros materiais e oficina com especialistas para a adaptação transcultural e validação do conteúdo; iii) estudo de campo para aplicação teste da ferramenta. O estudo de campo ocorreu em Barueri - SP e a análise centrou-se nas iniciativas participativas da Secretaria de Recursos Naturais e Meio Ambiente. Constatou-se que o processo de diagnóstico exige conhecimentos técnicos qualificados e um tempo médio de seis meses para conclusão. Por outro lado, promove uma reflexão entre seus participantes, fomentando a revisão das práticas em curso. Os resultados gerados pela ferramenta foram condizentes com a realidade percebida. A ferramenta mostrou-se válida para o contexto brasileiro, mas recomendam-se mais experiências para ajustes finos à nossa realidade sociocultural / Since the 1990s, several initiatives to improve citizen participation have been created by local authorities in Brazil. Public policies councils, thematic conferences, participatory budgets and public hearings are the most widespread. However, getting people to participate is not a simple task. Several factors interfere in the decision of individuals and social groups to participate. Local authorities can strengthen citizen participation, but they need better understand the obstacles as well as the possible boosters that exist in their localities. A good assessment is is the first step towards adequate planning, and the use of a specific tool can help to analyse diferente dimensions of engagement, assisting in the selection of better strategies. Adaptation of foreigns instruments can be an alternative when theres no nacional tool developed. The Council of Europe designed an instrument for a self-assessment process, to help local authorities and other organisations or groups at the local level to better understand public participation in their localities. This dissertation aims to use this tool and understand if its adaptable to brazilian circumstances. For such end, was used: i) bibliographical and documental survey; ii) cross-cultural adaptation, made by translation and workshop with experts; iii) road test in Barueri SP. The road test focused on participation initiatives of the local environmental agency: Secretaria de Recursos Naturais e Meio Ambiente. The study demonstrates that self-assessment process requires qualified technical knowledge and an average time of six months. On the other hand, its use provided an occasion to reflect together, policymakers and stakeholders, driving to consider strategies for addressing some gaps detected in citizen participation. The results of the road test were consistent with the perceived reality. The tool proved to be valid for the Brazilian context, but are recommended more experiences for fine adjustments to our sociocultural reality

<p>ABSTRACT</p><p>Citizendialogue in the District of Rasbo</p><p>A Case Study in the Municipality of Uppsala</p><p>Author: Camilla Östlund</p><p>Supervisor: Stig Montin</p><p>The essay is written inside the scope of Örebro Universitys evaluation of the new organisation in the municipality of Uppsala.</p><p>The purpose of this essay is to study the citizendialogue in the district of Rasbo. This will be done partly by an examination of how the participants themselves</p><p>perceive citizendialogue. Their descriptions are put in relation to deliberative democracy and its critics amongst other. Partly by study how those involved have choosen to put it into practice. The opponents of the reorganization chose to start a non-profit association, Rasbo in co-operation, to carry on local mobilization and it will be compared with other similar groups. The municipality of Uppsala arranged a citizens forum in the district of Rasbo and the essay will examine how the participants experienced it.</p><p>The study is based upon a total of 19 semistructured interviews with politicians and officials in the municipality of Uppsala and also working members of Rasbo in co-operation.</p><p>The overall result of the analysis is that the politicians and the officials as well as the members of the association support the form of actions that endorse the representative system and look att citizendialogue as a tool to regenerate it and make it better. Rasbo in co-operation has almost everything in common with similar groups including a contradictory view on politics. The association has the important requirements for local mobilization, dedicated people, a positive collective identity and a constructive relation to the municipality. The participants of the citizens forum liked the way the forum was arranged and enjoyed the evening. But there was some problem between the unicipality and the association in connection with the preliminaries before the event. There is also some deficiency in the follow-up.</p><p>Keyword: local democracy, citizendialogue, deliberative democracy, local mobilization, citizens forum, Uppsala, Rasbo, Rasbokil, Stavby, Tuna.</p>