This thesis provides a framework for viewing socio-political contexts and how these relate to interventionist projects. The framework draws on and combines strands from international relations and sociological perspectives of social interaction. The central question becomes how intervention and existing social contexts interact to produce unintended outcomes. It applies the analysis to two separate wider contexts: Afghanistan and Somalia, with a particular focus on the self-declared independent Somaliland as an internally generated and controlled transformational process. Unlike abstract directions of theoretical development the framework seeks to provide a platform that sets aside ideological assumptions and from which interventionist projects can be observed and evaluated based on literature, field observations and interviews. Drawing on such diverse influences as fourth generation peace and conflict studies, Morphogenetics, and social forces theory, the framework explores conditions and interest formations to capture instances of local agency that are part of a continuity of local realities. It views social interaction without imposing Universalist value assumptions, but also without resorting to relativism or raising so many caveats that it becomes impractical. It exposes the agency of local interest formations hidden beneath the discourses of ideologically framed conflicts. These social agents are often dismissed as passive victims to be brought under the influence of for example the state, but are in reality able to subvert, co-opt, constrain or facilitate the forces that are dependent on them for social influence. In the end, it is the modes of mobilisation that emerge as the most crucial factor for understanding the relevant social dynamics.

The focus in this dissertation is on the rise of secessionism and its curtailment in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). Theories pertaining to centre-periphery relations, as well as right-sizing the state, are used for this purpose. Factors such as the DRC’s vast territory and colonial policies affected the centre-periphery relations after independence. The weak ties between the centre and the peripheries were important factors in the attempts at secession that followed independence. In addition, the political and administrative centre (Kinshasa) was too weak to keep the restive peripheries in check. International military intervention, thus, played an important role in defeating attempts at secession. The strategies of President Mobutu in strengthening the centre, as well as the lack of secessionism in the DRC after the collapse of the centre towards the end of Mobutu’s presidency, receive attention. / Political Sciences / M.A. (Politics)

Under 1995 togs ett riksdagsbeslut om att skapa en stödform som möjliggjorde för partier med mandat i riksdagen att med Sida-finansierade projektmedel verka för att bygga upp partisystem i Östeuropa och i utvecklingsländer genom så kallade partianknutna organisationer (PAO). Dessa organisationer skall enligt ett regeringsbeslut från 1998 också arbeta med att särskilt uppmärksamma kvinnor i sina projekt. Jämställdhet har sedan mitten av 1990-talet varit ett av huvudmålen för svenskt bistånd och på senare år har jämställdhet kommit att utgöra en betydelsefull markör för svensk nationell identitet. I uppsatsen studeras hur svenska nationella identiteter konstrueras i PAO:s biståndsarbete för jämställdhet, och med att särskilt uppmärksamma kvinnor. Syftet fokuserar på hur dessa föreställningar, sammanlänkade med idéer om kön och ’ras’, etableras och upprätthålls inom PAO-biståndet. Ett kompletterande syfte är att lyfta fram ambivalenser i konstruktionen av dessa identiteter, för att visa att organisering kring andra identiteter är möjligt. På det här sättet vill uppsatsen ifrågasätta förgivet tagna identiteter och sätta in dem i ett sammanhang där olika aspekter av identitetskonstruktioner inom bistånd kan diskuteras.

No início da Guerra da Secessão (1861-1865), os Estados Unidos promoveram negociações internacionais que pretendiam transferir seus afrodescendentes, em diversas condições de escravidão e liberdade para diversos países independentes da América Latina e possessões coloniais no Caribe. Ainda que tais negociações não tenham resultado de fato na realocação de homens e mulheres afro-americanos, as trocas diplomáticas, bem como outras fontes documentais, revelaram interessantes debates sobre escravidão, raça, construção nacional e o trabalho dependente no pós-abolição, que fazem do tema uma espécie de microcosmo que abrange questões substanciais que marcaram as mudanças nos mundos do trabalho no século XIX. Os projetos de colonização, como então foram chamados, para população afroamericana foram propostos e negociados por Washington com os seguintes países e colônias abrangidos pelo presente trabalho: Brasil, Equador, atual Panamá (pertencente, à época, à atual Colômbia), Costa Rica, Nicarágua. Honduras, El Salvador, Guatemala, Jamaica, Belize (Honduras Britânicas), Guiana Britânica, Suriname (colônia da Holanda), na ilha dinamarquesa de Santa Cruz, Haiti e Libéria. / In the early years of its Civil War, the United States Government proposed to resettle African- Americans throughout Latin America and the Caribbean. Though these schemes did not ultimately come to fruition, the intentions of the United States and the responses of negotiating nations reflected broader debates on slavery, race, nation building and indenture labor in the post abolition era. These colonization projects, as they were then called, aimed to resettle African-Americans in countries such as Brazil, Ecuador, present-day Panama, Costa Rica, Nicaragua, Honduras, El Salvador, Guatemala, Jamaica, present-day Belize, British Guiana, Surinam, St. Croix Island, Haiti and Liberia.

