The purpose of the thesis is to analyze the inclusion of the Kurdish women in the modernization and nation-building processes of Turkey, and to understand how they experienced these processes. Regarding the issue, although the literature reflects how the educated, urban, upper class, Turkish women experienced these processes, the experiences of women from different ethnic and religious groups and lower classes have not been studied yet. Therefore, this study aims to discuss the experiences of women from different ethnic-religious backgrounds with a feminist approach. In this thesis, I analyzed the transformation of the pre-Republican modernization/Westernization process into a nation-building construction process in the Republican period, and also the integration of women in general into this new process. I executed a research on The Elazig Girls&amp / #8217 / Boarding Vocational School, founded under the Elazig Girls&amp / #8217 / Institute in 1937, in order to explore how Kurdish people were affected by these modernization/Westernization and national-building construction processes and how Kurdish women were involved in these processes through the mediation of education. The thesis has the following three conclusions: First, the school had achieved its mission of the integration of these women into the Turkish culture by the adaptation of the Turkish language and culture by them. Second, the school had become successful in its objective of making these women adapt the ideal Republican woman identity and become the representatives of the Republican ideology. Third, these women experienced such an adaptation process generally not traumatically.

十年建設期間（1928-1937）國民政府曾大力推動造林事業，當時森林被認為具有防災、經營致富的作用，是建國要務之一。分析造林運動的原因，一方面由於經濟因素，各項建設展開，中國木材供應不足；一方面是環境因素，希望藉由造林減少水旱災，保護生命財產安全，經濟與環境考量相互影響之下促成。華北地區由於長期的農業開墾，在森林資源上甚為缺乏，故造林事業在華北有重要意義。事實上，華北許多人工林地為私人所有，反映造林事業一般民眾扮演重要角色。造林可視為利用土地進行種植生產的產業，一般民眾參與承領荒地造林可以增加副業，獲得日常用材、出售木材等實質利益，將原本無生產力的荒地賦予經濟價值，有現實經濟意義。環境方面，此時國民政府宣傳造林防水防旱的功能，並希望通過造林達到防沙固堤的效果，民眾通過植樹造林，亦可積極參與改善環境。通過環境改善，又保障農業活動、生命財產安全等經濟利益，造林、經濟、環境三者乃相依互存的關係。造林事業由於中日戰爭爆發後曾一度中斷，然日本華北佔領區當局於戰時亦相當重視各項調查試驗、推廣造林，顯示造林工作之重要與其延續性。因此，經濟與環境，可說是瞭解政府推動、民間參與造林事業的重要線索。

Thesis (Master of Military Studies)-Marine Corps Command and Staff College, 2008. / Title from title page of PDF document (viewed on: Dec 29, 2009). Includes bibliographical references.

