Auf Portugiesisch verfasste Rezension des Werkes: Georg Wink: Die Idee von Brasilien: Eine Kulturwissenschaftliche Untersuchung der Erzählung Brasiliens als vorgestellte Gemeinschaft im Kontrast zu Hipanoamerika. Frankfurt am Main: Lang 2009 (Hispano-Americana: Geschichte, Sprache, Literatur; 38). / Resenha em língua portuguesa da obra: Georg Wink: Die Idee von Brasilien: Eine Kulturwissenschaftliche Untersuchung der Erzählung Brasiliens als vorgestellte Gemeinschaft im Kontrast zu Hipanoamerika. Frankfurt am Main: Lang 2009 (Hispano-Americana: Geschichte, Sprache, Literatur; 38).

This thesis attempts to analyze the American Thesis, also the American Creed or the American Ideology (the terms as used by Anatol Lieven in America Right or Wrong: An Anatomy of American Nationalism) as the United States` national identity. In interaction with a set of national myths, the American Thesis constitutes the narrative of US America`s identity, the nation`s 'common sense' and morality. The thesis begins with the definition of the phenomenon of the nation as a political and cultural community, then proceeds to discuss the specific contexts from which the narrative image of the US nation emerged. Next, the thesis studies the American Creed as the cultural instrument of fostering social cohesion and assimilating uncanonical dissent. Finally, the myths of US nationalism are analyzed in the context of their narrative structure and affective dynamics which account for the ontological and emotive power of the American Thesis. Key words: the USA, US nationalism, the American Creed, myth, nation-building, national identity

According to Skolverket the aim of history as a subject is to teach the students about different narratives in history. The purpose of this overview is to analyze and compare what earlier research tells us about how World War II is portrayed in textbooks in Russia, Belarus and Ukraine. To achieve this purpose we are focusing on a number of narratives. The ability to critically review textbooks is important in the profession because usually the facts that are presented are in the interest of the nation. The material that has been used was found through the databases: Education Research Complete (ERC) and ERIC via EBSCO. The sources have been reviewed and analyzed to make sure that they are relevant for the subject. To narrow the material further we have only used peer-reviewed sources. Furthermore, additional sources have been presented through Google Scholar. The result in this overview tells us about how the countries in question use different narratives as a tool in nation building and the creation of a national identity. Depending on the country the narratives change to either connect or disconnect from other countries and their actions. A lot of the focus in the textbooks deals with things that happen within their own countries borders and the people that live within those borders. On the contrary, other countries and the people within those countries tend to be forgotten, especially in cases such as foundation, suffering and resistance. Concluding the overview,  the different materials used all argue that textbooks play an important role in nation building and the creation of a national identity. Focusing on a number of narratives, the difference in how nations portray the same narratives in different ways to build a national identity is clear. The results presented by the sources opened up for discussions about the relation between the teacher and the textbook as well as how the textbook is used.

L’objectif de ce mémoire est de comprendre les facteurs qui ont contribué à la non-prolifération des groupes islamistes en Asie centrale. Bien que la menace islamiste radicale soit encore très présente dans la région, nous partons du constat qu’une telle menace ne s’est pas concrétisée. Sur la base de la littérature secondaire, nous examinons le cas de l’Ouzbékistan, sa construction nationale (nation-buiding) et identitaire (identity-building), et le traitement de l’islam avant, pendant et après la période soviétique. Comme le démontrent nos recherches, plusieurs facteurs qui expliquent la non-prolifération de l’islamisme sont fortement liés à la période soviétique et aux politiques mises en place au début du XXe siècle. Ayant construit la nouvelle nation sur des notions soviétiques, l’Ouzbékistan a choisi la voie de la restriction et du contrôle du clergé islamique officiel tout en promouvant le « bon » islam. En s’interrogeant sur le mécanisme particulier qu’utilise l’État pour contrôler l’expression religieuse et empêcher l’infiltration des mouvements islamistes ainsi que tout islam « non officiel », nous identifions et étudions le rôle de la mahalla comme moyen coercitif de contrôle et comme vecteur de continuité avec le passé présoviétique et le régime soviétique plutôt qu’un outil de changement. / The goal of this thesis is to understand the factors that have contributed to the non-proliferation of Islamist groups in Central Asia. Although the radical Islamist threat is still very present in the region, we come from the assumption that such a threat has not materialized. Based on the secondary literature, we analyze the case of Uzbekistan, its nation-building and identity-building, and the treatment of Islam before, during and after the Soviet period. As our research shows, several factors that explain the non-proliferation of Islamism are strongly linked to the Soviet period and policies put in place in the early 20th century. Having built the new nation on Soviet notions, Uzbekistan has chosen the path of restricting and controlling the official Islamic clergy all the while promoting the “good” Islam. By inquiring into the mechanism that the state uses to control religious expression and to prevent the infiltration of Islamist movements, we identify and study the role of mahalla as the coercive medium of control and as the vector of continuity with the pre-Soviet past and the Soviet regime rather than a tool for change.

