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<p>The economic policy of the Swedish Social Democrats has undergone major changes during the last thirty years. From using a so-called Keynesian policy to promote full employment in the economy, the Social Democrats have switched to a more monetaristic policy to promote low inflation instead. What I intend to do with this study is to see if the policy change also can be noticed in how the party describe their own policy. Have the Social Democrats been open and transparent with their change in priorities, or have they tried to hide this in their rhetoric?</p><p>The purpose of this thesis is to examine if one can notice a change from a Keynesian to a monetaristic policy in the Social Democrat’s descriptions of their economic policy. The main research question, which I intend to answer, is: "Is it possible to notice a change from a Keynesian to monetaristic policy in the Social Democrat’s descriptions of their economic policy?"</p><p>I have chosen to study the descriptions found in the financial forecasts, presented by the Social Democrats during their time in government rule between 1970 and 1999. The research method I use is the qualitative text analysis.</p><p>After analyzing the descriptions found in the financial forecasts I present an answer to the main research question: Yes, it is partly possible to notice a change from a Keynesian to monetaristic policy in the Social Democrat’s descriptions of their economic policy.</p><p>I only say partly possible because it is possible to notice the policy change that took place between the 1970s and 1980s, when low inflation was given the same priority as low unemployment. Whereas it is not possible to notice the change that took place between the 1980s and 1990s, when low inflation was given the highest priority, above low unemployment.</p>

This thesis focuses on the changing modes of state intervention into the economy in neoliberalism. It contends that the so called free market is neither a natural process nor an inevitable result of the harmony of interest, but the result of a deliberate political making process. The global economic crisis provided ample evidence to refute the claim that state and market are separately existing and antagonistic entities and indicates that the issue is not the market or the state, since the state in a capitalist society is equally subordinate to capital, simply providing an alternative mode of regulation of capital accumulation. The state has always been essential for &quot / proper&quot / workings of the market, especially for the interests of capital and the neoliberal state is not an exception

The economic policy of the Swedish Social Democrats has undergone major changes during the last thirty years. From using a so-called Keynesian policy to promote full employment in the economy, the Social Democrats have switched to a more monetaristic policy to promote low inflation instead. What I intend to do with this study is to see if the policy change also can be noticed in how the party describe their own policy. Have the Social Democrats been open and transparent with their change in priorities, or have they tried to hide this in their rhetoric? The purpose of this thesis is to examine if one can notice a change from a Keynesian to a monetaristic policy in the Social Democrat’s descriptions of their economic policy. The main research question, which I intend to answer, is: "Is it possible to notice a change from a Keynesian to monetaristic policy in the Social Democrat’s descriptions of their economic policy?" I have chosen to study the descriptions found in the financial forecasts, presented by the Social Democrats during their time in government rule between 1970 and 1999. The research method I use is the qualitative text analysis. After analyzing the descriptions found in the financial forecasts I present an answer to the main research question: Yes, it is partly possible to notice a change from a Keynesian to monetaristic policy in the Social Democrat’s descriptions of their economic policy. I only say partly possible because it is possible to notice the policy change that took place between the 1970s and 1980s, when low inflation was given the same priority as low unemployment. Whereas it is not possible to notice the change that took place between the 1980s and 1990s, when low inflation was given the highest priority, above low unemployment.

L'indépendance des banques centrales, thème qui galvanisa les économistes et les exécutifs macro-économiques dans le dernier quart du XXe siècle, a été longue à se concrétiser au Royaume-Uni: ce n'est qu'en 1997 que la Banque d'Angleterre, pourtant l'une des plus anciennes et prestigieuses banques centrales du monde, acquit le droit de mener la politique monétaire sans interférence gouvernementale. La genèse de cette réforme offre une perspective précieuse sur le système politique et économique britannique, sur ses évolutions récentes et les influences étrangères qui les favorisèrent: celle des Etats-Unis fut déterminante. L'indépendance de la Banque d'Angleterre a symbolisé la fin du consensus macro-économique qui prévalait dans la mère-patrie du Keynésianisme depuis la fin de la Seconde Guerre mondiale: elle consacrait la priorité donnée à la lutte contre l'inflation. Ce changement de perspective nécessita un aggiornamento au sein des grands partis de gouvernement, chez les Conservateurs puis chez les Travaillistes. L'autre entrave à l'indépendance de la BoE tenait au système institutionnel britannique, basé sur la suprématie du parlement de Westminster. Le New Labour, qui mit en oeuvre l'indépendance de la BoE, sut contourner cet obstacle, tout en faisant de cette réforme le symbole de sa nouvelle crédibilité économique. / Central bank independence, a leading theme among economists and macro-economic executives during the last quarter of the 20th century, was slow to materialize in the U.K.: only in 1997 was the Bank of England, one of the world's oldest and most prestigious central banks, granted the right to set monetary policy without interference from the government. The genesis of this reform gives a precious insight into the British political and economic system, its transformations and the foreign influences that brought them along: The U.S. played a key role in that process. The BoE independence embodies the demise of the macro-economic consensus that reigned supreme in Keynes' motherland since the end of World War II: it sealed a change in economic priorities that made inflation the No1 enemy. This required an aggiornamento within leading political parties, whether Conservative or Labour. The other obstacle on the way to an independent Bank of England was institutional, as such a reform clashed with the supremacy of the Westminster Parliament. New Labour, which set the Bank of England free, displayed much skill in clearing that hurdle, while making that reform the symbol of its new economic credibility.