Lors de la victorieuse campagne d’Italie (1796-1797), qui a lieu dans le cadre des guerres révolutionnaires françaises (1792-1802), un nombre important d’objets précieux est saisi pour être transporté à Paris, nouvel épicentre autoproclamé de la culture et du savoir européens. La liste des objets à déplacer est longue, variée et prestigieuse. Des outils d’agriculture, des minéraux, des livres rares, des traités de science, des semences, des partitions de musique, des spécimens végétaux et, surtout, des monuments de l’Antiquité et des tableaux de la Renaissance, sont appelés à garnir les institutions de la capitale française. Ce grand coup de filet est souligné par la tenue d’une fête à Paris les 9 et 10 thermidor an VI (27 et 28 juillet 1798), nommée l’Entrée triomphale des objets de sciences et d’arts recueillis en Italie. Pour atteindre leur nouvelle destination, les objets saisis sont soumis à la contingence du voyage. Ils traversent des montagnes, des routes, des ports, des mers, des fleuves, des canaux, des rues et des boulevards. Le trajet se fait sur des chariots, dans la paille ; les objets d’art sont enfouis à l’intérieur de caisses goudronnées, scellées et marquées du sceau officiel de la République. Même s’ils sont cachés et hors de lieux traditionnellement étudiés par l’histoire de l’art, les objets d’Italie jouissent, durant cet intervalle, d’une grande visibilité par le biais des journaux qui suivent avidement les aventures des convois qui traversent des lieux instables et des territoires accidentés. Qui plus est, le déplacement s’effectue sur un fond d’instabilité sociale et de crises politiques, alors que le régime du Directoire (1795-1799) peine à asseoir sa légitimité et que la Contre-Révolution se manifeste dans le résultat des élections législatives. En puisant dans un cadre théorique croisant les mobility studies, les material studies, les études sur le nationalisme et l’histoire des émotions, cette thèse démontre que le transit entre Rome et Paris devient une épopée mettant en récit les contours d’une identité française en quête d’unité. En effet, le transfert des objets d’Italie est un levier d’édification nationale qui mobilise des thèmes au fondement du sentiment patriotique, comme la supériorité civilisationnelle, le savoir-faire technique et l’ascendance morale. Trois grands moments sont à l’étude : le moment des saisies, le moment du transport et le moment de la célébration. / During the victorious Italian Campaign (1796-1797) that took place during the French Revolutionary Wars (1792-1802), a significant number of precious objects were seized and transported to Paris, the new self-proclaimed epicentre of European culture and knowledge. The list of objects was long, varied, and prestigious. Agricultural tools, minerals, rare books, scientific treatises, seeds, musical scores, plant specimens, and above all, monuments from antiquity and Renaissance paintings, were amassed for the purpose of gracing the institutions of the French capital. On 9 and 10 Thermidor year VI (27th and 28th of July, 1798), the convoy was paraded through the streets of Paris in a celebration titled l’Entrée triomphale des objets de sciences et d’arts recueillis en Italie (the triumphal entry of objects of the sciences and arts collected in Italy). En route to their new destination, the precious objects were subjected to the contingencies of the voyage. Buried in sealed and tarred crates marked with the official seal of the Republic and piled onto straw-filled carts, they journeyed over mountains, on roads, through ports, across seas, and down rivers, canals, streets and boulevards. Although the objects were hidden and kept far from areas traditionally studied by art history, they received wide coverage in newspapers that avidly chronicled the convoy’s adventures through volatile areas and rugged terrain. What is more, the journey took place against a backdrop of great social unrest and political crises, while the regime of the Directory (1795-1799) struggled to establish its legitimacy and the Counter-Revolution rose in the wake of the legislative elections. Drawing on a theoretical framework bridging mobility studies, material studies, nationalism studies, and the history of emotions, this dissertation demonstrates that the transit between Rome and Paris became a narrative epic that outlined a French identity in search of unity. In fact, the objects’ transit from Italy became a lever of national edification that mobilized the themes that are the basis of patriotic sentiment, such as civilizational superiority, technical knowledge, and moral ascendancy. Three major moments will be studied: the seizure of the objects, their transportation, and the moment of celebration.

