Since 1999, migrants and refugees from across the Middle East and Northeastern Africa have squatted in makeshift camps in and around the strategic port city of Calais, France, hoping for the opportunity to stow away on a ferry or lorry to England. The inhabitants of these camps seek to engage the world in a dialogue, and although they speak a variety of languages, the voices the refugees and migrants in The Jungle of Calais raise through their protest placards and graffiti are more homogeneous. Like in many other protests, the languages of these messages are universal; they are French and English, the languages of their location, their desired destination, and of the world that they hope is watching. The data for this study are from still images freely available through Getty Images Embed Service. Using the techniques of linguistic landscapes, this paper analyzes the linguistic material of The Jungle. Like other recent works on the linguistic landscapes of protest, this analysis challenges the idea that territory is a fixed place or space (Kasanga, 2014), asserting rather that the migrants/refugees are co-creating a collective space that exists more through their raised voices, and less in the physical space they temporarily inhabit.

The European migrant crisis showed how fragile the external borders of Europe were. In December 2015 the European Commission put forward a proposal to reinforce the current border agency, Frontex, to become the European Border and Coast Guard Agency to manage EUs external borders. The proposal included a stronger mandate for the agency toward member states and showed more integration toward an issue that has been historically sensitive, since border management is close to state sovereignty. This theory consuming study aim to give further explanation through liberal intergovernmentalism in how the member states were a big part in shaping the outcome of this chosen policy. The study is focusing on state actors as France, Germany, Italy, Greece, Hungary and Poland in how their preferences shaped the intergovernmental negotiations and give explanations if the border agency became more independent in its functions and toward member states.

The EU-Turkey relations have been complicated for over fifty years, namely since the Ankara Agreement. The civil war in Syria broke out in 2011 and since then Turkey has been struggling with the rise of migrants. The migration crisis affected the EU in 2015. Therefore, the cooperation between the EU and Turkey to solve migration crisis was necessary. This diploma thesis engages in communication and negotiation between the EU and Turkey about a common action to solve the migration crisis. Karl Deutsch's communication theory was chosen as the theoretical framework. We can namely observe the concept of feedback during the negotiations of joint Action Plan and joint statement to tackle irregular migration. First is explained the history and development of the EU-Turkey relations. The history of the EU-Turkey relations is explained since Turkey applied for association to the European Economic Community. The EU-Turkey relations are affected by bad relations between Turkey and some EU member states. Currently, the EU-Turkey relations are more complicated because of the purges and human rights abuse after the unsuccessful coup attempt in 2016. Turkey has got stronger position in negotiations of cooperation. Turkey has grasped the chances of the migration crisis to revive some policy processes - as visa...

The aim of this study was to identify the possible changes in the public discourse in Western Europe on multiculturalism, integration and assimilation after the European migrant crisis started in 2015. This study has been conducted by combining corpus linguistics and critical discourse analysis to analyze newspaper articles of newspapers in the Netherlands, Germany and Sweden in 2010, 2015 and 2019. The results show that there is indeed a shift visible from an integration approach towards an assimilation approach. This shift is however not visible in the words being used, but rather in the approach that the word integration is being used to refer to.

The increasing and irregular flow of migrants in Europe had lead to an unprecedented crisis which European and International stakeholders have been struggling to manage in a challenging context of financial insecurity, political instability, fragile foreign relations and controversial steps and policies. This current context questions Europe’s image as a powerful global key-player and a civilized privileged space/entity and also shutters migrants’ dreams and illusions of a promise-land. Inevitably, the migrant crisis has emerged as top news in most old and new media around Europe and extensive coverage of the topic has been informing the audience almost on a daily basis. Of course, cartoonists have been affected and inspired by the situation, as well. In a time period of twelve months, from April 2015 to March 2016, in Greek new media alone, three hundred and seven cartoons were published on the topic. This project set out to examine the cartoons published in new media over the allocated time period in order to find out what were the main foci of the artists’ attention in relation to the migration crisis and how they related to domestic and international political affairs and further international interests by major stakeholders. It also explored the way immigrants have been depicted, the way Europe is depicted as a promise-land, how all involved stakeholders have handled the crisis and the artists’ degree of active judgment or influence. A mixed research method, combining content analysis, which falls into the realm of quantitative research methods, with elements of psychoanalysis and social semiotics, which observe matters, analyse the visual and critically interpret it was employed. Results showed that the migrant crisis was a favorable topic for Greek cartoonists publishing in Greek new media. They explored the topic from various aspects, including politics, values, everyday life, religion, war and art, shifting from mockery and heavy criticism to sympathy, guilt and a sense of worry about the fellow human depending on their personal political orientation and the aspect of the topic they were commenting on. Evidently, the migrant crisis is a strong humanitarian crisis placing a bomb to fundamental and consolidated values, policies and relations among all stakeholders.

This study examines the representation of migrants on German television during the migrant crisis in autumn 2015. Further it investigates circumstances and actors in the representation of migrants. A case study of two asylum seekers from Syria is presented who were often interviewed for television reports. A qualitative interview about the background of their media representation was conducted and some of the television material was analysed. In addition three journalists from large television stations in Germany were interviewed about their work as correspondent during the migrant crisis. A main finding is that migrants were predominantly represented as well-educated and outspoken. A circumstance for this was language barrier between the journalists and migrants who often needed to talk English, which narrowed the group of potential interviewees. Another finding was that reports and reporters tended to emphasized women and children even though the majority of migrants was male.

