Ce mémoire propose d'étudier la portée des discours présidentiels sur l'essor d'une nation. Plus précisément, cette recherche explore les pratiques rhétoriques par lesquelles Nicolas Sarkozy, à titre de Président de l'Union européenne du 1er juillet 2008 au 31 décembre 2008, a tenté de raviver l'intérêt de la population française pour le développement de l'Europe. Nous considérons, dans un premier temps, le contexte politique particulier qui précède la nomination de Nicolas Sarkozy en juillet 2008 ainsi que les deux crises internationales majeures qui ont ponctué sa présidence. Nous explorons ensuite comment la littérature scientifique sur la rhétorique présidentielle en temps de crise peut nous permettre de comprendre la portée de ses discours sur un auditoire français quelque peu désabusé des questions de politique européenne. Après avoir sélectionné et justifié le choix des cinq discours présidentiels de notre corpus, nous introduisons notre méthode d‟analyse basée sur l'approche rhétorique de la « Close textual analysis ». Nous présentons enfin nos analyses qui mettent en évidence les principaux procédés rhétoriques des cinq discours de notre corpus. En conclusion, nous considérons comment ces différents procédés rhétoriques peuvent contribuer à l'essor de la communauté européenne. / This thesis studies the impact of presidential communication on the rapid development of a nation. More precisely, this study explores the rhetorical practices in which Nicolas Sarkozy, by being the President of European union from July 1st to December 31th, has attempted to revive the interest of the French population on European development. Firstly, we examine the particular politic context that precedes the nomination of Nicolas Sarkozy in July 2008 and the two main international crisis which has punctuated his presidency. Then, we explore how scientific literature on the presidential rhetoric in time of crisis can contribute to understand the impact of his speeches on the French audience who is disillusioned about the European politic questions. After selecting and justifying the choice of five presidential speeches of our corpus, we introduce our analysis method based on the rhetorical approach of the “Close textual analysis”. Following this, we present our analyses which highlight the main rhetorical process existing in the five speeches. To conclude, we examine how these different rhetorical processes contribute to establish the rapid development of a European community.

My thesis explores the roles in Albanian nation-building of the Kanun of Lekë Dukagjin, an early-twentieth century codification of northern-Albanian customary practices, and the Pajtimi i Gjaqeve, a late-twentieth century movement to conciliate blood feuds in Kosovo. To understand them, we need to know: what both were, in their own terms; their significance; and how they relate to other aspects of nation-building, and comparative examples. I draw on participant-observation fieldwork, archive work and extensive interviews. Nation-building is necessarily complicated and the Albanian case particularly so. The existence of an Albanian nation was contested by neighbouring peoples, and its characteristics, by Albanians themselves. In this complex context, the text of the Kanun, and the Pajtimi i Gjaqeve, give us good insights into Albanian understandings of the nation, and associated nation-building activities, at pivotal points in national history. While the nation-building projects of the region had many elements in common, prominent ideas of a ‘national’ legal tradition are a distinctive aspect of the Albanian case. Both the Kanun of Lekë Dukagjin and the Pajtimi i Gjaqeve need to be understood as aspects of nation-building. In the context of a crumbling Ottoman Empire, by presenting Albanian customary practices in the form of a legal code, the Albanian codifier made claims about the contents and the people from whom they came. The Kanun demonstrated the existence of a distinct people with a tradition of self-governance and mediation; and made significant contributions to the crucial process of language standardisation. In the context of the 1990s break-up of Yugoslavia, ideas of an Albanian legal tradition re-emerged in Kosovo, in the Pajtimi i Gjaqeve which presented intra-Albanian disputes as national concerns, and drew on traditional values and customary practices to effect conciliations. Subsequently, the Movement itself has become a national resource, through reference to which important ideas about the nation are expressed.

