Native nation building is a phenomenon largely neglected by mainstream political science. There are empirical and theoretical gaps in the study of political structures of Native nations. The empirical focus of this dissertation is on the rebuilding process of the White Earth Nation located in northwestern Minnesota. The objective is to investigate the long-term process of White Earth governance in order to get insights into the background of the present state of the White Earth institutional stalemate. I trace external and internal factors that influenced the formation, preservation, and transformation of the White Earth government established as part of the Minnesota Chippewa Tribe under the Indian Reorganization Act provisions in 1936. To understand this process, it is necessary to include the historical context of the White Earth constitutionalism from 1913 to the present. I analyze some hitherto unknown archival materials using a flexible theoretical framework which I designed specifically for the purpose of studying the White Earth nation-building process. This case-specific framework eclectically uses a combination of theoretical approaches of Native American studies, genealogy, Vincent Pouliot's practice tracing, and new institutionalism. My findings suggest that the White Earth...

La identitat lingüística valenciana sembla, a primera vista, la d’una regió que forma part de la nació espanyola i de la seua història especifica. Això no obstant, quan s’estudia més a fons el discurs polític que es produeix a la Comunitat Autònoma de València, que ha guanyat un caràcter cada vegada més polèmic sobre tot des de la transició espanyola, remet a una comprensió de la pròpia identitat que no necessàriament coincideix amb el concepte nacional espanyol. En realitat, és un discurs que tracta de determinar la llengua e identitat valenciana autòctona. Què significa ser un valencià que parla valencià? És un parlant de dialecte que per a «entendre’s millor» recorre al espanyol? És el representant d’una llengua independent? És membre d’una família lingüística reprimida a Espanya? I com s’accepta a Espanya? O, com ha de posicionar-se políticament en front del context espanyol? Partint d’aquestes preguntes, fem especial atenció als fronts político-identitaris que han estat representades a les Corts Valencianes entre 2014 i 2016, que seran l’element principal del present treball. Aspirem a reflectir i contextualitzar tant històricament com sociolingüísticament els seus discursos per a arribar a una descripció distanciada i diferenciada de les posicions, percepcions i interpretacions contradictòries sobre el valencià. Partint d’una anàlisi semàntica del discurs de conflicte basat en corpus, mostrarem la gènesi i el desenvolupament de les actuals conceptualitzacions / La identidad lingüística valenciana parece, a primera vista, la de una región que forma parte de la nación española y de su historia cultural específica. Sin embargo, cuando se estudia más a fondo el discurso político que se produce en la Comunidad Autónoma de Valencia, que ha ganado un carácter cada vez más polémico sobre todo desde la transición española, nos remite a una comprensión de la propia identidad que no necesariamente coincide con el concepto nacional español. En realidad, es un discurso que trata de determinar la lengua e identidad valenciana autóctona. ¿Qué significa ser un valenciano que habla valenciano? ¿Es un hablante de dialecto que para «entenderse mejor» recurre al español? ¿Es el representante de una lengua independiente? ¿Es miembro de una familia lingüística reprimida en España? ¿Y cómo se le acepta en España? O, ¿cómo debe posicionarse políticamente frente al contexto nacional español? Partiendo de estas preguntas, prestamos la principal atención a los frentes político-identitarios, que estuvieron representados en las Cortes Valencianas entre 2014 y 2016, que serán el elemento principal del presente trabajo. Aspiramos a reflejar y contextualizar tanto históricamente como sociolingüísticamente sus discursos para llegar a una descripción distanciada y diferenciada de las posiciones, percepciones e interpretaciones contradictorias acerca del significado identitario del valenciano. Basándonos en un análisis semántico del discurso de conflicto basado en corpus mostraremos la génesis y el desarrollo de las actuales conceptualizaciones divergentes, ya que son éstas las que convierten esta «lengua propia» en el ‹símbolo de la divergencia identitaria› dentro de un discurso político producido con y sobre la lengua.