The question of increasing immigration and refugee pressure in Europe has become a sensitive political and economic issues, and also subject to ideological conflicts, not only in countries that face this phenomenon most intensively, but also in those member states that are not considered to be typical immigrant states such as the Czech Republic. While during the previous crisis in the eurozone and the Greek debt crisis the division of the EU to the north and south could be observed, migrant crisis in 2015 divided the EU in another way. It is rather excessive compassion of the West on one side and xenophobic attitude of Eastern European countries on the other. Diploma thesis will examine the similarities and differences of opinions on solving the migrant crisis between the two EU member states, which represent these two ideological poles, Germany and the Czech Republic, with the regard to their international legal obligations, obligations of membership in the EU and protection of their own national interests. It will also examine what influences the formation of these opinions and what role can the phenomenon of migration crisis play in the building or a change of state identity.

This thesis is a comprehensive interpretation of European political history in the periodization from 2008 to 2016. The history begins with an exploration of the intellectual and political origins of the post-World War II project of European integration and the development of, and opposition to, the early institutions that eventually formed the contemporary assemblage of the European Union. Following a traditionally structured history, this work is styled as a ‘history of the present’ that specifies the role of the European Union in precipitating and attempting to overcome the financial and monetary crises, foreign policy quandaries on its Eastern periphery, an unmanageable escalation in migration rates, and the materialization of Eurosceptic, populist, and anti-establishment political actors at European and national levels. The specific arrangement of this thesis intends to fulfill its ultimate purpose of identifying the dynamic circumstances that aided the outcome of the United Kingdom referendum to leave the European Union.

The refugee crisis during 2015 developed into a highly debated topic. Morning sofas on television, afternoon broadcasts on radio, evening newspapers' leaflets - the news focus was crystal clear. All written reports at that time included diverse topics, including the size of the refugee migration, the long-term economic effects of the refugee crisis, the politicians' proposals, the negotiations in the EU and the tragic accidents in the Mediterranean. The "migration crisis" became a recurring concept and various news media generated their own works where they clearly gave an overview of how people went through a plethora of nasty and violent events to avoid an inevitable fate in their native countries. Majority of the people who fled in 2015 made their way to Europe across the Mediterranean, often in overcrowded boats capsizing on the high seas. Soon thereafter, the Balkan Peninsula, became the alternative route to EU, reason being the life-threatening challenges which the aforementioned route included.  Therefore, this essay will look beyond the scope of SVT, TV4, DN, Expressen, Aftonbladet and various Swedish media. The primary focus will be on Kosovo media and its reporting. Greater insight of the methods used by a country who lacks economic growth compared to Sweden, during the biggest challenges of our time, will be the focal point. This study may also be relevant from a societal perspective, as Kosovo, together with other Balkan countries, became important partners for the EU in dealing with the refugee crisis in 2015. / Flyktingkrisen 2015 blev ett debatterad ämne under året 2015. Morgonsoffor på tv, eftermiddagssändningar i radio, kvällstidningarnas löpsedlar – nyhetsfokuset var alltså tydligt. Det rapporterades om flyktingvandringens storlek, de långvariga ekonomiska effekterna av flyktingkrisen, politikernas utspel, förhandlingarna i EU och de tragiska olyckorna i medelhavet. ”Migrationkrisen” blev ett upprepande begrepp och olika nyhetsmedier genererade egna verk där de tydligt gav en överblick på hur människor genomgick en uppsjö av otäcka samt våldsamma händelser i strävan mot att undvika ett ofrånkomligt öde i deras hemländer.
Merparten av de människor som var på flykt under 2015, tog sig till Europa över Medelhavet, i många fall i överfulla båtar som kapsejsade på öppet hav. När Medelhavet visade sig vara en komplicerad och livsfarlig flyktväg valde fler människor att försöka ta sig till EU via Balkanhalvön. Därav kommer den här uppsatsen att se bortom SVT, TV4, DN, Expressen, Aftonbladet och diverse svenska medier. Det primära fokuset kommer riktas till kosovanska medier samt dess rapportering. Detta för att få ett större inblick på hur en av vår tids största utmaningar hanteras av ett land som inte har lika bra ekonomiska förutsättningar i kontrast till Sverige. Även ur ett samhälleligt perspektiv kan denna undersökning vara relevant, då Kosovo tillsammans med andra Balkanländer blev viktiga partners för EU i hanteringen av flyktingkrisen under 2015.

The conflict over the right way to tackle the so-called refugee crisis in Europe has proved that relations between the EU and the Visegrád Group have changed. The political dispute surfaced most clearly regarding the different proposals for a quota-based refugee relocation system - a decision which was refused by the V4. The bloc consisting of the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia first articulated its common position on migration in September 2015 and several times afterwards. On the basis of these statements, one can summarise their approach as follows: (1) Protecting the external borders of the EU and underlining the importance of fulfilling the obligations for the EU acquis; (2) Effective management of the root causes of migration flows, which could help reduce the number of migrants; (3) Refusing Germany's open-door migration policy. Although an increasing number of EU member states share a similar approach, the V4 as the whole started to be perceived as a coalition known for obstructing practices. The split on the issue gave life to a new wave of speculation about the increasing split between "old" and "new" Europe and the possible shift of the later eastwards. Furious politicians and public opinion in Western Europe continued to remind the Visegrád countries of their lack of...