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Raven Sinclair (2004) locates the social worker at the heart of the colonial project, carrying out violent and assimilative government policy in Canada (p.50). Social work's connections to colonialism have been consciously and some would say “innocently” mutually dependent (Rossiter, 2001; Heron, 2007). Social work responses over time have been criticized for being non-performative (Ahmed, 2004), upholding institutional power (Bunjun, 2014) and ignoring ongoing colonialism (Lawrence & Dua, 2005). This study explores how self-identified white social work managers and directors reflect on and understand their roles in relation to reconciliation policy. It looks at the way discourse interrupts or maintains ruling relations including white supremacy and other colonial continuities (Heron, 2007). “In order to avoid further complicity, in assimilative and colonial practices, non-indigenous helpers must develop a clear understanding of their privilege and of their professions’ complicity in past and present colonial practices embedded in their practice”(Baskin, 2016). Through qualitative interviewing the study used critical whiteness studies and critical discourse analysis with the concept of relational validity in mind (Tuck & Yang, 2018). “What is valid in research is that which resonates with people’s lives and informs their power to make change” (Tuck & Yang, 2018, p.xiii). The findings suggest that participants orientation to reconciliation in the workplace, is controlled and continually reinforced through state discourses (neoliberal, neocolonial, reconciliation). Interestingly, the findings also suggest that participants may be de-contextualizing AOP discourses to neutralize and depoliticize their professional roles in the colonial project, as well as to rationalize their reluctance to take action. This suggests current approaches are not adequate to address colonial continuities in an era of reconciliation. / Thesis / Master of Social Work (MSW)

En utilisant le cas d’étude d’une grande ville ukrainienne, Odessa, multiculturelle et russophone, nous tâcherons de mettre en évidence la discordance entre les mesures politiques de «nation building » (et leur qualité) adoptées par le Parlement, leur renégociation et application au niveau local et la manière dont cela affecte l’identité de la population et la perception d’une « nation ukrainienne » dans la ville, de façon à nous concentrer sur l’importance de l’attitude de la population dans un projet de «nation building ». A ce propos nous allons montrer le rôle de première importance joué par les Ukrainiens dans le projet de construction nationale entamé par les élites politiques après l’indépendance ukrainienne de 1991. L’expression « nation building » est souvent utilisée dans la littérature pour se référer aux mesures politiques émises par le Parlement ;Par contre l’expression « construction nationale » ou « construction de la nation » semble se prêter à plusieurs interprétations et n’exclut pas la participation de la population au projet. Par exemple, tandis que le « nation building » est lié à des politiques mises en œuvre dans le cadre d’un État, si l’on parle d’une « construction nationale » on ne se réfère pas forcement à un État. C’est pourquoi, au cours de cette thèse on gardera les deux expressions pour suggérer que l’expression construction nationale montre une attitude plus ouverte à observer les différentes interactions entre la population et les élites politiques.<p> / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