The thesis discusses some issues on the topic of money velocity. Its goal is to summarise theroretical contributions in this area, which are followed by a practical application through the monetary analysis of the Slovak Republic from 1993 to 2000. The theoretical part involves the first approaches to money velocity, explanation of the quantity theory of money and monetarism and their critique. It also describes the monerary transmission mechanism. The practical application part evaluates the impact of the stability of money velocity on the decision of the National Bank of Slovakia to abandon monetary targeting. It also focuses on the other variables that influenced monetary policy execution. The last chapter is devoted to the importance of money velocity if the central bank uses inflation targeting as its policy.

La crise de la dette externe latino-américaine des années 1980 a consacré le passage du modèle d’industrialisation par substitution des importations à un modèle de développement fondé sur la libéralisation de l’économie. La transition est provoquée par les politiques d’ajustement et de stabilisation macro-économique du FMI. Ces mesures vont être poursuivies, consolidées et approfondies par la Banque Mondiale et la coopération internationale au développement, à travers des réformes structurelles qui vont provoquer des bouleversements au sein des Etats et des sociétés. Cela a généré un malaise social qui s’est traduit par des mobilisations dans presque tous les pays de la région. Ces mobilisations sociales contre l’ajustement et la réforme structurelle néolibérale ont donné lieu à de nouveaux discours politiques. Parmi eux, le Buen Vivir qui a été incorporé aux Constitutions bolivienne et équatorienne en 2008. Le Buen Vivir rassemble et synthétise les revendications pour un modèle de développement solidaire, écologique et dans lequel les droits fondamentaux des êtres humains, parmi lesquels le droit à la différence radicale, sont respectés. Le discours du Buen Vivir récupère les critiques formulées par le post-développement et la décroissance en les intégrant en une nouvelle dimension qui donne une nouvelle place à l’altérité en économie. / The crisis of the Latin American external debt of the eighties meant the change of the model of industrialization by substitution of imports towards a model of sustained development in the liberalization of the economy. The transition was triggered by IMF macroeconomic adjustment and stabilization policies. These measures were continued, consolidated and deepened by the World Bank and International Development Cooperation, through structural reforms that brought about changes in the State and society. This generated social unrest that was expressed in mobilizations, claims and rejections in almost all countries in the region. These social mobilizations against neoliberal structural adjustment and reform gave rise to new political discourses. One of them is the Good Living (Buen Vivir), that was incorporated into the Political Constitution of Ecuador and Bolivia in 2008. Buen Vivir collects the demands for a model of friendly, supportive development, friendly to nature and in which the fundamental rights of human beings, including the right to radical difference, are respected. The discourse of Good Living reflects the criticisms of development made by post-development and decline, and integrates them into a new dimension, which refers to otherness in the economy.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:20:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Alberio Neves Filho.pdf: 1997150 bytes, checksum: 566d8ff8b3c8f13ffb17e050d94da052 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-03-28 / Following doctoral thesis developed in terms of qualification project of post-graduate studies program in social sciences from the Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo. The goal of the thesis presented here is to examine the political assumptions expressed in macroeconomic models of the International Monetary Fund adjustment and the political conditions necessary for its implementation, in the period 1980-2008. And justifications to develop a work of this nature were provided both by the recognized critical social and economic effects, as the current theoretical controversies existing on the pertinence of such programs and the reasons that led the IMF to promote macroeconomic policy, contained therein. The hypothesis explored here is that macroeconomic adjustment programmes developed and deployed by the IMF, indifferently applied in the various national economies and after the period of the so-called debt crisis, sought to make and was a result of complying with regulatory rules and symbolic imposed at the time and throughout the period in which gives the ownership of real resources in the Central States, by class of bankers. From this point of view, this change produced a rearrangement within the economic and political theories in use by the Fund, implying several attempts on your part, to the economic reconstruction of the most basic postulates, which formed the action parameter to the institution, in the long period from after World War II. The