In this article German contributions to periodicals of the International Musicological Society focussing on Italian musical life in Italy around 1900 are analyzed as testimonies of Italy’s new importance as a music nation at that time. The German perspective on musical culture in the Kingdom of Italy follows hierarchies that are closely linked to political and economic rivalry between the two nations. At different levels (music education, formation of composers and musicians, local repertories, musical genres) well-known concepts of German supremacy can be recognized. Nevertheless, the national music debates include also phenomena which strongly confirm music as art of great potential for international consensus.

<p>This thesis argues that <i>Morituri</i> by Yasmina Khadra and <i>White Masks</i> by Elias Khoury use the genre of the detective novel as a pretext for social and political critique of Algeria and Lebanon respectively. This thesis links the generic (crime fiction) and the conceptual (Political and Social Critique in Modern Arab World). While the detective novel is traditionally thought of as a non-academic, entertaining part of popular culture, the use of the genre to critique the failure of nation building after colonization elevates the genre and transforms it from mere entertainment to a more serious genre. Both novels are emblematic of a shift in the use of the detective and crime novel to address the political disarray in their respective states and the Arab world as a whole. As modern examples of detective novels in the modern Arab world, <i>Morituri</i> and <i>White Masks</i> transform the genre through their complex interweaving of aspects of the popular genre of detective fiction with the more serious political novel. The historical and political context of both countries at the time of the novels’ settings are an intrinsic part of understanding the crimes and the obfuscation of the perpetrator. In both of these novels, the technical and generic aspects are connected to the thematic, and the detective novel structure is not just there for suspense and entertainment. Instead, this structure points to the neocolonial system, benefitting the most powerful and the most affluent at the expense of the weak, poor, and disadvantaged.</p>

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This thesis examines how member nations manage their national identities within the supranational context of the Eurovision Song Contest (ESC) and the significance of the ESC in creating a shared European identity. Patterns of identification and attitudes relating to culture, ethnicity/nationality, religion/faith, and gender/sex are discovered by studying the winning submissions from 1998 to 2022 through content analysis and discourse analysis. The ESC acts as a soft power instrument by encouraging member nations' sense of solidarity and cultivating respect for and understanding of other cultures. It serves as a platform for cross- cultural dialogue, self-promotion, and nation branding, fostering diplomatic connections and providing opportunities for commercial and cultural exchanges.  The ESC emphasizes the dichotomy between national and European identity, but it also demonstrates how these identities intersect and support one another. It advances the formation of a European identity while giving states a forum to showcase their national and cultural identities. The ESC influences notions of European identity and defines what it means to be European.

This essay delves into the intricate dynamics of Berzelii Park, focusing on the interaction between the mesh fence constructed in 2016 and the Raoul Wallenberg monuments. It examines the fence as a nationalist monument, revealing its transformative impact on the communal space and highlighting its role in shaping memories, identity, and ideological conflicts within the urban landscape. Through qualitative text analysis and theoretical frameworks on monumentality, phenomenology, and bordering, the study navigates layers of exclusion, memory, and identity formation within the park. The collision between nationalist symbolism and the narratives of memory becomes a focal point for nuanced discussions about memory and identity formation. The conclusions of the research questions reveal how the fence transcends its functional simplicity and becomes a symbol of nationalist ideology and exclusionary practices. It interprets the mesh fence in Berzelii Park as a nationalist monument by examining its impact on the park's communal space and the narratives it depicts. Furthermore, the study explores the significance of the fence in relation to the Raoul Wallenberg monuments, complicating the dynamics between these elements in the park's location. The essay provides insight into the complexity of urban spaces and the continual redefinitions of collective identities and memories. / Denna uppsats fördjupar sig i den besvärande dynamiken i Berzelii Park, med fokus på samverkan mellan nätstängslet som restes 2016 och Raoul Wallenberg-monumenten. Den studerar stängslet som ett nationalistiskt monument, avslöjar dess transformativa inverkan på det gemensamma rummet och belyser dess roll i att forma minnen, identitet och ideologiska stridigheter i stadslandskapet. Genom kvalitativ textanalys och teoretiska fackverk rörande monumentalitet, fenomenologi, och gränsdragning navigerar studien i lager av utanförskap, minne och identitetsbildning inom parkens gränser. Kollitionen mellan nationalistisk symbolism och minnets narrativ blir en samlingspunkt för nyanserade diskussioner om minnes- och identitetsskapande. Forskningsfrågornas slutsatser avslöjar hur stängslet överskrider sin funktionella enkelhet och blir en symbol för nationalistisk ideologi och exkluderande metoder. Den tolkar nätstängslet i Berzelii Park som ett nationalistiskt monument genom att undersöka dess inverkan på parkens gemensamma utrymme och de berättelser som stängslet skildrar. Vidare utforskar studien stängslets betydelse i förhållande till Raoul Wallenberg-monumenten, vilket komplicerar dynamiken mellan dessa element på platsen i parken. Uppsatsen ger inblick i stadsrummets komplexitet och ständiga omdefinieringar av kollektiva identiteter och minnen.

