<p>The monitoring and supervision of local government is usually done by central governments. However in some countries like South Africa where there three spheres of government the provincial executive is charged with the supervision of the local sphere of government. In Zimbabwe the monitoring and supervision of local government is done by the central government through the relevant Minister. This study will look at the appointment of a caretaker to act as council in terms of section 80 of the UCA. Although a similar provision exists in section 158 of the RDCA, it is section 80 that has been vigorously applied by the Minister in recent times and which has caused an outcry from urban local authorities.</p>

<p>The monitoring and supervision of local government is usually done by central governments. However in some countries like South Africa where there three spheres of government the provincial executive is charged with the supervision of the local sphere of government. In Zimbabwe the monitoring and supervision of local government is done by the central government through the relevant Minister. This study will look at the appointment of a caretaker to act as council in terms of section 80 of the UCA. Although a similar provision exists in section 158 of the RDCA, it is section 80 that has been vigorously applied by the Minister in recent times and which has caused an outcry from urban local authorities.</p>

Magister Legum - LLM / The monitoring and supervision of local government is usually done by central governments. However in some countries like South Africa where there three spheres of government the provincial executive is charged with the supervision of the local sphere of government. In Zimbabwe the monitoring and supervision of local government is done by the central government through the relevant Minister. This study will look at the appointment of a caretaker to act as council in terms of section 80 of the UCA. Although a similar provision exists in section 158 of the RDCA, it is section 80 that has been vigorously applied by the Minister in recent times and which has caused an outcry from urban local authorities. / South Africa

La recherche porte sur un système de représentation mis en place à Rome au niveau local en 2004, dans le but d'impliquer les non citoyens européens résidant dans la capitale italienne, dans le processus de prise de décisions collectives. Un tel système de représentation est composé de deux formes de représentation différentes: il s'agit, primo, de quatre «conseillers ajoutés» élus périodiquement au Conseil municipal de Rome par les non citoyens européens résidents et, secundo, de la «Consulta pour la représentation des communautés étrangères» également élue périodiquement et simultanément aux «conseillers ajoutés» par les non citoyens européens résidents. Une analyse comparative approfondie de ces deux formes de représentation, dont un tel système représentatif bicéphale est composé, nous permet de vérifier nos hypothèses de fond. Voici la première : ces deux formes de représentation sont conçues et réalisées suivant deux logiques tout à fait différentes, voire antithétiques, sinon incompatibles, de sorte que ce que l'on donne pour acquis, le fait que de telles formes de représentation peuvent bien coexister s'intégrant l'une à l'autre, est en fait à mettre en question. Voici la deuxième : un tel système représentatif est une sorte de réactualisation, sous certains aspects, des premières formes de participation politique par le biais de représentants élus dans une conjoncture nouvelle, car certaines de ses caractéristiques marquent un retour aux formes initiales du gouvernement représentatif. De la sorte, ce que l'on donne pour acquis, le fait que ce système de représentation est bien novateur, voire il constitue une véritable nouveauté, est en fait à mettre en question / This research is about a representative system, which was implemented in Rome at the local level in 2004, to involve not European citizens living in the Italian Capital in decision making process. This representative system is composed of two different forms of representation : firstly, four "Added (town) Councillors", who are periodically elected into the Rome municipal Council by not European citizens living in Rome; secondly, the "City Consulta representing foreign communities", which is also periodically elected simultaneously with the four "Added (town) Councillors" by not European citizens living in Rome. By performing a comparative analysis of the two forms of representation this bicephalous representative system is composed of, we will be able to test our main hypotheses. The first one is that these two forms of representation are conceived and implemented according to two very different, contrasting, antithetic logics, which are opposed to one another, if not incompatible. Therefore, it requires us to call into question a priori assumptions about the compatibility of these two forms of representation. The second one is that, in some regards, this representative system is somewhat of a readjustment of the initial forms of political participation through elected representatives under the present circumstances, for the reason that its underlying principles are partially in contrast to today's top trending characteristics of contemporary Western democracies, but similar to nascent modern democracies' characteristics. Therefore, it requires us to call into question a priori assumptions that this representative system is absolutely innovative, or even a real novelty

