This study investigated whether EU Progress Reports measured the Copenhagen political criteria in a biased manner compared to independent indices. At stake is the credibility of the EU accession process and whether countries in the Western Balkans will seek partnerships with the EU or state-actors beyond the European peninsula. This is a case study of how well Albania and North Macedonia fared regarding the political criteria during 2014 and 2017. Each country was ranked against one another in order to find potential discrepancies between measurements from Progress Reports and independent indices. This paper did find evidence that suggests the European Commission disfavored North Macedonia and favored Albania. However, other results were inconclusive. The finding supported accession literature that has called into question the objectivity of the EU accession process.

The Prespa agreement is an international agreement that regulates the resolution of the Macedonian name conflict and which meant that FYROM (Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia) changed its name to North Macedonia and that Greece recognized the country by this name, among other things by lifting its veto against a North Macedonian membership in NATO. The agreement was concluded despite strong domestic political opposition in the two nations. The criticism was that the agreement created identity problems for many people because, among other things, it had been determined who had the right to call themselves "Macedonians" and who spoke "Macedonian". Despite strong opposition to this compromise, the governments were determined to conclude the agreement and it is remarkable that this happened. The aim of the study is to provide an increased understanding and insight into the background and reasons for the decision. The underlying reasons for deciding on the agreement can be explained with the help of various theories and explanatory models. This study is inspired by Graham Allison and the book “Essence of decision: Explaining the Cuban Missile Crisis”. In this study the theories realism, liberalism and constructivism are used. The theories are different from each other and provide a broad basis on which to conclude why the Prespa agreement was signed. Allison's model served as an analysis tool and provided an increased understanding and insight into the background and reasons for the decision. The different theories complement each other as they highlighted different aspects and causes. Realism and liberalism contributed explanations for the conclusion of the agreement as there were many rational advantages in resolving the name issue, such as strengthened military power, economy and cooperation through institutions. Constructivism mainly provided explanations for why the conflict arose and why it was concluded at the time.

This thesis discusses the funerary expression of social status in Macedonia during the 4th century BCE. Specifically, this thesis aims to examine the royal and the noble status and the way this is expressed in death, by making a distinction between royals and nobles. The major questions of this research concern their differences and their similarities, as well as any potential indicators of each one. As part of the material, the thesis has employed four tombs to study that come from three cemeterial areas. The two first tombs are examined as royal tombs and are located in the ancient area of Aegae, located in the modern area of Vergina, while the other two tombs which are examined as noble tombs are located in the modern area of Hagios Athanasios and Derveni. By focusing on the wider cemeterial area, as well as on their architec-ture, their decoration, the grave goods and the human remains, the thesis is treating the archaeological assemblage as a holistic reflection of the social status of the de-ceased, assuming that wealthy tombs should be in accordance with the social ranking of the deceased. However, this thesis also takes into consideration other factors that might affect that funeral assemblage, such as the deceased’s or the family choices. But even despite this choice for planning to have a death as somebody wanted to, the thesis considers that having a wealthy tomb and burial mean that it was affordable and again in this case the funerary assemblage is an aspect by which the social status of the deceased can be illustrated. Finally, the thesis concludes by discussing that straight interpretations of what is considered to be of royal nature appear to be com-plicated and factors such as whoever wanted could have a prominent burial, blur the line between royals and nobles at death. / Denna uppsats diskuterar uttryck av social status i Makedonska begravningar under 300-talet f.v.t. Uppsatsen syftar specifikt till att undersöka kungafamiljens och elitens status och hur detta uttrycks i döden, genom att göra en uppdelning mellan kunglig och elit. De viktigaste frågorna i denna studie rör deras skillnader och likheter, liksom potentiella indikatorer för vardera grupp. Materialet som har studerats är fyra gravar som kommer från tre separata begravningsområden. De två första gravarna undersöks som kungliga gravar och ligger i det antika området Aegae, beläget nära det moderna området Vergina, medan de övriga två gravarna som undersöks som elitgravar ligger i det moderna områdena Hagios Athanasios och Derveni. Genom att fokusera på begravningsområdenas kontext, de enskilda gravarnas arkitektur, deras utsmyckning, gravgåvor och de mänskliga kvarlevorna, behandlar uppsatsen den arkeologiska samlingen som en holistisk återspegling av den avlidnes sociala status, med antagandet att rika gravar bör reflektera den avlidnes sociala status. Men den här avhandlingen tar också hänsyn till andra faktorer som kan påverka begravningssammansättningen, såsom den avlidnes eller familjens personliga val. De begravda kunde ha planerat begravningens utformning, uppsatsen utgår ifrån att en rik grav och begravning betyder att personen hade tillräckliga resurser för begravningen men man behöver se på hela begravningskontexten för att undersöka den begravdas sociala status. Uppsatsen drar slutsatsen att tolkningen av vad som kan vara kungliga och elitgravar är komplicerad och faktorer som att den som hade råd kunde få en påkostad begravning suddar ut gränsen mellan kungliga och elit vid döden.