theoretical-methodological aspects are developed here, first, use of the postulates laid by M. DOBB on the SCHUMPETER s contribution towards the understanding of macroeconomic models as a political instrument design and ideological. Second, it uses the reading confirms M. BLAUG in the same sense that economic analysis models, hide, without rejecting their premises heuristics. It is used also of a long tradition, revived by K. MARX and not closed in this, which affirms the relevance of politics as the vehicle through which theoretical models, concepts and assumptions are thought of as fed by historical contexts and, at the same time will be part of the consolidation symbolic or not, these same contexts. When such theoretical-methodological aspects are applied to that working hypothesis to explain the study results and understand that the adjustment programmes of the International Monetary Fund and the evidence of their policies have had significant effects, to confirm it, about the current trend financialisation of the world capitalism. If correct, the exposed, lighten and contribute to the understanding of these issues were addressed in the body of work now submitted / Segue Tese de Doutorado desenvolvido nos termos do projeto de qualificação do Programa de Estudos Pósgraduados em Ciências Sociais da Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo. O objetivo da tese ora apresentada é o de examinar os pressupostos políticos expressos nos modelos macroeconômicos de ajuste do Fundo Monetário Internacional e as condições políticas necessárias à sua efetivação, no período de 1980-2008. E as justificativas para desenvolver um trabalho dessa natureza foram fornecidas tanto pelos reconhecidos efeitos críticos, sociais e econômicos, provenientes da incorporação desses programas pelas economias nacionais, quanto pelas atuais controvérsias teóricas existentes sobre a pertinência desses programas e as razões que levaram o Fundo Monetário a promover a política macroeconômica, neles contidos. A hipótese aqui trabalhada é que os programas macroeconômicos de ajuste desenvolvidos e implantados pelo FMI, indiferentemente aplicado nas diversas economias nacionais e após o período da chamada crise da dívida, buscou viabilizar e foi resultado do atendimento às regras normativas e simbólicas instituídas no momento e ao longo do período no qual se dá a apropriação dos recursos reais nos Estados Centrais, pela classe dos banqueiros. E esta apropriação dos recursos reais por essa classe significou, por seu lado, o rompimento da coalização política do pós-guerra, onde o Estado de Bem-Estar Social tomou corpo, induzindo a uma mudança histórica genuína para a efetivação de um novo tempo histórico. Desse ponto de vista, essa mudança produziu um rearranjo no interior das teorias políticas e econômicas em uso pelo Fundo, implicando em diversas tentativas, de sua parte, para a reconstrução dos postulados econômicos os mais básicos, os quais serviram de parâmetro de ação para a instituição, no longo período do após a Segunda Guerra Mundial. Ocorre que, nesse momento no qual aparentava sua maior vitalidade com intervenções nas diversas economias nacionais, assistiu-se, isso sim, a uma crise de legitimidade em sua ação e em seus postulados teóricos, induzida por aquelas mudanças mais gerais, que travaram sua melhor atuação. Assim, um dos focos da tese será o de demonstrar, justamente, como essas mudanças se deram no FMI. Os aspectos teórico-metodológicos aqui desenvolvidos fazem uso, primeiro, das postulações lançadas por M. DOBB acerca da contribuição de J. SCHUMPETER no sentido da compreensão dos modelos macroeconômicos como uma concepção e instrumento de natureza política ideológica. Segundo, utiliza-se da leitura confirmativa de M. BLAUG no mesmo sentido de que os modelos de análise econômica ocultam, sem rejeitar, suas premissas heurísticas. Estas serão trazidas para o interior das concepções e modelos teóricos que balizam os modelos analíticos e operacionais dando suporte para as proposições macro microeconômicas e aparecem, nesses modelos, na forma de uma intromissão de ideologias, valores e interesses políticos, dentro dos programas e das sugestões de políticas econômicas, em geral. Terceiro, utiliza-se de uma larga tradição, reavivada por K. MARX e não encerrada com este, que afirma a pertinência da política como o veículo por onde modelos teóricos, concepções e pressuposições são pensadas como alimentadas pelos contextos históricos e, em simultâneo será parte da consolidação simbólica, ou não, desses mesmos contextos. Quando tais aspectos teórico-metodológicos são aplicados àquela hipótese de trabalho o resultado obtido permitiu explicar e compreender que os programas de ajustes do Fundo Monetário e as evidências de suas políticas surtiram efeitos significativos, ao confirmá-la, sobre a atual tendência financerizada do capitalismo mundial. Mas, ao final, constituindo-se no veículo para a expansão, a partir das economias centrais para as demais economias de industrialização tardia, desses novos interesses da classe dos financistas o FMI teve sua atuação histórica, em seus termos originais, esgotada. Se correto o exposto, conseguiu-se clarear e contribuir no entendimento dessas questões, tratadas no corpo do trabalho ora apresentado