Beaucoup ont qualifié la construction de mouvements identitaires à base linguistique de Nouveaux Mouvement Sociaux dans les années 70. S’il est vrai qu’en France ils se sont fait connaitre à ce moment-là, en réapparaissant sous de nouvelles formes, il n’en demeure pas moins qu’ils puisent leurs racines dans une opposition historique aux Etats modernes européens. La longévité et la structuration des réseaux militants des langues basque et catalane, tant en France qu’en Espagne, en sont la preuve. Ainsi, outre les grands cycles de protestation, ce sont surtout les nouvelles formes de l’action publique locale et de la construction européenne qui vont permettre une prise en compte et une mise en œuvre de politiques linguistiques en Pays Basque et en Catalogne. La construction collective de manière transfrontalière des politiques linguistiques de la langue montre combien les acteurs collectifs deviennent des acteurs essentiels à la mise en œuvre de politiques publiques contemporaines. Et ce, non seulement en les cadrant lors des luttes politiques et lors de leurs élaborations mais également en étant des acteurs essentiels à l’expertise et à la mise en œuvre, puisqu’ils en sont la cause et les bénéficiaires à part entière. Finalement, les réseaux d’action politique en faveur de la langue se transforment, une fois la langue devenue enjeu et objectif de politique publique, en réseaux d’action publique local ouvrant ainsi un nouveau cycle d’action. / The construction of language-based identity movements was called New Social Movements in the 70’s. If in France, they make themselves known at that time, reappearing under new forms, the fact remains that they originate from an historical opposition with the Europeans Modern States. The longevity and the structuration of the language-based militant networks of basque and catalonian languages, both in the Basque country and in Catalonia, are the proof. Besides the larges protest cycles, it is above all the new forms of local public policy and of European construction which will permit consideration and implementation of language policies in the Basque country and in Catalonia. The collective construction and across borders of language policies shows how collective actors become key players in the implementation of contemporary public policy, not only framing politics and policy making but also being essentials in the expertise and implementation because they are the cause and the beneficiaries. Finally, policy networks based on language turn, once the language become issue and target of public policy, on local public networks opening a new cycle of action.

1 English Abstract Searching for Styles of National Architecture in Habsburg Central Europe 1890-1920 Art Nouveau and Turn-of-the-Century Architecture as Nation-Building This thesis examines aspirations of Central European nations to create architectural style, which would be particular to the given nation and would convey national spirit and character through architectural form. Inspired by social and cultural history, historians of architecture have recently begun to study conscious efforts of national elites to use architecture for nationalistic ends. Considerable attention has been paid to the interplay between national movements emerging in Europe before the World War I, and the concurrent developments in the field of architecture as signified by introduction of the Art Nouveau. However, most of these works focus on individual national building movement. Building on the existing set of studies developed in different national contexts, this thesis takes a step further and approaches the issue from the transnational perspective Applying the comparative history methodology to the three cases studies - Hungarian, Czech and Polish, all non-German ethnic groups in the Austro- Hungarian Monarchy - enables close examination of the intertwined development of modern nations and architecture. By the turn of the...

Après un peu plus de deux décennies d’un système de parti unique, le Cameroun a connu le retour aupluralisme politique au début des années 1990. Ce retour au multipartisme a conduit à une certaine libération de la parole, à une libéralisation politique et des revendications d’appartenances. Le nouvel espace de liberté a contribué à soulever, dans la sphère sociopolitique nationale, la problématique relative à la construction nationale postcoloniale dans un pays où cohabitent un double héritage colonial (franco-britannique) localement domestiqué et des centaines d’appartenances locales d’ordreethno régional, linguistique et religieux. La problématique de la construction nationale, dans un tel contexte de multi appartenance, constitue le propos central de cette étude et porte plus précisément sur la libération manifeste de l’expression des frustrations de la minorité anglophone du Cameroun. Il yest notamment démontré comment le Cameroun moderne, issu de la réunification entre l’ancien territoire du Cameroun sous tutelle française et la partie méridionale de l’ancien Cameroun britannique, gère son double héritage colonial dans un espace d’une diversité labyrinthique. Une gestion parfois concurrentielle, hégémonique et népotique des appartenances ou des identités, identités relatives au double héritage colonial franco-britannique, mais également identités tribales ou ethno régionales, enfin un processus de démocratisation plutôt frivole, illusoire et languissant, semblent entretenir ce qu’on nomme désormais au Cameroun : « la question anglophone » ou encore « le problème anglophone ». / In the early 1990s, just over two decades of a single-party system, Cameroon experienced a return to political pluralism. The multiparty system then led to some free speech, to some political relaxation and claims of belonging as well. The then new area of freedom conduced to the raising, at the sociopolitical level, of the issue of postcolonial nation-building in a country where a double colonial legacy (Anglo-French), locally re-appropriated, has coexisted with hundreds of local particularities of ethno-regional, linguistic and religious nature. The issue of nation-building in such a multiple belonging context is actually the very objective of this study, which focuses on the evident liberation in the manifestation of the English-speaking minority’s frustrations in Cameroon after the political relaxation in the early 1990s. The study shows how the modern State of Cameroon, resulting from the reunification of the former French Cameroon and the former British Southern Cameroons, manages its double colonial legacy in an area of a labyrinthine diversity. What has now been termed in Cameroon as: “the Anglophone Problem” seems to have been nurtured by a competitive, hegemonic and nepotistic management, at times, of heritage or identities – identities regarding the Anglo-French colonial heritage. It has also been revealed by tribal or ethno regional identities and by a democratisation process, which can be seen as rather trivial, illusive and lackadaisical.

