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  • About
  • The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers to find electronic theses and dissertations. This service is provided by the Networked Digital Library of Theses and Dissertations.
    Our metadata is collected from universities around the world. If you manage a university/consortium/country archive and want to be added, details can be found on the NDLTD website.
1

The influence of naval power on the militarization of maritime claims

Han, Jonghwan 01 August 2019 (has links)
This research project focuses on how three different levels of naval power influence the occurrence of militarized disputes over maritime claims. First, the systemic level of naval power investigates the role of the leviathan (the naval hegemon: the United States since World War II). As proponents of the hegemonic stability argue, the overwhelming naval power of the naval hegemon leads to stability in the sea by deterring the number of militarized disputes over maritime claims because more naval warships of the naval hegemon mean that more naval warships can operate in the sea to prevent maritime conflicts. However, when considering the vast area of the sea and the limited number of naval warships of the United States, it is impossible to deploy an equal number of naval warships to all maritime areas. As a rational actor, the naval hegemon should put more effort to more salient maritime claims. In other words, the naval hegemon should pay more attention to maritime claims which are highly related to its security/economic interests. Among several factors, this research found that when maritime claims are strategically important, which means maritime claims occur near international straits, and when maritime claimants are jointly democratic, the pacifying effect of the naval hegemon is increased. Second, at the regional level of naval power, which focuses on Asia, the Asian naval hegemon has played a similar role as the global naval hegemon has done to maintain the order and to deter militarization over the sea. However, the Asian naval hegemon has a different level of incentive to align with the global naval hegemon’s effort depending on the relationships with the global naval hegemon. The results show that when the Asian naval hegemon is allied with the global naval hegemon and when the Asian naval hegemon is a democracy, the Asian naval hegemon is more likely to cooperate with the global naval hegemon’s effort to maintain stability in the regional waters, which results in fewer militarized disputes over maritime claims in Asia. In addition, this study also found that when the Asian naval hegemon approaches naval power of the global naval hegemon in Asia, they are more likely to challenge the order and the rules formed by the global naval hegemon, which leads to more conflictual behaviors over Asian maritime claims. Lastly, at the dyadic level of naval power, this research focuses on how relative naval power between claimants affects foreign policy over maritime claims. When disputants over maritime claims have projectable naval power, they can conduct more active and aggressive foreign policy, which can lead to militarization over maritime claims. However, when claimants consider foreign policy over maritime claims, they should consider the strength of naval power relative to the opponent. Similar to the power (dis) parity argument, the results show that parity of relative naval power between claimants increases the occurrence of militarized disputes over maritime claims.
2

Námořní diplomacie s čínskými charakteristikami? Studie námořních praktik Lidové osvobozenecké armády / Naval diplomacy with Chinese characteristics? A study of the People's Liberation Army's naval practices

Salegi Martija, Jon January 2021 (has links)
This dissertation delves into the People's Liberation Army Navy's (PLAN) naval diplomacy. It seeks to provide further understanding on the particularities of Chinese naval diplomacy, discussing trends, objectives and the aspects that make it singular. It is a longitudinal research, studying the naval diplomatic activities carried out by the Chinese navy in the years of 1990, 1995, 2000, 2005, 2010, 2015 and 2020. The research draws from J.J. Widen's (2011) contribution, in order to clearly define Naval Diplomacy and to determine a methodology that allows for its systematical study. Analysing previously existing records of Chinese naval diplomatic activities, and examining reports from online news outlets, a new database is constructed for the purpose of this study. This research identifies that there is an expansion in the number and scope of activities throughout these years. It also identifies that the majority of China's naval diplomatic activities are supportive in their aim, while the preferred means are Escort Task Forces. Nevertheless, varying strategies are identified for the different geographical context. Lastly, some of the characteristics that make China's approach unique are determined to be its close integration with the broader foreign-policy mechanisms, its hierarchical...
3

« Un choc de circulations » : la marine française face au choléra en Méditerranée (1831-1856) : médecine navale, géostratégie et impérialisme sanitaire / "A clash of circulations" : French navy and cholera in the Mediterranean (1831-1856) : naval medicine, geostrategy and sanitary imperialism

Pouget, Benoît 11 December 2017 (has links)
Le choléra est une épreuve qui interroge l’instrument naval français et ses actions au-delà des seules problématiques de l’hygiène navale ou de la contribution des navigations à la diffusion de l’épidémie. Il est à la fois une épreuve de terrain, locale, collective comme individuelle, et un enjeu de relations internationales. Il requiert un engagement constant et en profondeur de la part du service de santé des armées en général, de la Marine en particulier. Il contribue à la fragilisation d’un espace méditerranéen en pleine recomposition alors que la France de l’après 1815 cherche à y saisir des opportunités pour peser à nouveau dans le concert des nations à travers une plus grande implication dans les crises qui secouent sa façade méridionale. Cette politique offensive, faite de diplomatie conventionnelle et d’interventions militaires, de défense des intérêts commerciaux et de relance d’une politique expansionniste sinon impérialiste, repose en partie sur la sollicitation de forces navales en cours de relèvement. En proposant une étude sur la confrontation entre la puissance navale française en Méditerranée et la circulation du choléra entre 1831 et 1856, il s’agit de comprendre, essentiellement à travers un regard naval, comment, au-delà du péril majeur que ces épidémies successives constituent pour la santé publique en France et en Méditerranée, elles en viennent à représenter une formidable opportunité offerte à la France de s’affirmer comme une puissance sanitaire de premier plan, alors que se préparent deux premières conférences sanitaires internationales de Paris (1851 et 1859) . / Cholera: “a crucial and revealing challenge, helpful to measure the bravery and intellectual value of the Navy’s physicians”. According to Jacques Leonard’s word, cholera defied the French Navy as a whole. It questioned the French naval instrument and actions beyond the mere issues of sea hygiene or the spreading of the epidemic through sailing. It was both a field issue, as well at a local level as at the individual and collective ones, and a meaningful issue in international relations. It required a constant and deep commitment from the military health service in general, and from the Navy health service in particular. It contributed to weakening the Mediterranean area in a period of reconstruction as post-1815 France intended to seize opportunities to become again a prominent member in the community of Nations through a stronger commitment in the crises that were then striking its southern part. This pro-active policy, combining military intervention and conventional diplomacy, the preservation of trading interests and the renewal of an expansionist and even imperialist policy, partly relied on the appeal to restructuring naval forces. By studying the confrontation between French naval power in the Mediterranean and the spreading of cholera from 1831 to 1856, the purpose, here, will be to understand, mainly through a naval perspective, how those successive epidemics evolved from the status of threats to public health to that of becoming an unexpected opportunity to stand a sanitary power, as two international conferences on health were to take place in Paris (1851 and 1859).
4