Nas últimas décadas, os governos municipais vêm adotando abordagens participativas em diversas políticas públicas setoriais, estimulados pelas esferas governamentais superiores que passaram a vincular a transferência de recursos financeiros ou a habilitação para exercer determinada atividade à criação e pleno funcionamento de instituições participativas. Por indução governamental, financiamento de órgãos internacionais ou pela autonomia jurídica que lhes foi concedida pela Constituição de 1988, os municípios brasileiros criaram ou reproduziram diversas instâncias de participação social: conselhos municipais, conferências temáticas, orçamentos participativos, audiências públicas, etc. Porém, o êxito dessas abordagens - no sentido de incluir os atores que estão à margem dos processos decisórios - não depende unicamente de sua institucionalização. Diversos fatores interferem na decisão de indivíduos e de organizações sociais em participar destas instâncias governamentais. Se há interesse em lograr êxito com essa abordagem, é importante compreender como estes fatores atuam no território, e o que o governo municipal pode fazer para aprimorar suas práticas. Um diagnóstico correto é o primeiro passo para um planejamento adequado, e o uso de uma ferramenta específica pode identificar forças e fraquezas relacionadas ao processo participativo, auxiliando na seleção de melhores estratégias. Na ausência de instrumentos criados no próprio país, a adaptação de instrumentos estrangeiros pode ser uma alternativa. Com esse cenário, o objetivo dessa pesquisa é validar uma ferramenta analítica, elaborada pela União Europeia, voltada ao diagnóstico das iniciativas governamentais de participação. Para tanto, utilizou-se de: i) levantamento bibliográfico e documental para análise do embasamento conceitual; ii) tradução, comparação com outros materiais e oficina com especialistas para a adaptação transcultural e validação do conteúdo; iii) estudo de campo para aplicação teste da ferramenta. O estudo de campo ocorreu em Barueri - SP e a análise centrou-se nas iniciativas participativas da Secretaria de Recursos Naturais e Meio Ambiente. Constatou-se que o processo de diagnóstico exige conhecimentos técnicos qualificados e um tempo médio de seis meses para conclusão. Por outro lado, promove uma reflexão entre seus participantes, fomentando a revisão das práticas em curso. Os resultados gerados pela ferramenta foram condizentes com a realidade percebida. A ferramenta mostrou-se válida para o contexto brasileiro, mas recomendam-se mais experiências para ajustes finos à nossa realidade sociocultural / Since the 1990s, several initiatives to improve citizen participation have been created by local authorities in Brazil. Public policies councils, thematic conferences, participatory budgets and public hearings are the most widespread. However, getting people to participate is not a simple task. Several factors interfere in the decision of individuals and social groups to participate. Local authorities can strengthen citizen participation, but they need better understand the obstacles as well as the possible boosters that exist in their localities. A good assessment is is the first step towards adequate planning, and the use of a specific tool can help to analyse diferente dimensions of engagement, assisting in the selection of better strategies. Adaptation of foreigns instruments can be an alternative when theres no nacional tool developed. The Council of Europe designed an instrument for a self-assessment process, to help local authorities and other organisations or groups at the local level to better understand public participation in their localities. This dissertation aims to use this tool and understand if its adaptable to brazilian circumstances. For such end, was used: i) bibliographical and documental survey; ii) cross-cultural adaptation, made by translation and workshop with experts; iii) road test in Barueri SP. The road test focused on participation initiatives of the local environmental agency: Secretaria de Recursos Naturais e Meio Ambiente. The study demonstrates that self-assessment process requires qualified technical knowledge and an average time of six months. On the other hand, its use provided an occasion to reflect together, policymakers and stakeholders, driving to consider strategies for addressing some gaps detected in citizen participation. The results of the road test were consistent with the perceived reality. The tool proved to be valid for the Brazilian context, but are recommended more experiences for fine adjustments to our sociocultural reality