Au cours des dernières décennies, la recherche zooarchéologique en Macédoine, dans le nord de la Grèce, s’est principalement concentrée sur des matériaux provenant de sites du Néolithique et de l’Âge du Bronze. Ainsi, les données disponibles rendent notre compréhension de l’élevage au premier âge du Fer et aux périodes archaïque et classique dans cette région assez fragmentaire. Cette recherche doctorale vise à combler ces lacunes, en étudiant — pour la première fois dans son ensemble — la question de l’élevage, un domaine crucial de l’économie primaire, en Macédoine du premier âge du Fer à l’époque classique. L’étude est basée sur des ensembles de données primaires de restes d’ossements animaux récupérés dans trois établissements bien fouillés, deux sur le continent (Argilos, Karabournaki) et un sur l’île de Thassos (Kastri). Les données analysées permettent d’explorer l’exploitation animale dans ces trois établissements, en étudiant la gestion des animaux, les techniques de cuisson de la viande et les stratégies de consommation et de rejet, après avoir reconstitué tous les modes de dépôt potentiels ayant abouti à la formation des assemblages. De plus, les données sont comparées aux données publiées pour la Grèce du Nord afin d’éclairer les particularités de chaque assemblage par rapport à la gestion de la faune domestique et sauvage. Les résultats permettent d'alimenter les discussions animées qu'ont déclenché de récentes analyses paléoenvironnementales et isotopiques sur la question de savoir dans quelle mesure l’environnement a affecté les stratégies d’élevage et d’alimentation des animaux dans cette région. Les stratégies de gestion des principaux animaux domestiques en Macédoine mises en évidence par ce travail suggèrent un profil plutôt hétérogène entre les établissements, très probablement en raison des différentes priorités économiques, conditions environnementales régionales et contraintes géomorphologiques. Il s'avère cependant que les besoins nutritionnels et en matières premières ont été complétés partout par l’exploitation de la faune sauvage, comprenant une variété d’espèces terrestres et marines. Des pratiques similaires d’élimination des carcasses et des déchets sont également attestées dans tous les sites, révélant des aspects de l’organisation intracommunautaire. De plus, durant l’ère archaïque et classique, les pratiques d’enterrement des animaux suggèrent l’existence de conceptions communes parmi les sociétés locales, sauf en matière de sacrifice rituelles, où il semble y avoir une différenciation marquée entre les divers groupes de population. Pour terminer, les résultats obtenus pour la Macédoine au cours des sept premiers siècles du premier millénaire avant J.-C. sont discutés dans le cadre plus vaste du bassin égéen. Ils contribuent ainsi à la discussion des problématiques actuelles, soit générales comme l'exploitation des ressources naturelles, la gestion des animaux, la mobilité de l'élevage, le degré d'intégration entre élevage et agriculture, soit spécifiques, comme la question du sacrifice olympique. / Over the past decades, the zooarchaeological research in the Macedonian region of Northern Greece, has mostly focused on materials from Neolithic and Bronze Age sites. Thus, the available data render our understanding of animal husbandry in the Early Iron Age, Archaic and Classical periods in this area rather fragmentary. This doctoral research aims to address these gaps, investigating – for the first time as a whole – the issue of animal husbandry, a crucial domain of the primary economy, in the region of Macedonia from the Early Iron Age to the Classical era. The study is based on primary datasets of animal bones remains recovered from three well- excavated settlements, two in the mainland (Argilos, Karabournaki) and one in the island of Thassos (Kastri). The analysed data provide an opportunity to explore the animal exploitation in these three settlements, investigating animal management; cooking techniques; consumption and discard strategies, having first disentangled all potential depositional pathways to the formation of the sample assemblage. Additionally, the data are compared to the available published data from the Macedonian region in order to enlighten the peculiarities of each assemblage in relation to the management of domestic and wild fauna. Moreover, relevant paleoenvironmental and isotopic analyses have triggered a vivid discussion regarding the extent to which the environment affected the animal herding and feeding strategies in this area. The