本篇論文採取歷史制度分析法，比較德國與日本在國家建立的過程中，為何在相似的富強關係及轉折的歷史經驗裡，發展出現行南轅北轍的中央銀行制度，並且試圖解釋為何第二次世界大戰後德國與日本採行不同中央銀行制度，卻同時達致耀眼政治經濟成就的原因。 本研究採用的富強關係架構共有富強並進、搾富求強、外國勢力干政、以富致強等四種組合。至於這四種組合中的哪一種組合出線，又是取決於國家建立過程推移、大型戰爭成敗以及戰敗後外國勢力干政是否解散政權等三個因素。另外，富強的詮釋也會隨著富強關係組合出現順序的改變而改變。然而啟動富強組合轉變的內部因素是啟發戰端，外部因素則是國家在大型戰爭中失利後，外國勢力干政的態度。 結論發現中央銀行制度的起源具有高度國家工具性質，所謂中央銀行政治獨立性是逐漸發展而來，而非制度設計之初衷。而真正造成今日德國與日本中央銀行獨立性差異的關鍵因素是第二次世界大戰後美國對於兩國政權存廢態度不同。最後第二次世界大戰不僅是德國與日本富強關係轉折的媒介由戰爭變為美國霸權維持的國際政經架構的分水嶺，同時也造成德國與日本在國家、區域與自由世界在整合層次上有所差別，進一步使得日後兩國面對金融全球化的步調不同。 / Based on the historical institutional approach, this paper tries to compare the German and Japanese central banks. The author attempts to specify the inter-wining causes and effects of central banking and nation building. German and Japanese central banks had evolved from different bases, despite of the fact that both countries appear to have experienced the remarkable achievements in political and economic arenas after the Second World War. The author has discovered that a plenty-power theme weaving through the institutionalization of both central banks. There are four combinations between the pursuits of plenty and power. They are the simultaneous pursuit of plenty and power, the pursuit of power at the cost of plenty, foreign intervention and leverage plenty to power. Three factors are crucial to the formation and transition of the four combinations: the process of nation-building, the outcome of large-scale war, and the victor foreign states’ attitudes towards the continuance of the legitimacy of the defeated states. Each plenty-power combination has its unique historical goal. Several conclusions can be made from my analysis. First, the central-banking independence is rather the product of historical evolution than the intention of deliberate central-banking institutional design. Second, war has an enormous impact on the central-banking systems in Germany and Japan. The key factor that generated the difference of the central-banking independence between the two countries came largely from America’s different attitudes towards the continuance of the legitimacy of the defeated states. And finally, the Second World War turned out to be the inflection point that changed the plenty-power combination－both Germany and Japan went into the orbit of American hegemony. The post-Second World War world order further gravitated both Germany and Japan towards economic integration into a world economic order.

Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / Psychological operations (PSYOP) forces should undertake significant doctrinal, training, and operational reforms to ensure the viability of support provided to U.S. led stabilization and reconstruction efforts. Such operations involve increased civilmilitary interactions and necessitate effective cross-cultural communications with not only the indigenous populace, but a host of transnational actors as well. Today's PSYOP training is reflective of a persisting "Cold War mentality" that fails to adequately prepare soldiers for effective post-conflict situations such as the reunification of the Korean peninsula, whether brought about either through a renewal of combat operations or the result of diplomatic means. Meanwhile, North Korea's formidable and adept propaganda machine has persisted in isolating its populace from external influences for more than a halfcentury. Post-Korean War generation North Koreans have been successfully indoctrinated since birth to despise the United States. Furthermore, anti-U.S. sentiment has been on the rise in South Korea for a number of years. Under the current training model, contemporary psychological operations forces are ill-prepared to conduct effective operations in an environment involving two-way, face-to-face communications such as those required while stabilizing and reconstructing a nation. The case of Korean reunification serves as an extreme scenario that nevertheless depicts the drastic need for improvements in the capabilities of modern PSYOP forces. / Captain, United States Army