Com a redemocratização do país, após prolongados anos de regime ditatorial, foram instituídos vários instrumentos de participação popular por meio da Constituição da República Federativa do Brasil de 1988 e de outras legislações infraconstitucionais, com a finalidade de dar sustentabilidade ao regime democrático instaurado no país. Nesse contexto, despontou o orçamento participativo, como um instrumento de cogestão, entre o Estado e a sociedade civil, com o intuito de compartilhar com a população as decisões referentes ao orçamento público, que caberiam somente ao Poder Executivo. Destarte, os cidadãos participam da elaboração da peça orçamentária, deliberando em espaços públicos sobre investimentos específicos que eles gostariam que fossem executados, bem como as localidades mais urgentes, inovando a democracia representativa clássica e tradicional. Nesse diapasão, essa pesquisa teve como objetivo analisar quais os elementos, presentes nos processos de concepção, implementação e avaliação do orçamento participativo de Cambuí-MG, que potencializam e/ou limitam a vigência de princípios e práticas democráticos no Município, na perspectiva dos representantes da população local. Para atingir esse propósito, foi realizada uma pesquisa qualitativa, tipificada como estudo de caso, pois foram estudados os fenômenos sociais na conjuntura da realização do orçamento participativo. A coleta de dados se deu por meio de entrevistas, observação não participante e pesquisa documental e os dados foram analisados por meio da análise de conteúdo. Os resultados da pesquisa evidenciaram vários elementos fundamentais que contribuíram para o fomento dos princípios e práticas democráticas no Município, durante o processo do orçamento participativo. Os elementos constatados foram a cidadania inclusiva, a pluralidade de atores sociais, a liberdade de expressão, a participação efetiva, o entendimento esclarecido e a igualdade de votos. Também foram corroborados outros elementos que favorecem a consolidação da democracia local, como a vontade política, a capacidade administrativa, o espaço público, a autonomia da população, a deliberação intensa e a linguagem simples, embora haja a necessidade de aprimoramento da experiência, quanto aos critérios e prazos da metodologia utilizada, bem como quanto às informações da prestação de contas. / With the country redemocratization, after long years of dictatorship, were instituted several popular participation instruments by means of the Federal Constitution of 1988 and by others infraconstitutional legislations, in order to give sustainability to the democratic regime established in the country. In this sense, dawned the participatory budgeting, like a co management instrument between the State and the civil society, in order to share with population the decisions concerning the public budget which is up to the Executive Branch. Under these circumstances, the citizens participate in the budget piece elaboration, deliberating in public spaces about specific investments that they would like them to be executed, as well as the most urgent locations, innovating the classic and traditional representative democracy. In this diapason, this research had as objective to analyze which elements, present in conception processes, implementation and evaluation of Cambui-MG participatory budgeting, that potentiate and/or limit the validity of democratic principles and practices in the county, from the perspective of the local representatives. To achieve this purpose, was carried out a research quantitative, typified as case estudy, because the social phenomena in the participatory budgeting conjucture were studied. The data collection was done through interviews, non-participating observation and documentary research, and the data were analyzed through content analysis. The research results demonstrated several fundamental elements that contributed to the promotion of democratics principles and practices in the Municipality, during the participatory budgeting process. The found elements were the inclusive citizenship, the social actors plurality, freedom of speech, effective participation, clear understanding and the equality of votes. Were also corroborated others elements that favor the local democracy consolidation, such as the political will, administrative capacity, public space, population autonomy, intense deliberation and the simple linguage, although there is a need to improve the experience, as regards the criteria and used methodology deadlines, as well as the accountabilty information.

<p>The study’s focus is put on the lowest level of Russian local politics, empirically represented by two municipalities in St Petersburg. It aims at identifying factors that influence the work of municipal councils. Municipal organs are since their establishment in 1998 officially self-governing and responsible for a wide array of activities within their territories. They are perceived as administrative domains in this paper, parts of a hierarchic domain-structure. The municipal domains are both fiscally and politically restricted by upper political levels – mainly the regional authorities – that heavily reduce the capabilities of the municipal councils’ activities. Besides being dependent on resources from the regional and federal level, the municipal councils’ budgets are reliant on taxing of commercial retailing within its boundaries. Joint with the basic social and demographic circumstances of a municipality, this factor is likely to shape the extent of the council’s activity. The field study conducted specifies that while a geographically central municipality is engaged in infrastructure-maintenance and cultural activities, a peripheral ditto is mainly concerned with social help. Deputies in both districts perceive the current prospects of local government as being limited by outer influence, most of the people involved in the councils are unpaid and the resources needed to communicate with the inhabitants do not exist. The general and actual weakness of local governments is mirrored in the public attitudes, influenced by state-controlled media and revealed in participatory election turnouts. The election in December 2004 produced turnouts exceeding the legitimate limit of 20 % in almost all municipalities. However, the figures are to some extent the results of administrative pressure and liberals claim that plain frauds determined many outcomes. Tendencies point towards a politicization of municipal organs, whereas presently many perceive them as simply administrative. The municipal domain is characterized merely by responsibility instead of actual authority, ownership and substantial spatial impact. It is reliant on higher-level domains while competing for resources with neighboring domains.</p>

