[pt] A opressão secular a que foram submetidos indivíduos negros contribuiu para a construção de uma identidade negra distorcida, atrelada a signos de inferioridade, nas sociedades que se pautaram por uma supremacia branca incontestável, como a brasileira. Ser negro passou a ser sinônimo de diversos atributos negativos que, à medida que foram sendo interiorizados por estes indivíduos, contribuíram para a reafirmação da sua inferioridade e da sua absoluta invisibilidade social. Levando em consideração este cenário de opressão e de marginalização em que se construiu a identidade negra ao longo de gerações, o objetivo deste trabalho consiste em analisar a repercussão na esfera legislativa brasileira de algumas demandas atuais do movimento negro que visam desconstruir este cenário através da atribuição de uma cidadania efetivamente igualitária capaz de emancipar tais indivíduos da dominação a que foram e continuam sendo submetidos. Para tanto, adotamos como referência teórica o modelo de democracia deliberativo proposto por Jürgen Habermas bem como o tema do reconhecimento que será abordado a partir das perspectivas dos seus principais teóricos críticos contemporâneos, a saber, Charles Taylor, Axel Honneth e Nancy Fraser. / [en] The secular oppression that black individuals were submitted to has contributed to construct a distorted black identity, geared to signs of inferiority, in societies based on an undeniable white supremacy, as the brazilian one. Being black came to be synonymous of many negative attributes which as they that were being internalized by these individuals, contributed to reforce its inferiority and absolute social invisibilty. Taking into consideration this background of opression and marginalization in which the black identity has been formed during generations, the aim of this paper is to analyses the repercution into the brazilian legislative sphere of some of the demands of black movement which aims to desconstruct this background through the atribuition of a equal citizenship able to emancipate these individuals from the domination they were and are still submited. In order to do so, our theoretical reference is the deliberative democracy model proposed by Jürgen Habermas as well as recognition which will be approached from the perspectives of its main contemporary critical theoricals, Charles Taylor, Axel Honneth e Nancy Fraser.

The New Negro Movement, also referred to as the New Negro Renaissance or Harlem Renaissance, was a blossoming of literature, music, and visual art that took place in northern urban African American communities circa 1925 through the mid-1930s. To date, scholars examining this historical period have largely focused on the Harlem area in New York, hence the popular catchphrase used to describe the times, "the Harlem Renaissance." Certainly, Harlem artists were prolific and the work they produced was significant in the ways in which it conveyed to the public the message of racial uplift and pride in African heritage embedded within the New Negro Movement. Nevertheless, African Americans residing in other major cities, such as Chicago, also were demonstrating significant developments in all aspects of the arts. In my dissertation, "Chicago and the Visual Art of the New Negro Movement, 1920s-1940," I undertake an in-depth examination of the African American visual arts scene in Chicago during this period, and analyze the manner in which the work of Chicago artists fit into the national discourse of the New Negro Movement. The many and varied accomplishments of these artists, coupled with their roles as agents for social change, make them attractive and significant research interests, well deserving of a place in the art history canon. My dissertation will help fill an important gap in the history of American art and of the African American ‘New Negro’ period.

Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento CientÃfico e TecnolÃgico / Pesquisa que analisa o movimento negro pernambucano da dÃcada de 1930, a partir de um levantamento histÃrico da Frente Negra Pernambucana, sob a Ãtica de um de seus fundadores, Josà Vicente Rodrigues de Lima. Em 1936 surgiu, na cidade de Recife, a Frente Negra Pernambucana, transformada em 1937 no Centro de Cultura Afro-Brasileiro, instituiÃÃo atà hoje atuante, presidida por Almerinda Rodrigues Lima, filha do militante Josà Vicente Rodrigues de Lima. O objetivo principal desta tese à recuperar prÃticas sociais dessa entidade organizada em prol da defesa dos direitos da populaÃÃo afro-descendente na cidade de Recife, durante a dÃcada de 1930. Dessa forma, trabalhar com a memÃria individual de um dos fundadores da Frente Negra Pernambucana visa fazer um levantamento historiogrÃfico da luta anti-racista desse perÃodo, com o intuito de compreender como os membros de tal organizaÃÃo concebiam o negro e as produÃÃes culturais de matrizes africanas, assim como as estratÃgias polÃticas criadas pelos militantes da Ãpoca para equacionar problemas sociais que a populaÃÃo negra enfrentava. Tendo em vista as estreitas relaÃÃes entre as Frentes Negras paulista, gaÃcha e pernambucana, esta pesquisa acaba por abordar o profÃcuo intercÃmbio entre seus lÃderes e, por outro lado, busca ressaltar as idiossincrasias da Frente Negra Pernambucana, ao elaborar reflexÃes sobre a condiÃÃo das comunidades negras de entÃo e ao produzir formas de atuaÃÃo para diminuir as desigualdades raciais, atravÃs da educaÃÃo e de uma relaÃÃo tensa com os xangÃs, religiÃo de matriz africana. / Research that analyses the Pernambucan Negro Movement in the 1930 decade, from a historic survey of the Pernambucan Negro Front, in the viewpoint of Josà Vicente Rodrigues Lima, one of its founders. In 1936, the Pernambucan Negro Front emerged in the capital city of Recife, and in 1937 it was transformed into the Afro-Brazilian Cultural Center, in action until today, now managed by Almerinda Rodrigues Lima, militant Josà Vicente Rodrigues Limaâs daughter. The main target of this thesis is to recover the social practices of the mentioned institution, which was organized in order to defend the Afro-descendantsâ rights in the city of Recife in the 1930s. Therefore, by working out the individual memory of one of the Pernambucan Negro Front founders, this paper aims at doing a historical survey of this periodâs anti-racist fight, with the purpose of understanding how members of such an organization regarded the negroes and the cultural output of African origin, as well as the political strategies then produced by its militants so that they could solve the social problems faced by the Negro population. Having in view the tight relations with the SÃo Paulo (Paulista), Rio Grande do Sul (GaÃcha) and Pernambuco (Pernambucan) Negro Fronts, this research, on the one hand, eventually approaches a profitable exchange among their leaders, and on the other hand, tries to highlight the Pernambucan Negro Front idiosyncrasies, by developing reflections on the conditions of Negro communities in that time, whose members produced ways of reducing the racial inequalities by means of education and tense relations with the xangÃs, a religion of African origin.

[pt] A presente Tese de Doutorado é resultado da pesquisa sobre as narrativas dos estudantes negros do ensino médio, acerca das vivencias e trajetórias no campus Rio de Janeiro do IFRJ e sobre a implementação das normas e legislações que regem as políticas de ações afirmativas. A pesquisa tem como objetivo analisar as percepções e narrativas dos estudantes negros sobre a trajetória escolar e sobre a implementação dos três eixos das ações afirmativas: reserva de vagas de corte racial e social para o acesso, educação para as relações étnico-raciais e assistência estudantil e estratégias de permanência. Na presente tese as políticas de ações afirmativas são compreendidas como medidas que pressupõem uma reparação histórica de desigualdades e desvantagens acumuladas e vivenciadas por um determinado grupo, de modo que essas medidas aumentem e possibilitem o acesso a direitos, garantindo uma maior igualdade de oportunidade. A metodologia utilizada na pesquisa foi estudo de caso, com abordagens qualitativa e quantitativa, com a realização de dezenove entrevistas com estudantes negros que ingressaram através de políticas de cotas de corte racial no período de 2013 a 2018. Foi feita uma análise dos documentos institucionais que tratam das políticas de ações afirmativas. Como resultado da pesquisa, achados e pistas nos permitem aferir que, quanto ao perfil socioeconômico, os estudantes e suas famílias configuram segmentos da população de baixa renda e vivenciam desigualdades raciais e sociais. Os estudantes de cotas de corte racial e social trazem em suas narrativas a percepção acerca da importância da política de ação afirmativa como direito, estratégia para democratização do ensino e instrumento de reparação histórica. Narrativas também destacaram um cotidiano institucional atravessado por situações de racismo e discriminação. Contudo os estudantes negros construíram um protagonismo político e resignificaram o espaço de formação contrapondo ideias, elaborando outras narrativas, apresentando demandas e reivindicações. A tese poderá contribuir para visibilizar a emergência das narrativas dos estudantes negros, as percepções acerca dos três eixos das ações afirmativas, e na promoção de ações que potencializem suas vozes e estratégias de fortalecimento como sujeitos coletivos, reconhecendo suas pautas e agendas entorno das questões étnico-raciais, de gênero e da juventude. / [en] This Doctoral Thesis is the result of research on the narratives of black high school students, about the experiences and trajectories on the Rio de Janeiro campus of IFRJ and on the implementation of the rules and legislation that govern affirmative action policies. The research aims to analyze the perceptions and narratives of black students about the school trajectory and about the implementation of the three axes of affirmative actions: access through racial quotas, education for ethnic-racial relations and student assistance and permanence strategies. In the present thesis, affirmative action policies are understood as measures that presuppose a historical repair of inequalities and disadvantages accumulated and experienced by a certain group, so that these measures increase and allow access to rights, guaranteeing greater equality of opportunity. The methodology used in the research was a case study, with qualitative and quantitative approaches, with the performance of nineteen interviews with black students who entered through racial quotas policies in the period from 2013 to 2018. An analysis was made of the institutional documents dealing with affirmative action policies. As a result of the research, findings and clues allow us to assess that, regarding the socioeconomic profile, students and their families constitute segments of the low-income population and experience racial and social inequalities. The students of racial and social quotas bring in their narratives the perception about the importance of the affirmative action policy as a right, a strategy for the democratization of teaching and an instrument of historical reparation. Narratives also highlighted an institutional daily life crossed by situations of racism and discrimination. However, black students built a political role and reframed the training space by opposing ideas, elaborating other narratives, presenting demands and demands. The thesis may contribute to make visible the emergence of the narratives of black students, the perceptions about the three axes of affirmative actions, and in the promotion of actions that enhance their voices and strengthening strategies as collective subjects, recognizing their agendas and agendas around ethnic issues racial, gender and youth.