Ce travail interroge le processus d’indépendance et de construction de la nation au Paraguay, réalisé principalement sous l’égide du Dr. José Gaspar Rodríguez de Francia entre 1811 et 1840. Le cas paraguayen présente de nombreuses singularités. Dès 1811, cette province de l’empire espagnol choisit sans hésitation la voie de l’indépendance vis-à-vis de Madrid comme de Buenos Aires, la capitale de la vice-royauté du Río de la Plata dont elle dépend. En 1813, la république est proclamée et, de 1814 jusqu’à sa mort en 1840, le Dr. Francia dirige seul le pays après en avoir été élu dictateur. Ces choix si rapides et définitifs, surtout comparés à la situation que vivent d’autres régions de l’empire au même moment, posent question. Le Dr. Francia se fait l’interprète d’aspirations qui prennent leurs racines dans la période coloniale qui précède et qui se caractérisepar ses particularismes linguistique, démographique, politique et historique, et l’isolation, l’abandon, la pauvreté et l’oppression dont elle souffre. L’originalité de la contribution du Dr. Francia tient au fait qu’il est porteur d’un projet politique clair qui répond à ce passé et, également, aux moyens dont il use pour le mener à bien. Il s’appuie essentiellement sur son discours pour y parvenir. Ce discours repose sur de multiples modes de diffusions, il opère également sans concurrence, ce qui contribue grandement à son efficacité. D’une part, il s’articule autour des notions de mémoire, de liberté et de valorisation des institutions républicaines et des concepts de patrie et patriotisme. D’autre part, le Dr. Francia fait de la figure de l’étranger, sous toutes sesformes, la pierre angulaire et le versant négatif de sa rhétorique nationaliste. En dépeignant l’étranger sous les traits menaçants de « l’autre », le Dr. Francia consolide l’identité et les particularismes d’un nouveau groupe « nous », que constituent désormais les Paraguayens de république indépendante. / This study has for object an exploration of the process of independence and nation building in Paraguay, which took place between 1811 and 1840 under the auspices of Dr. José Gaspar Rodríguez de Francia. The case of Paraguay is singular in many regards. Beginning in 1811, this province of the Spanish Empire embarked upon a process of independence from both Madrid and Buenos Aires, the capital of the viceroyalty of Río de la Plata. In 1813, the Republic was proclaimed, and, from 1814 until his death, Dr. Francia, after having been elected as dictator, singlehandedly governed the country. These choices were both rapid, and definitive, and give rise to many questions. Dr. Francia was able to implement certain underlying aspirations. These aspirations had their roots in the preceding colonial period, which was characterized by its linguistic, demographic, political, andhistorical differences and by its isolation, abandonment, poverty, and the oppression under which it suffered. The originality of Dr. Francia’s contribution had to do with the fact that he not only conveyed a clearly defined political project which responded to the problems of the past, but also that he proposed innovative means by which he could bring his projects to fruition. He relied fundamentally on discourse in order to arrive at his ends. This discourse was disseminated across multiple channels; furthermore, his various communications encountered no competition, this too contributed to their success. This continuing discourse revolved around the ideas of memory and liberty, as well as promoting the value of republican institutions and the concept of patriotism. Additionally, Dr. Francia used the figure of the foreigner under any guise as the basis for the negative side of his nationalist rhetoric. By portraying the foreigner as a menacing “other”, Francia was able to consolidate the identity defining the particularities of a new “us” group, Paraguayans who, henceforth, belonged to an independent republic.

No description available.

The dissertation uses the lens of electricity provision to examine processes of state formation in Somaliland, an unrecognized, self-declared independent state in the northwest of the former Somali Republic. The dissertation focuses on Hargeisa, the capital city at the heart of Somaliland's state-building project. After the collapse of the Somali state in 1991, private companies arose from the ruins of Hargeisa and turned the lights back on, navigating a fragmented post-war landscape by mobilizing local connections and transnational ties. However, being dependent on the political settlement that engendered the peace necessary for business, emerging private power providers were tied into a state-building project. The dissertation analyses the resulting tensions at the heart of this project, by examining the struggle to define the role, extents and limits of an emerging state in an interconnected world. Based on interviews in Somaliland and a survey of news media and grey literature, the dissertation has three aims. First, it provides a view into how social order and service provision persist after the collapse of the state. Secondly, it investigates how patterns of provision emerging in the absence of the state shape subsequent processes of state formation. Finally, it discusses how patterns of provision affect the interaction of state-building and market-making. In order to fulfil these aims, the dissertation examines how people invest in the project of building a state, both materially and discursively. The chapters present a narrative history of the electricity sector, explaining the attempts of both private companies and the government to claim sovereignty over the market and shape statehood in their own interests. The struggles shaping Somaliland's economic order reveal the contemporary significance of transnational connections, interconnected systems of capital flows, and the rise of corporate business actors. At the same time, they underline the abiding power of social structure, local identities, and historical memory.