MA (Political Science) / Department of Development Studies / This study focuses on the politics of conflict resolution, paying special attention to the role of the international community in resolving the political crisis in South Sudan. The current political crisis in South Sudan has historical connections that date back to the time when Sudan was granted independence by the British government in 1956.These historical antecedents paved the way for the current political crisis which started on December 2013. The study is guided by the International Society Theory or the English School of Thought. The wisdom of the International Society Theory affirms international obligations bestowed on the members of the international community. According to this theory response to crisis of humanitarian nature such as the South Sudanese political crisis is part of the broader debate. Qualitative methods were used in this study because the researcher because they enabled the researcher to gain deeper insights on the research problem. All guidelines regarding ethical considerations were followed in order to avoid being biased and misinterpretation of information. Data were obtained from primary and secondary sources what sources. The study concludes that despite the involvement of many external actors, the conflict is still raging on due to a numbers of reasons such as, mistrust between the conflicting parties and lack of political will to resolve the conflict. Key words: Humanitarian intervention, Conflict, Nation-Building, Coup d’état, Conflict resolution, Horn of Africa, State formation, Responsibility to protect (R2P) / NRF

The thesis analyzes formation of Muslim nationalism identity during the 20th century and then its radical discursive transformation in the context of the Bosnian war between 1992 and 1995 and the conflicting struggle with neighboring Serbian nationalism. Internal redefinition of the Muslim/Bosniak national identity is examined in the context of a number of structural, institutional and discursive continuities and discontinuities, as both a contingent and determined event at the same time. As a result of these heterogeneous processes, the current Bosniak national identity is mainly homogenized around the symbols of Islam and the national myth of eternal suffering of Bosniaks and the age-long genocidal endeavor of Non-Bosniaks that resulted in the "Serbian genocide/Holocaust" over Bosniaks between 1992 and 1995. Key words War, nationalism, national identity, ethnic conflict, nation-building, Bosniak nationalism, Muslim nationalism, Serbian nationalismm, Islam, genocide, Holocaust, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bosnian war

This dissertation provides an in-depth study of police transformation in Georgia, Kyrgyzstan and Russia since the collapse of the Soviet Union. It draws upon interviews with police, NGO workers, politicians and international practitioners, and employs a comparative-historical approach. Contra to democratic policing approaches, advocating the diffusion of police power and implementation of police reform concurrently with wider democratisation, reform was relatively successful in Georgia after the 2003 Rose Revolution because of state-building. The new government monopolised executive power, fired many police, recruited new personnel, raised police salaries and clamped down on organised crime and corruption. Success also depended on the elite's political will and their appeal to Georgian nationalism. Prioritisation of state-building over democratisation limited the reform's success, however. The new police are politicised and have served elites' private interests. Reform has failed in Kyrgyzstan because of a lack of state-building. Regional, clan and other identities are stronger than Kyrgyz nationalism. This has hindered the formation of an elite with capacity to implement reform. The state has limited control over the police, who remain corrupt and involved in organised crime. State-building has not precipitated police reform in Russia because of the absence of political will. The ruling cohort lacks a vision of reform and relies on corruption to balance the interests of political factions. The contrasting patterns of police reform have a number of implications for democratic police reform in transitioning countries: First, reform depends on political will. Second, institutionalising the police before democratising them may be a more effective means of acquiring the capacity to implement reform. Third, such an approach is likely to require some sort of common bond such as nationalism to legitimate it. Fourth, ignoring democratisation after institutionalisation is risky as reformers can misuse their power for private interests.