management strategies of the main domestics in the area under study, suggest a rather heterogenous profile between the settlements, most probably due to the economic priorities, the regional environmental conditions, and the geomorphological restrictions. The nutritional and the raw material needs were complemented by the exploitation of the wild fauna, including a variety of both terrestrial and marine species. Similar carcass and discarding practices were observed within all settlements, revealing aspects of intra-communal organization. Moreover, during the Archaic and Classical era, common practices in animal burials suggest the existence of somehow common perceptions among the local societies, however, in terms of ritual sacrifices, seemed to be a distinct differentiation between the population groups. The results are discussed in the frame of the Aegean basin, contributing to the ongoing discussion regarding animal management, the mobility of livestock husbandry, the degree of integration between herding and arable farming, the Olympic sacrifice, and the exploitation of natural resources during the first seven centuries of the first millennium BC.

No description available.

This dissertation argues that European Union membership conditionality operates as a modality of political-economic governance directed at securing the conditions of possibility for a harmoniously functioning political economy of Europe. I argue that conditionality can best be understood not as a series of requirements for EU membership, a set of incentives for rule adoption, or a vehicle for the transmission of European norms to candidate states, but as an ensemble of discursive and material practices – fragile, dispersed circuits of governmental activity directed at a particular strategic ambition. I argue that existing accounts of EU membership conditionality are informed by predominantly rationalist understandings of political economy which work to conceal various cultural, social, and subjective sources of disharmony in political-economic life. Thinking about the political economy of conditionality through rationalist lenses privileges the study of bargaining and negotiation and institutional reform and overlooks the ways that conditionality targets the transformation of problematic socio-cultural and subjective elements of political economy – among them particular habits of culture, patterns of sociality, and subjective qualities and capacities of the person deemed essential to securing order and abundance. Re-reading canonical works in classical and critical traditions of political economy by James Steuart, Adam Smith, and Karl Marx makes clear that political economy as a field of knowledge and practice has long been concerned with understanding the political, legislative-legal, institutional, socio-cultural, and subjective conditions of possibility for securing order and abundance and has long reflected on the potential and limits of governance to secure these conditions in a world of shifting circumstance. I argue that a political economy of EU membership conditionality concerned with disharmony should investigate the ways that particular socio-cultural and subjective features of political-economic life are problematized in the discourse of conditionality and subsequently targeted for transformation through the work of instruments and agents of conditionality operating in a variety of institutional contexts. On this basis, I analyze conditionality as practice – tracing the emergence of instruments of conditionality currently at work in the Republic of Macedonia through official documents produced by the EU and the Republic of Macedonia from 2001-2011. I then examine the ambitions and limits of the Operational Programme Human Resources Development 2007-2013 (OP-HRD) – a program tasked with translating the aims of conditionality on paper into concrete activities for implementation in the fields of employment, education and training, and social inclusion. I outline some limits to the program derived from personal interviews with officials of the EU and the Republic of Macedonia who work to implement the OP-HRD "on the ground." In reflecting on these limitations, I return to the political economy of disharmony, concluding that constraints on the operation of conditionality in practice are not merely the product of technical and political impediments but are also derived from inherent limits to the old dream of political-economic harmony to which the ambitions of conditionality are ultimately directed. / Ph. D.