This dissertation answers the question of what the proper balance is for victims with respect to the formation of a truth or truth and reconciliation commission that is formed to address the aftermath of an authoritarian regime or armed conflict. A review of the historical operation of entities that have operated in the aftermath of authoritarian regimes and armed conflict is conducted in this dissertation. From the Nuremberg and Tokyo trials to the present day, nations have struggled to try to devise a systematic way to deal with the aftermath of harm caused to victims as a consequence of authoritarian regimes and armed conflict. An examination of the various past truth and reconciliation commissions, the International Criminal Court, and various treaties is here juxtaposed with the Colombian Justice and Peace program implemented a decade ago to bring about peace and reconciliation in Colombia. This dissertation concludes that an entity formed with the purpose of achieving the proper balance for victims of an authoritarian regime or armed conflict, must have a truth-telling component that works in tandem with a specialized court conceived with the objective of operating alongside the commission. Thus, while there is a punitive aspect, the focus is more on the relationship between the events, solutions, and relief provided for victims. An entity with such a focus has various components, including truth-telling and some form of sanction or punishment, but always with the betterment of the past, present, and future victims as well as the subject society or country as its priority. In that vein, a set of proposed flexible guidelines are presented as the culmination of this dissertation. The flexible guidelines proposed here set forth a balanced system between the commission and the court that will provide for both punishment and reconciliation for particular countries and the victims. / Includes bibliography. / Dissertation (Ph.D.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2015. / FAU Electronic Theses and Dissertations Collection

This dissertation studies the musical activities of the Venezuelan pianist and composer Teresa Carreño (1853-1917) during her formative years in Caracas. It examines the sources that pertain to her musical environment, early piano training, and first compositions in the context of the growth in Caracas of the practices of recreational sociability, the increasing influence of virtuosic music, and the tradition of private concert-making sponsored by devoted music amateurs. This study argues that Teresa Carreño’s musical upbringing occurred in a social and cultural context in which Enlightenment-framed ideologies of civilization and social progress, shaped in fundamental ways the perceptions of the value of music and women in society, and their role in the newly-founded republic. This study is aimed at reconstructing Teresa Carreño’s musical activities in Caracas as a means for elucidating the values, aspirations, and contradictions of Caracas’s musical culture and how these were articulated within the broader context of the nation-building process that was shaped and promoted by the progressive intelligentsia since the early nineteenth-century.