Nicolas Boileau-Despréaux fut longtemps considéré comme l’initiateur de l’Europe à « l’idéal classique », le représentant de la précellence et du « génie de la langue française ». Incarnant la perfection de « l’esprit national », c’est par rapport à lui que sont jugés les auteurs des autres siècles avant qu’ils ne soient admis en tant que « classiques français ». Interroger les rouages de l’élaboration de la mythification de l’auteur de l’Art Poétique suppose l’examen des tenants et des aboutissants de la référence à Boileau. Notre propos est de mesurer l’usage qui en a été fait par l’institution scolaire et les formes éditoriales, afin de nous éclairer sur sa réception. L’analyse de cette figure emblématique du « canon classique français » montre que l’œuvre bolévienne a été investie d’une fonction fondatrice de la littérature nationale, dont elle définit les principes et l’excellence. Évaluer le rôle de ces discours dans la consécration de l’auteur et leur participation dans la diffusion de sa notoriété, permet de juger de leur impact sur la constitution d’un idéal esthétique, qui passe par la canonisation de l’œuvre bolévienne dans le but d’une édification nationale. De plus, si la légende de « Législateur » a trouvé ses assises dans des « lieux de mythification », notamment l’annotation et les discours biographique et iconographique, sa démythification s’élabore au lendemain même de la mort de l’auteur et à contre-courant de la légende elle-même. La concurrence qui s’opère entre les discours pro et anti-canonisation de Boileau permet de mesurer jusqu’à quel point la réception de l’auteur interfère dans le regard que pose le siècle des Lumières aussi bien que le XIXe siècle sur le « siècle de Louis le Grand ». / Nicolas Boileau-Despréaux was long considered as the initiator of Europe to the ‘classical ideal’, the representative of the preeminence and the ‘génie’ of the French language. As the representative of the ‘spirit of the French nation’, it is to him that authors of other centuries are compared before they are accepted as ‘French classics’. Questioning the inner workings of the mythologizing’s creation of Boileau, imply examining the ins and outs of the reference to him. Our purpose is to measure the use of the ‘French Legislator’ by school and editorial forms to enlighten us on his reception. The analysis of this emblematic figure of the ‘French classical canon’ shows that Boileau has been invested with the principles and excellence of the national literature. Our observations point out that edition as much as periodic and educational works had a major role in the consecration of the author. It is to them that we owe the author’s reputation and the creation of an aesthetic ideal of which the major purpose is nation building. Furthermore, if the ‘Legislator’s’ legend was built in Boileau’s works’ annotation and biographical and iconographic discourse, its demystification started just after the death of the author and against the legend itself. This contestation instructs us on the reception of the « Legislator of French Parnassus » as well as on how the 18e and 19e centuries perceived their predecessor.

Former colonized countries, especially in Africa, have suffered a tough political climate, often under the leadership of a dictator. The process of implementing democracy has, in many states, often been violent and terrifying. Under these circumstances, it has been hard to build institutions where people feel united as one nation. Poverty, corruption, old cultural and religious boarders and expressions among other circumstances are factors that you have to consider when developing a strong economic and democratic nation. Women often have a marginalized role within these states. In order to achieve the right to get education, or to be a part of the political arena, they have had to struggle both against men and other women. Most of Uganda’s income comes from the agriculture. Within this sector there are mostly women working under poor circumstances. To develop female self-employment some of the Swedish aid is given within micro-financial and cooperation projects to improve the economy for the nation and the women’s status within society. This study could be of importance to see if or how strategically invested aid actually improves the role of women as good recourses for building the nation Uganda. The answers and the conclusions given could also give clues, important for nation building processes in general and for women as nation builders in particular, in the continuing work in building the nation Uganda. The purpose for this dissertation is to interview women that are participating in two different projects that are supported by Swedish NGOs, in order to see if their own experiences of being part of the projects correspond to the project plans aims. This dissertation has been made possible through a Minor Field Study Scholarship, financed by SIDA, handled by The International Programme Office for Education and Training, which is a government agency that promotes academic exchanges and cooperation across national borders.