This dissertation explores the types of professional communities that are built when teachers work in initiatives that, in various forms, link them to teachers from other countries. In doing so it explores the types of knowledge that may be exchanged by the building of these communities and the value that teachers put upon these different forms of knowledge. Therefore, this study is situated in the broad theoretical context of discussions related to the building of professional communities but explores this within a specifically international context. The most significant findings that this dissertation identifies are: that the teachers involved built the professional communities that are most important to them in more exploratory ways and with more agency than is suggested by other related research, and in connection to this that those professional communities that the participants attached most significance to were consistently alternative to the immediate workplace. It was also found that whilst the teachers involved in this study problematised the possibility of directly transferring specific classroom strategies, stories about teaching were seen by all to be useful vehicles for exchanging other forms of knowledge, for enabling affirmation and for co-constructing moral purpose. These findings have potential implications for policy and practice as they indicate that structures that focus exclusively on developing communities within schools may need to be enriched by those that provide teachers with the flexibility to discover and build communities in alternative ways too. The primary data collection method used when conducting this research was interview. The participants who were interviewed came from two countries, namely England and Macedonia. This entirely qualitative approach is positioned within an interpretivist paradigm. However, it is argued that contributions to theoretical debates regarding the nature of professional communities can still be made.

Cette recherche porte sur la dimension interprétative de l'intégration européenne et sur son rôle dans la démocratisation au sein des pays postcommunistes. Je focalise mon attention sur la signification pour les gens desdits pays que revêtent la participation politique, la compétence politique, et l’action collective. Cette signification prend forme selon des circonstances spécifiques, agencées par les relations de pouvoir asymétriques avec l’Union européenne (UE). J’examine la littérature sur le rôle de l'intégration européenne dans la démocratisation des pays postcommunistes et je distingue deux paradigmes théoriques principaux : un premier qui met l'accent sur le processus institutionnel, l’autre sur le processus instrumental stratégique. Au sein de ces deux approches, je présente différents auteurs qui voient l'UE soit comme un facteur pro-démocratique, soit comme un facteur antidémocratique dans le contexte postcommuniste de transition politique. Cette recherche ne suit pas théoriquement et méthodologiquement les études contenues dans la revue de la littérature. Plutôt, elle s’appuie sur un modèle théorique inspiré des recherches de McFalls sur la réunification culturelle allemande après 1989. Ce modèle, sans négliger les approches institutionnelles et stratégiques, met l’accent sur d'autres écoles théoriques, interprétatives et constructivistes. Mes conclusions se basent sur les résultats de séjours d'étude dans deux pays postcommunistes : la Bulgarie, membre de l'UE depuis 2007, et la Macédoine, pays-candidat. J’ai recours à des méthodes qualitatives et à des techniques ethnographiques qui triangulent des résultats puisés à des sources multiples et variées pour exposer des trajectoires dynamiques de changement culturel influencées par l'intégration européenne. Les conclusions montrent sous quelles conditions les idéaux-types de changement politique conventionnels, soit institutionnel ou stratégique, représentent des modèles utiles. Je présente aussi leurs limitations. Ma conclusion principale est que l'intégration européenne représente un phénomène complexe dans le monde des significations. C’est un facteur