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:53:28Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Alberio Neves Filho.pdf: 1997150 bytes, checksum: 566d8ff8b3c8f13ffb17e050d94da052 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-03-28 / Following doctoral thesis developed in terms of qualification project of post-graduate studies program in social sciences from the Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo. The goal of the thesis presented here is to examine the political assumptions expressed in macroeconomic models of the International Monetary Fund adjustment and the political conditions necessary for its implementation, in the period 1980-2008. And justifications to develop a work of this nature were provided both by the recognized critical social and economic effects, as the current theoretical controversies existing on the pertinence of such programs and the reasons that led the IMF to promote macroeconomic policy, contained therein. The hypothesis explored here is that macroeconomic adjustment programmes developed and deployed by the IMF, indifferently applied in the various national economies and after the period of the so-called debt crisis, sought to make and was a result of complying with regulatory rules and symbolic imposed at the time and throughout the period in which gives the ownership of real resources in the Central States, by class of bankers. From this point of view, this change produced a rearrangement within the economic and political theories in use by the Fund, implying several attempts on your part, to the economic reconstruction of the most basic postulates, which formed the action parameter to the institution, in the long period from after World War II. The theoretical-methodological aspects are developed here, first, use of the postulates laid by M. DOBB on the SCHUMPETER s contribution towards the understanding of macroeconomic models as a political instrument design and ideological. Second, it uses the reading confirms M. BLAUG in the same sense that economic analysis models, hide, without rejecting their premises heuristics. It is used also of a long tradition, revived by K. MARX and not closed in this, which affirms the relevance of politics as the vehicle through which theoretical models, concepts and assumptions are thought of as fed by historical contexts and, at the same time will be part of the consolidation symbolic or not, these same contexts. When such theoretical-methodological aspects are applied to that working hypothesis to explain the study results and understand that the adjustment programmes of the International Monetary Fund and the evidence of their policies have had significant effects, to confirm it, about the current trend financialisation of the world capitalism. If correct, the exposed, lighten and contribute to the understanding of these issues were addressed in the body of work now submitted / Segue Tese de Doutorado desenvolvido nos termos do projeto de qualificação do Programa de Estudos Pósgraduados em Ciências Sociais da Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo. O objetivo da tese ora apresentada é o de examinar os pressupostos políticos expressos nos modelos macroeconômicos de ajuste do Fundo Monetário Internacional e as condições políticas necessárias à sua efetivação, no período de 1980-2008. E as justificativas para desenvolver um trabalho dessa natureza foram fornecidas tanto pelos reconhecidos efeitos críticos, sociais e econômicos, provenientes da incorporação desses programas pelas economias nacionais, quanto pelas atuais controvérsias teóricas existentes sobre a pertinência desses programas e as razões que levaram o Fundo Monetário a promover a política macroeconômica, neles contidos. A hipótese aqui trabalhada é que os programas macroeconômicos de ajuste desenvolvidos e implantados pelo FMI, indiferentemente aplicado nas diversas economias nacionais e após o período da chamada crise da dívida, buscou viabilizar e foi resultado do atendimento às regras normativas e simbólicas instituídas no momento e ao longo do período no qual se dá a apropriação dos recursos reais nos Estados Centrais, pela classe dos banqueiros. E esta apropriação dos recursos reais por essa classe significou, por seu lado, o rompimento da coalização política do pós-guerra, onde o Estado de Bem-Estar Social tomou corpo, induzindo a uma mudança histórica genuína para a efetivação de um novo tempo histórico. Desse ponto de vista, essa mudança produziu um rearranjo no interior das teorias políticas e econômicas em uso pelo Fundo, implicando em diversas tentativas, de sua parte, para a reconstrução dos postulados econômicos os mais básicos, os quais serviram de parâmetro de ação para a instituição, no longo período do após a Segunda Guerra Mundial. Ocorre que, nesse momento no qual aparentava sua maior vitalidade com intervenções nas diversas economias nacionais, assistiu-se, isso sim, a uma crise de legitimidade em sua ação e em seus postulados teóricos, induzida por aquelas mudanças mais gerais, que travaram sua melhor atuação. Assim, um dos focos