This case study is the first comprehensive analysis of the German Democratic Republic’s activities in South Yemen, the only Marxist state in the Arab World and at times the closest and most loyal ally to the Soviet Union in the Middle East during the Cold War. The dissertation analyzes East German Foreign Policy as a case of Socialist state- and nation-building and in doing so produces one major hypotheses: The case of South Yemen may be considered both, an ‘exceptional case’ and the possible ‘ideal type’ of the ‘general’ of East German foreign policy and thus points to what the GDR’s foreign policy could have been, if it hadn’t been for the numerous restraints of East German foreign-policy-making. The author critically engages with the normative and empirical dimensions of the ‘Limits of Foreign Policy’ by including a constructivist perspective of foreign policy. Apart from the case study itself, the dissertation provides the reader with a thorough overview of forty years of East German foreign policy with a focus on the interests and influence of The Soviet Union as well as the first introduction and methodological approach to East Germany's foreign policy in the Middle East. The empirical side of the analysis rests on archival documents of the German Foreign Office, the German National Archive and the former Ministry of State Security of the GDR. These documents are reviewed and published for the first time and are complemented by personal interviews with contemporary witnesses. The interdisciplinary approach integrates and expands methods of both History and Political Science, applicable to other cases. Conducted research is intended to contribute to academic discourse on South Yemen’s unique history, divided Germany’s role in the Cold War, East German foreign policy, but also the long-term impact of Socialist foreign-policy-making in the Global South which so far has been neglected almost completely in academia. / Graduate / miriam.mueller@fu-berlin.de

After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Ukrainian society faced a new reality. The new reality involved consolidation and transformation of collective identities. The reinvigoration of national identity led to a change in the emphasis on how the past was dealt with – many things which were regarded as negative by the Soviet regime became presented as positive in independent Ukraine. The war-time nationalist movement, represented by the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA), became one of the re-configured themes of history. While most of the studies of memory of the OUN and UPA concentrated on the use of the history of the OUN and UPA by nationalist parties, this study goes beyond the analysis of such use of history and scrutinizes the meaning of this history in nation- and state-building processes in relation to memory work realized on the small-scale regional and local levels with the main focus on Rivne and Rivne oblast’. Moreover, this book focusses not only on the “producers” of memory, but also on the “consumers” of memory, the area which is largely understudied in the field of memory studies. In the book the main emphasis is put on monuments which are regarded as catalysts and symptoms of memory. The present study showed that the OUN and UPA are used more as the metaphors of the anti-Soviet and anti-communist struggle for independence than as historical entities. This past is largely mythologized. Functioning as a myth the memory of the OUN and UPA obliterates difficult knowledge that the historical research reveals on the questionable activities and ideology of those organizations. As a result, the past of the OUN and UPA is re-imagined, re-filled with new meanings so that it is used along even with the democratic and pro-European claims in the present. It was especially well-observed during the Orange Revolution in 2004 and during the Euromaidan in 2013-2014, when the European Union’s flags were seen next to the OUN’s red-and-black flags or when the pro-European slogans were proclaimed alongside the OUN and UPA slogans. At the same time, the results demonstrated an intricate complexity of memory work shaped by intensive dynamics of private and public, grassroots and official, local and national encounters. Although there have been attempts made by political actors to draw a direct link between the national identity, political allegiances and proposed heroic version of memory, the study showed, that such attempts did not really work. In the pluralistic context the meanings are too fluid and adherence to one version of history does not preclude adherences to other versions of history which are presented as diametrically opposite in the political sphere. As result, on the recipients’ grassroots level, the memory reveals its amalgamated characteristics. Drawing on studies about post-colonial subjectivities and theories of remediation developed in memory studies, this book explores the changes in memory culture of contemporary Ukraine and examines the role of memory in producing new meanings under the rapidly changing conditions after the collapse of the Soviet Union up to 2014. The book contributes to the studies of memory culture in post-Communist countries as well as to the studies of society in contemporary Ukraine.