qui est simultanément un amplificateur et un inhibiteur de la culture politique démocratique. Les gens créent des sous-cultures différentes où des interprétations multiples du processus d'intégration européenne mènent à des effets dissemblables sur la participation politique, la compétence et l’action collective. La conversation discursive entre les gens qui composent de telles sous-cultures distinctes peut produire des effets divergents au niveau national. Cette recherche n’est pas une analyse de l’UE comme mécanisme institutionnel ; elle ne pose ainsi pas l’UE comme une institution qui détermine directement le processus de démocratisation postcommuniste. Plutôt, elle s’intéresse au processus d’intégration européenne en tant qu’interaction qui affecte la culture politique au sein des pays postcommunistes, et à la manière dont cette dernière peut agir sur le processus de démocratisation. Mon point d’intérêt central n’est donc pas l’européanisation ou le processus de devenir « comme l’Europe », à moins que l’européanisation ne devienne une composante de la culture politique avec des conséquences sur le comportement politique des acteurs. / This research focuses on the interpretative dimension of EU integration and on its role in post-communist democratization. It offers an understanding of the significance of taking part in political life, becoming politically competent and taking part in collective actions. This significance takes shape under specific circumstances, which are part of the asymmetrical power relation with the European Union (EU). I discuss the existing literature on the role of EU integration in post-communist democratization and discern two main theoretical paradigms, which put emphasis either on institutionalist learning or on the strategic instrumental process. Within these two approaches I present authors who see the EU either as a pro-democratic or anti-democratic factor in the context of post-communist political transition. This research does not follow exactly, theoretically or methodologically, in the footsteps of the studies presented in the literature review. It starts from a theoretical model, inspired by McFalls’ research on German cultural reunification after 1989. This model, without neglecting institutional and strategic approaches, emphasizes the importance of other theoretical schools, interpretative and constructivist. My findings are based on field trips in two post-communist countries that are situated at different stages of the EU integration process: Bulgaria, which became a EU member in 2007, and Macedonia, which is a candidate country. Methodologically, I use qualitative methods and ethnographic techniques that triangulate findings from different sources into converging dynamic trajectories of cultural change under the influence of EU integration. These findings show the specific conditions under which the conventional ideal-types of political change, institutionalist and strategic, represent useful theoretical models. I also display their limitations that call for an alternative approach. I conclude that EU integration, as a complex phenomenon within the world of meaning, acts simultaneously as a booster and an inhibitor of democratic political culture. People create different subcultures where different interpretations of the EU integration process lead to dissimilar effects on their political participation, competence and collective action. Discursive conversations between people representing these different subcultures may also produce dissimilar effects on the national level. This research is not an analysis of the EU as an institutional mechanism and therefore, it is not research that takes the EU as an institution affecting post-communist democratization. This research focuses on the way the process of EU integration as an interaction affects political culture in post-communist societies, and via this influence, how it affects the process of democratization. It is not about Europeanization, understood as becoming more European-like, unless this Europeanization becomes part of political culture, which affects political behavior.