[pt] Este trabalho tem por finalidade analisar a dimensão educativa do Teatro Experimental do Negro (TEN), uma das entidades do movimento negro, fundada em 1944, por Abdias do Nascimento, no Rio de Janeiro. O principal objetivo desta entidade era combater o racismo e reivindicar o reconhecimento de uma identidade negra, tendo o teatro, as aulas de alfabetização e iniciação cultural, como veículos educativos e de construção identitária. No contexto das décadas de 1940 e 50, no qual o Brasil vivia um período de redemocratização da sociedade, observamos que, ao mesmo tempo em que o TEN encontrou um terreno fértil para expor suas reivindicações; por outro lado, tornar pública a questão racial gerou uma certa polêmica, pois o mote da democracia racial fazia parte do imaginário da sociedade brasileira e o mestiço representava o símbolo da brasilidade. A metodologia do trabalho é de cunho qualitativo. Além de análise bibliográfica sobre o tema, desenvolvemos, também, uma análise documental no IPEAFRO (Instituto de Pesquisas e Estudos Afro-Brasileiros), instituição fundada em 1980 por Abdias do Nascimento e Elisa Larkin Nascimento, cuja sede se encontra no Rio de Janeiro. Concluímos, analisando o trabalho educativo desenvolvido pelo Teatro e as principais atividades pedagógicas entre o período de 1944 a 1950, à luz de algumas reportagens produzidas na mídia impressa naquele contexto. / [en] This work has the objective of analyzing the educational dimension of the Negro Experimental Theater (TEN), one of the Negro Movement entities, founded in 1944, by Abdias do Nascimento, in Rio de Janeiro. This entity´s main goal was to fight racism and request the recognition of a Negro identity, by using theater, alphabetization lessons, and cultural initiation, as educational vehicles of identity construction. In the context of the decades of 1940 and 1950, in which Brazil went through a period of democratic reestablishment, it is noted that the TEN seemed to find fertile grounds to expose its requests. Meanwhile, turning racial matters into something public would generate certain polemic, as the motto of racial democracy was part of the Brazilian society´s imaginary and the mestiço stood as a symbol of Brazilianity. The methodology of this work was based on qualitative research methods. Besides presenting a thorough bibliographical analysis about the theme, a documental analysis was held in the IPEAFRO (Afro- Brasilian Institute of Research and Studies), institution founded in 1980 by Abdias do Nascimento and Elisa Larkin Nascimento, located in Rio de Janeiro. The conclusion was obtained upon the analysis of the educational work carried by theater and the major pedagogical activities in the period between 1944 and 1950, presented in news articles produced by the media in that specific context.