Le Projet GAP ou «South-East Anatolia Development Project » en Turquie est l'un des vastes projets de développement au monde, consistant en la construction de 21 barrages et de 19 centres hydro-électriques sur les fleuves de l'Euphrate et du Tigre. Toutefois, ce projet pose de nombreuses controverses au cours de la dernière décennie tant au niveau national, avec la question kurde, qu'au niveau régional, en raison de l'enjeu du partage de l'eau avec les pays voisins, notamment la Syrie et l'Irak. Néanmoins, ce sujet fut évoqué dans la plupart des cas sous l'angle exclusif de la question conflictuelle kurde. Les objectifs de mon mémoire cherchent à comprendre l’utilisation du projet GAP par le gouvernement turc dans les constructions nationales et politiques de la Turquie de 1930 et 1980 dans un but de souveraineté et puissance nationale. Cette analyse s’effectue dans un cadre plus général de géopolitique et d’histoire politique. En s'appuyant sur des travaux en matière de géopolitique et de puissance, et surtout sur les théories de construction nationale, ce mémoire se penche sur l'évolution du projet GAP, ainsi que sur son instrumentalisation dans la construction nationale de 1930 et la reconstruction politique et nationale de 1980. / The GAP or “South-Eastern Anatolia Development Project” in Turkey is one of the vast development projects in the world, consisting of the construction of 21 dams and 19 hydroelectric centers on the Euphrates and Tigris rivers. However, this project posed many controversies during the last decade both at the national level, with the Kurdish question, and at the regional level, because of the issue of sharing water with neighboring countries, notably Syria and Iraq. Nevertheless, this subject was debated in most cases exclusively from the perspective of the Kurdish conflict issue. The objectives of my dissertation are to understand the use of the GAP project by the Turkish government in the national and political constructions of Turkey in 1930 and 1980 with the aim of sovereignty and national power. This analysis is carried out in a more general framework of geopolitics and political history. Drawn on work of geopolitics and power, and especially on theories of national construction, this dissertation focuses mainly on the evolution of the GAP project, as well as its instrumentalization in the national construction of 1930 and the political and national reconstruction of 1980.

Ce mémoire étudie l’industrie touristique comme stratégie de légitimation interne et externe dans les États de facto. En nous basant plus particulièrement sur le cas de la Transnistrie, nous avons employé une analyse mixte se basant sur des données et politiques officielles ainsi que sur des observations photographiques obtenues directement sur le terrain. L’industrie touristique est une stratégie « deux en un » servant à la fois la construction des identités et s’adressant à un public interne et externe. Nos résultats font ressortir l’utilité de cette stratégie à des fins de légitimation tout en établissant l’existence de liens étroits entre le secteur touristique public et privé. Alors que le secteur public est concentré principalement vers la justification de l’existence de l’entité de facto et de son identité distincte, le secteur privé agit comme un agent de liaison avec le monde extérieur et selon les attraits commerciaux et économiques. Malgré l’existence d’une certaine opposition entre les secteurs de l’industrie touristique, nous soutenons qu’ils sont complémentaires et servent l’État transnistrien dans sa quête de légitimation interne et externe. / This paper is interested in the study of tourism and its industry as a strategy for internal and external legitimization in de facto states. Using the particular case of Transnistria, we used a mixed analysis based on official data and policies as well as photographic observations obtained directly on the field. Tourism industry provides a "two-in-one" strategy, serving both identity and state formation and is aimed at both internal and external audiences. Our results highlight the usefulness of this strategy for legitimization purposes while establishing the existence of close links between the public and private tourism sectors. While the public sector is mainly focused on justifying the existence of the de facto state and its distinct identity, the private sector acts as a liaison with the outside world, and according to financial and economical gain. Despite the existence of some opposition between both sectors of the tourism industry, we argue that they are complementary and that they serve the Transnistrian state in its quest for internal and external legitimization.