<p>Under 1995 togs ett riksdagsbeslut om att skapa en stödform som möjliggjorde för partier med mandat i riksdagen att med Sida-finansierade projektmedel verka för att bygga upp partisystem i Östeuropa och i utvecklingsländer genom så kallade partianknutna organisationer (PAO). Dessa organisationer skall enligt ett regeringsbeslut från 1998 också arbeta med att särskilt uppmärksamma kvinnor i sina projekt. Jämställdhet har sedan mitten av 1990-talet varit ett av huvudmålen för svenskt bistånd och på senare år har jämställdhet kommit att utgöra en betydelsefull markör för svensk nationell identitet.</p><p>I uppsatsen studeras hur svenska nationella identiteter konstrueras i PAO:s biståndsarbete för jämställdhet, och med att särskilt uppmärksamma kvinnor. Syftet fokuserar på hur dessa föreställningar, sammanlänkade med idéer om kön och ’ras’, etableras och upprätthålls inom PAO-biståndet. Ett kompletterande syfte är att lyfta fram ambivalenser i konstruktionen av dessa identiteter, för att visa att organisering kring andra identiteter är möjligt. På det här sättet vill uppsatsen ifrågasätta förgivet tagna identiteter och sätta in dem i ett sammanhang där olika aspekter av identitetskonstruktioner inom bistånd kan diskuteras.</p>

<p>This thesis explores aspects of what happened to the state Church of Sweden during the rise of the importance of public opinion and the evolution of the democratic nation state. Denmark provides the most well known Nordic example of how an old state Church became a democratic Folk (i.e. National) Church during this general transition. By comparing the Swedish with the Danish case, this study elucidates the less well known Folk Church ideology in Sweden. In Denmark a strong agrarian movement influenced by revivalism managed to take hold of public opinion making the state Church a part of the Danish national identity. Such a movement never appeared in the more industrialised Sweden. Instead a secular working class movement took hold of public and national opinion. The investigation is focused upon Harald Hallén (1884-1967), a pastor and a Social Democratic Member of Parliament. Lacking the revival elements of the Danish nationalism Hallén found that in order to get a Folk Church accepted within the secular Working class movement, it had to rest upon the heritage of the Enlightenment. Hallén regarded the Church as an expression of common ethical values within the Swedish nation. The Folk Church was supposed to strengthen existing ideals for a righteous socialist society by delivering the message of the Kingdom of God. Hallén strove to make the Church more democratic in order to express this ethical folk religion. Social Democratic nationalism became the dominant factor in Swedish political life between 1905 and 1933. The period was characterised by conflicts. First Hallén and those whom he represented fought against the Youth Church movement, which strove to establish another Folk Church ideology, by supporting the Swedish King against the rise of political Democracy. Later on, within his own Social Democratic party, Hallén fought his battle against the Marxist view of the state Church as a simple reflection of the dominant class. Hallén was in line with the political development, which resulted in a period of solid Social Democratic nation building from the 1930s onwards. From that decade on the Folk Church ideology of Hallén was established.</p>

This thesis explores aspects of what happened to the state Church of Sweden during the rise of the importance of public opinion and the evolution of the democratic nation state. Denmark provides the most well known Nordic example of how an old state Church became a democratic Folk (i.e. National) Church during this general transition. By comparing the Swedish with the Danish case, this study elucidates the less well known Folk Church ideology in Sweden. In Denmark a strong agrarian movement influenced by revivalism managed to take hold of public opinion making the state Church a part of the Danish national identity. Such a movement never appeared in the more industrialised Sweden. Instead a secular working class movement took hold of public and national opinion. The investigation is focused upon Harald Hallén (1884-1967), a pastor and a Social Democratic Member of Parliament. Lacking the revival elements of the Danish nationalism Hallén found that in order to get a Folk Church accepted within the secular Working class movement, it had to rest upon the heritage of the Enlightenment. Hallén regarded the Church as an expression of common ethical values within the Swedish nation. The Folk Church was supposed to strengthen existing ideals for a righteous socialist society by delivering the message of the Kingdom of God. Hallén strove to make the Church more democratic in order to express this ethical folk religion. Social Democratic nationalism became the dominant factor in Swedish political life between 1905 and 1933. The period was characterised by conflicts. First Hallén and those whom he represented fought against the Youth Church movement, which strove to establish another Folk Church ideology, by supporting the Swedish King against the rise of political Democracy. Later on, within his own Social Democratic party, Hallén fought his battle against the Marxist view of the state Church as a simple reflection of the dominant class. Hallén was in line with the political development, which resulted in a period of solid Social Democratic nation building from the 1930s onwards. From that decade on the Folk Church ideology of Hallén was established.