da tese será o de demonstrar, justamente, como essas mudanças se deram no FMI. Os aspectos teórico-metodológicos aqui desenvolvidos fazem uso, primeiro, das postulações lançadas por M. DOBB acerca da contribuição de J. SCHUMPETER no sentido da compreensão dos modelos macroeconômicos como uma concepção e instrumento de natureza política ideológica. Segundo, utiliza-se da leitura confirmativa de M. BLAUG no mesmo sentido de que os modelos de análise econômica ocultam, sem rejeitar, suas premissas heurísticas. Estas serão trazidas para o interior das concepções e modelos teóricos que balizam os modelos analíticos e operacionais dando suporte para as proposições macro microeconômicas e aparecem, nesses modelos, na forma de uma intromissão de ideologias, valores e interesses políticos, dentro dos programas e das sugestões de políticas econômicas, em geral. Terceiro, utiliza-se de uma larga tradição, reavivada por K. MARX e não encerrada com este, que afirma a pertinência da política como o veículo por onde modelos teóricos, concepções e pressuposições são pensadas como alimentadas pelos contextos históricos e, em simultâneo será parte da consolidação simbólica, ou não, desses mesmos contextos. Quando tais aspectos teórico-metodológicos são aplicados àquela hipótese de trabalho o resultado obtido permitiu explicar e compreender que os programas de ajustes do Fundo Monetário e as evidências de suas políticas surtiram efeitos significativos, ao confirmá-la, sobre a atual tendência financerizada do capitalismo mundial. Mas, ao final, constituindo-se no veículo para a expansão, a partir das economias centrais para as demais economias de industrialização tardia, desses novos interesses da classe dos financistas o FMI teve sua atuação histórica, em seus termos originais, esgotada. Se correto o exposto, conseguiu-se clarear e contribuir no entendimento dessas questões, tratadas no corpo do trabalho ora apresentado

La présente dissertation cherche d'abord d'établir un concept précis pour le néo-liberalisme, doctrine qui est née à partir des ouvrages de, parmi d'autres, Friedrich Haeyk et Milton Friedman, et qui s'est répandie dans plusiers pays à partir de la fin des annès 1970. Après l'annalyse des textes classiques concernant la naissance du libéralisme et sa débacle à la fin dela Deuxième Guerre Mondiale, on elabore un concept de néo-liberalisme qui embrasse sa condition théorique et ses conséquences pratiques dans la politique objective. Ensuite, on procede à una annalyse de la vie politique du Brésil à partir de la dernière époque de la dictature militaire jusqu'au crépuscule du governemment de Fernando Henrique Cardoso, toujours en employant le concept de néo-liberalisme pour signaler les mesures neolibérales adoptés par les divers gouvernements le long de cette période. De cette façon, il est possible de comprendre le degré d'adhésion à l'ideal néo-liberal du gouvernement brésilien dans son quotidien, ce qui permet d'annalyser les politiques actuelles du gouvernement féderal sous l'optique de changement et/ou continuité. / A presente dissertação inicia por buscar um conceito firme para o neoliberalismo, doutrina que emergiu a partir dos trabalhos de Friedrich Haeyk e Milton Friedman, entre outros, e que se implementou em diversos países do mundo a partir do final dos anos 1970. Após uma análise dos textos clássicos, perpassando o nascimento do liberalismo e sua débâcle, no final da II Grande Guerra, elabora-se um conceito do que seja neoliberalismo, abarcando sua condição teórica e seus consectários práticos na política real. Uma vez estabelecido este conceito, passa-se à análise da vida política brasileira do final da ditadura militar até o ocaso do governo Fernando Henrique Cardoso, sempre empregando a definição de neoliberalismo para apontar as medidas neoliberais adotadas pelos diferentes governos centrais ao longo deste período. Com isto se consegue compreender o grau de internalização do ideário neoliberal no cotidiano governamental brasileiro, o que viabiliza a análise das atuais políticas do governo federal sob o prisma da mudança e/ou da continuidade. / This work first intend to establish an accurate concept of neoliberalism, doctrine issued from the works of, among others, Friedrich Haeyk and Milton Friedman, and was disseminated in several countries after the last years of the 1979 decade. After the analysis of classical texts, from the beginning of liberalism to its debacle at the end of World War II, a concept of neoliberalism is established, including its theorical aspects and its practical consequences in objective politic. After setting up this concept, an analysis is made of brazilian political life, from the last times of the military dictatorship to the end of the Fernando Henrique Cardoso government, always employing the concept of neo-liberalism to point out the neoliberal mesures adopted by the several federal governments during that period. By doing so, it is possible to make clear the extent of adherence to neo-liberal ideals of brazilian governments in their everyday life, and therefore to study the current politics of federal government under the point of view of either modification and/or continuity.