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This thesis conducts a case study on how the idea of a Scottish nation and Scottish independence have been constructed and changed within the political discourse produced by the Scottish National Party during the period around the Scottish independence referendum in 2014 and around the Brexit referendum in 2016. This will be done by conducting a textual analysis with a set of operational questions on written material produced by the Scottish National Party during the period of time previoulsy mentioned, based on the theoretical framework of social constructivism and nationalism with a focus on "imagined communities". The thesis concludes that the idea of Scotland as a nation and Scottish independence is seen as a substantially fairer and more solidary nation than its neighbour to the south, as well that some aspects of the perception of Scottish independence and Scotland's future have changed over the process from the independence referendum to the Brexit referendum.

This study analyses the practice implemented by the government of Mozambique immediately after independence, from 1975 to 1985, of placing secondary school teachers around the country. Such practice consisted of putting teachers born in the south of the country to teach either in the central, or in the northern region, on the one hand; on the another, those who were born in the centre of the country were being placed to work or in the south, or in the north; and those born in the north were being sent to teach in the central or southern part of the country. The government’s arguments in so doing were to mould a nation. The study explores whether this practices was a deliberate policy. The presupposition that it may have been a formal policy comes from the fact that during the struggle for the liberation of Mozambique, the then movement leading the war, Frelimo, had as its guiding principle to ‘kill the tribe for the nation to be born’; so people from different regions of the country were compelled to work closely together in every activity of the movement. The theoretical framework includes a discussion of the concepts of ‘ethnic group’, ‘nation’, ‘nationalism’ and ‘nation-state’. Throughout the literature review, the way nations have been historically constituted worldwide, the way African leaders tried to build their nations, the philosophy behind the idea of ‘nation-states’ they developed are discussed at length. Given that education has been considered as a key pillar to achieve this specific end, the contribution of this sector to the processes of building a nation is brought to the fore. The study is a qualitative analysis and exploratory in essence. Fifty persons – including high ranking officials and teachers – who designed and implemented or were involved in the practice, were interviewed as the main foundation of the research. The outcomes of the analysis as well as the analogy itself are multidisciplinary. It concludes that the practice was not a policy in the classical meaning, that is a core of written principles and practices approved by a competent social institution and followed in a certain community, it existed only in speeches. Secondly, that in fact the practice contributed to the nation building process, people involved in it gained awareness of the vastness and ethnic diversity of the country. Finally, it reveals that de facto the policy had unintended interpretations. Given that the majority of the people sent throughout the country were southerners – something which the headmasters of the practice apparently were not aware of –, the unbalance of educated cadres that began during the colonial period were simply perpetuated and not critically addressed. As a result, “Southern dominance” in the administration of the country (in this instance the education system) provided the basis for dissatisfaction in other areas of the country. The study agrees with Connor (1990) that nation-building is a process, and concludes that Mozambique is on the road to nation formation, to which the practice contributed to a considerable degree. / Dissertation (M (Social Science in Sociology))--University of Pretoria, 2006. / Sociology / unrestricted