Quelques sites archéologiques comme Olympie, Stymphalos et Olynthe possèdent respectivement un répertoire faisant l’étude des armes de jet retrouvées durant une série de campagnes de fouilles archéologiques. Parmi ces indexes, figurent fréquemment des pointes de flèche, des balles de fronde et des saurotères (contrepoids de lance ou de javelot) provenant de différentes périodes historiques gréco-romaines. À travers les 20e et 21e siècle de notre ère, des spécialistes comme D. Robinson (1931), A. Snodgrass (1964), H. Baitinger (2001), C. Hagerman (2014) dédièrent une partie de leur expertise pour produire des synthèses sur ces objets jadis négligés. Ainsi, ils parvinrent à créer de grandes encyclopédies commentées composées de projectiles retrouvés en sol grec. À l’aide de ces bases de données, les archéologues militaires sont en mesure d’établir des datations et l’origine prétendue de certains types de projectiles. Jusqu’en 2015, les artéfacts militaires trouvés sur le site archéologique d’Argilos n’avaient jamais fait l’objet d’une étude de synthèse. D’abord, inspiré par de publications semblables, ces projectiles furent soumis à un inventaire sous forme de catalogue. Au total, deux types de balles de fronde en plomb, onze types de pointes de flèche et un type de saurotère furent identifiés. Finalement, ce nouveau contenu fut assujetti à des analyses comparatives avec d’autres sites archéologiques possédant des données similaires. Les conclusions découlant de ces analogies donnèrent naissance à la première typologie des armes de jet argilienne. Certes, les analyses se heurtèrent à certains obstacles, notamment à une compréhension de la quasi-inexistence d'une pointe de flèche typiquement "grecque" et à la confusion systématique quant à la distinction entre un saurotère et une pointe de javelot, voire possiblement un carreau de gastraphétès (une sorte d’arbalète imposante utilisée lors de sièges durant le 4e siècle av. J.-C.). En partie, ceci découle de l'historique d'échanges entre la Grèce et les autres peuples méditerranéens, balkaniques et orientaux. En outre, de nombreuses réformes militaires des périodes archaïque et classique provoquèrent une évolution constante sur les aspects stratégiques et les tactiques militaires. Considérant ces facteurs parmi tant d'autres et le fait qu'Argilos ait été une fondation grecque en territoire thraco-macédonien, la possibilité d'influence "étrangère" devient alors prépondérante sur la typologie des projectiles argiliens publiée dans le présent mémoire. Avec beaucoup d’espoir, nous croyons sans équivoque que ce travail de recherche contribuera grandement non seulement à l’histoire d’Argilos, mais aussi à l’étude des projectiles en Grèce du nord. / Archaeological sites such as Olympia, Stymphalos and Olynthus have complete catalogs that studied projectile-style weaponry found in a series of archaeological excavations. These so-called directories frequently include arrowheads, lead sling bullets and sauroters (spear or javelin counter-weights) from different Greco-Roman periods. Through the 20th and 21th centuries AD, specialists such as D. Robinson (1931), A. Snodgrass (1964), H. Baitinger (2001) and Haggerman (2014) dedicated some of their expertise to produce synthesises of these formerly ignored objects. Thus, they created some of the biggest commented encyclopaedias composed solely of projectiles found on Greek soil. Until 2015, all the weaponry found on the archaeological site of Argilos had never been the subject of a synthesis study. Firstly, inspired by similar studies, the projectiles were inventoried in a catalog format. In total, two types of lead sling bullets, eleven arrowhead types and one sauroter type were identified. Lastly, this new content was subjected to comparative analyses with sites containing similar data. The resulting conclusions from these analyses gave birth to the first Argilian weapon typology. Needless to say, the analyses ran into obstacles. In particular, the comprehension that there is almost no existence of a typical Greek arrowhead type and the systematic confusion when one has to distinguish a sauroter, a javelin head, and possibly a gastrasphetes bolt (a heavy large-sized crossbow used during sieges in the 4th century BC). In part, this stems from the historical exchanges between Greece and other Mediterranean, Balkan and oriental civilizations. Furthermore, many of the archaic and classical military reforms brought about a constant evolution on strategic and tactical matters. Considering these factors, among others, and the fact that Argilos was a Greek colony within a Thraco-macedonian territory, the possibility of foreign influence becomes predominant on the typology published in this present thesis. With much hope, we believe without a doubt that this work of research will contribute not only to the history of Argilos but also to the study of military projectiles in Northern Greece.

The diploma thesis describes accession of Croatia and Macedonia to the European union. It analysis their economic situation in context of comparison with EU member states. The information about competitiveness are brought. The goal of the thesis is to clarify readiness of both countries for integration within the EU. Their economy and competitiveness will be evaluated. Integration process is described from two point of view: European union as well as Croatia and Macedonia. There is overview of actual status and negotiation progress of both countries on their way to the EU.