Strategické námorné myslenie Spojených štátov amerických a jeho aplikácia na súčasné výzvy americkej Pacifickej flotily / Strategic Naval Thinking of the United States of America and its Application on the Current Challenges of the U.S. Pacific Fleet

Voral, Jan January 2016 (has links)
This thesis presents an analysis and confrontation of the classical and current strategic naval thinking aimed to discover whether the classical theories of naval power are still relevant for the current strategic thinking of the United States of America and operational conduct of the U.S. Navy. This is done by creating a theoretical analytical framework based on the analysis of the works of two chosen classical naval thinkers Admiral A.T. Mahan and Sir Julian S. Corbett. This theoretical framework is then applied to the analysis of the current American strategic documents: National Security Strategy, National Military Strategy and Naval Strategy. By applying the theoretical framework to the analysis of these documents, the thesis will confirm or disproof the relevance of the classical naval thought to the current one. The thesis further continues to apply the theoretical framework to the part of the thesis, which analyses the Pacific Fleet of the United States and their area of responsibility in order to identify the strategic challenges that the Pacific Fleet encounters in its area of responsibility. Further analysis is focused on identifying and evaluating the reactions of the Pacific Fleet to the identified challenges.
5

"Åtgärder som befrämja rikets försvar och överensstämma med flaggans värdighet" : En undersökning av Sveriges marinstrategi våren 1941

Strömgren Lasell, Victor January 2021 (has links)
Denna uppsats undersöker Sveriges marinstrategi i händelse av krig med Tyskland respektive Sovjeteunionen våren 1941 utifrån Chefen för Marinens instruktioner för krigsfall I respektive II. / This paper explores Swedish naval strategy during the Second World War (1939-1945), an area that has not seen significant research. This paper focuses on how Swedish maritime forces were to be used in case of war with Germany (War Plan I; Krigsfall I), and with the Soviet Union (War plan II; Krigsfall II). This paper focuses on Swedish planning during the spring of 1941. The period after the fall of France (June 1940) and before the German invasion of the Soviet Union (June 1941) was a period where both Germany and the Soviet Union possessed what could be described as strategic freedom of action. This means large parts of their armed forces could have been used for operations against Sweden. The basis for each potential conflict was different: Germany occupied Norway and Denmark and could launch a ground invasion of Sweden directly; meanwhile Sweden and the Soviet Union were still separated by Finland and the Baltic Sea. Maritime forces would therefore play very different roles in the two War Plans. No official plans in case of war with the western Allies existed at the time, and hence this has not been explored here. The conclusion of this paper is that Swedish naval strategy at the time was somewhat offensive and focused on gaining sea control, at least in the Baltic Sea and Gulf of Bothnia, to maintain freedom of action to be able to conduct troop movements along the Swedish coast, to the island of Gotland, and to Finland.
6

Čína v globální a regionální politice v 21.století - geopolitický střet s Japonskem, Indií, USA, Ruskem a Evropou / China in Global and Regional policy in the 21st Century- Geopolitical Clash with Japan, India, USA, Russia, and Europe

Petrtýl, Martin January 2014 (has links)
CHINA IN GLOBAL AND REGIONAL POLITICS IN THE 21ST CENTURY - GEOPOLITICAL CLASH WITH JAPAN, INDIA, USA, RUSSIA AND EUROPE Mgr. Martin Petrtýl Supervisor: Doc. Dr. Bořivoj Hnízdo, PhD. Institute of Political Studies, Faculty of Social Sciences This dissertation discusses the current and future role of China in the 21st century. I worked with the idea to prepare a systematically detailed analytical study of the country in relation to its surroundings as well as its internal environment for more than 8 years, including many interruptions. I, above all, contemplated about the way how to truly scientifically, i.e. credibly, it means in the maximum possible the limits of verifiability, develop a full work that could hold up to the colleagues from the scientific community and myself. It is logical it was and is my attempt to allow minimal possibility of any criticism of this work for its formal, content, or other deficiencies. First, I decided to analyse in some detail the currently known theoretical approaches and methods of study, not only in political sciences, especially those used by political geographers, but also in other related fields, especially in the field of study of international relations, sociology, political science or general security studies. I did not want to study the issue is the...

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