The study’s focus is put on the lowest level of Russian local politics, empirically represented by two municipalities in St Petersburg. It aims at identifying factors that influence the work of municipal councils. Municipal organs are since their establishment in 1998 officially self-governing and responsible for a wide array of activities within their territories. They are perceived as administrative domains in this paper, parts of a hierarchic domain-structure. The municipal domains are both fiscally and politically restricted by upper political levels – mainly the regional authorities – that heavily reduce the capabilities of the municipal councils’ activities. Besides being dependent on resources from the regional and federal level, the municipal councils’ budgets are reliant on taxing of commercial retailing within its boundaries. Joint with the basic social and demographic circumstances of a municipality, this factor is likely to shape the extent of the council’s activity. The field study conducted specifies that while a geographically central municipality is engaged in infrastructure-maintenance and cultural activities, a peripheral ditto is mainly concerned with social help. Deputies in both districts perceive the current prospects of local government as being limited by outer influence, most of the people involved in the councils are unpaid and the resources needed to communicate with the inhabitants do not exist. The general and actual weakness of local governments is mirrored in the public attitudes, influenced by state-controlled media and revealed in participatory election turnouts. The election in December 2004 produced turnouts exceeding the legitimate limit of 20 % in almost all municipalities. However, the figures are to some extent the results of administrative pressure and liberals claim that plain frauds determined many outcomes. Tendencies point towards a politicization of municipal organs, whereas presently many perceive them as simply administrative. The municipal domain is characterized merely by responsibility instead of actual authority, ownership and substantial spatial impact. It is reliant on higher-level domains while competing for resources with neighboring domains.

Neighbourhood councils are sub-municipal committees which operate within a geographically delimited area of a municipality or a municipal department. Their activities cover a single established policy area such as social services (single functioned committee) or several areas such as education, leisure, and social issues (multi-functioned committee). The thesis includes a comparative analysis of the origin, occurance, and performance of multi-functioned neighbourhood councils in Finland, Norway, and Sweden during the period 1968-1986. In the case of Denmark, the debate is analyzed and the question posed as to why neighbourhood councils were not introduced during this period.It is the interplay between a number of factors which determines how and why neighbourhood councils occur and in some cases endure and are developed further. The countries' traditions and characteristics - such as the size of the public sector and local government's share of it, size of municipalities, and political culture - are important in this context. Increased democracy and greater effectivity were the main aims of the reform and these have been achieved to some extent. The occurance of neighbourhood councils also means that participation, recruitment, articulation of demands, and communication between elector and elected are changed and somewhat improved. Where neighbourhood councils exist, greater consideration is given to geographical (rather than departmental) principles in the distribution and redistribution of services and welfare. Neighbourhood councils are clearly a source of further variation between and within the Nordic countries. It is, however, too early to judge whether the variation within countries will develop into inappropriate deviations from the principal of equal services for all or if they, on the contrary, are indications of greater future responsiveness. / digitalisering@umu

La Constitution portugaise établit une vaste autonomie locale aux autarcies locales au sein de l'organisation étatique. Elle crée un intérêt local propre à chaque autarcie locale qui coexiste avec l'intérêt général car il bénéficie de la protection de la Constitution. L'intérêt local autarcique est un intérêt autonome. Sa représentation appartient à chaque autarcie locale. La municipalité se distingue parmi les autarcies locales par l'importance de ses compétences et par la singularité de son fonctionnement. Ses deux organes sont élus directement créant une tension quant à leur légitimité démocratique, bien que la Constitution établisse que la Chambre municipale répond devant l'assemblée. Selon la Constitution, l'exécutif municipal est un organe collégial élut proportionnellement et son président est le premier candidat de la liste la plus votée. Il est de fait un organe, bien que la Constitution de la loi ne le reconnaisse pas comme tel. Ses compétences propres sont vastes mais trois de ses compétences font la différence. Elles lui donnent une suprématie sur l'organe qui empêche son fonctionnement collégial. / The Portuguese Constitution grants a large autonomy to the local communities in the context of the State organisation. The Constitution recognizes a local interest regarding each local community, which exists alongside with the general interest and under the protection of the Constitution. The autarchy's interest is autonomous. The municipality bas a prominent role in the autarchy's organisation because of its competences and its singular functioning. Both organs are directly elected witch creates tension concerning their democratic legitimacy although the Constitution stipu1ates that the executive is accountable before the assembly. The Portuguese Constitution states that the municipal executive operates collectively, is elected by a proportional system and bas a president that is the first candidate in the most voted list. In fact, the Constitution and the law do not recognise him as an organ. Although he has vast competences, three of those competences make all the difference. They block the organ from operating collectively.