The New Negro Movement (often called the Harlem Renaissance) made black creative production visible to an extent unprecedented in American History. Complex representations of African Americans started to infiltrate a popular culture previously dominated by stereotypes; people from all walks of life were confronted for the first time with art made by African Americans that asked them to think in new ways about the meaning of race in America. The term Harlem Renaissance conjures up images of urban America, but the creative energies of many New Negro figures were actually focused elsewhere—on rural America. Urbanite Jean Toomer spent time teaching in an agricultural college in the rural South, and wrote award-winning poetry and prose about that experience. Langston Hughes wrote blues lyrics about the struggles of rural migrants in New York that highlighted the complex interconnections of rural and urban experience. And the pioneer black filmmaker Oscar Micheaux incorporated numerous fictionalized accounts of his own experiences as a homesteader in South Dakota into his race movies and novels. New Negro writers asserted that their art shaped how people understood themselves and were understood by others. Accordingly, this project examines both literary representations, and how literary works related to the real lives and struggles of rural African Americans. My research combines archival, literary, and biographical materials to analyze the aesthetic choices of three New Negro authors (Hughes, Micheaux, and Toomer), and explain the interrelated literary and cultural contexts that shaped their depictions of African American rural life. Houston Baker, in his influential 1987 book Modernism and the Harlem Renaissance, defined black modernism as an awareness of radical uncertainty in human life. My central contention is that one of the most radical uncertainties in interwar-period America was the changing rural landscape. I revisit the largely-forgotten (though large-scale) social movement to fight rural outmigration by modernizing rural life. And I argue that, rather than accepting the simple binary that took the urban to be modern and the rural backward, African Americans in the 1920s created and experienced complicated formulations of the rural and its connections to modern blackness. / text

[pt] O presente trabalho pretende pôr em evidência um repertório epistemológico e metodológico que considera a existência de mais de um lugar histórico e político de onde parte o conhecimento e se comprometa com a reorientação das investigações sobre relações raciais através do uso de testemunhos subalternizados. A utilização nessas narrativas como elemento central de análise permite a sua apropriação como dado essencial para a dissolução de relações de poder na sociedade e qualifica-os como estratégias de sobrevivência e meios de resistências, assim como a revisão de fatos históricos, contribuindo para a construção da memória. / [en] This work aims to highlight an epistemological and methodological repertoire that considers the existence of more than one historical and political place to produce knowledge. It also commits to the reorientation of the race relations research through counter-storytelling. Apply these narratives as the central element of analysis allows its use as essential data for the dissolution of power relations in society and qualifies them as survival strategies and means of resistance, as well as the revision of historical facts, contributing to building memory.

abstract: Mapping Intersectionality in Harlem Renaissance Women's Poetry comprises the first book-length study devoted to examining the role women's poetry played in the Harlem Renaissance, an artistic and sociopolitical movement that reached its zenith in the 1920s. This study is situated in a theoretical interdisciplinarity that complicates critical approaches to Black women's subjectivities with respect to resistance and representation. It combines literary, race and gender theory to perform close readings of New Negro Women's poetry. Central chapters of the text theorize the poets' overshadowed engagement with the political movement via the tropes of interiority, motherhood, and sexuality; a closing chapter puts New Negro women's poetry in conversation with the Black Arts Movement. Building on the feminist sociological framework of Intersectionality, which considers the lived experience of individuals who embody multiple layers of marginalization, this dissertation works to identify and unpack sources of racialized gendered disparity in Harlem Renaissance studies. In acknowledging that self–actualization and self–articulation are central to this identity–based movement — a presupposition that informs this study's thesis — it becomes necessary to consider the gendered aspects of the writing for a more comprehensive review of the period. The analytical framework of Intersectionality provides a means to acknowledge New Negro women poets' perspectives regarding their racialized and gendered selves. In essence, Mapping Intersectionality is a concentrated effort toward unearthing evidence of their significant push against race and gender oppression. The motivation driving this study is revision and reclamation: revisionist in its concern for redefining the parameters in which the movement is traditionally perceived; a reclamation in its objective to underscore the influential, but nearly forgotten voices of the women poets of the Harlem Renaissance. / Dissertation/Thesis / Ph.D. English 2013

No description available.

[pt] O caso do apartheid na África do Sul foi singular porque institucionalizou um arranjo sociojurídico diametralmente oposto às normas que balizaram a gestação da ordem internacional pós-Segunda Guerra Mundial. A notável contradição catalisou uma reação em cadeia no combate ao regime sul-africano, e o ativismo antiapartheid conseguiu operacionalizar uma das mais dinâmicas redes de ativismo transnacional, desenvolvendo canais de diálogo e um amplo leque de estratégias de combate nas esferas doméstica, regional e internacional. O presente estudo - ancorado na literatura construtivista sobre o ativismo transnacional - irá problematizar a formação e funcionamento da rede de ativismo transnacional antiapartheid e suas ferramentas operacionais, como o efeito-bumerangue, analisando sua influência sobre a execução de sanções estratégicas, sociais, econômicas contra o regime segregacionista sul-africano. / [en] The case of apartheid in South Africa was unique because it institutionalized an socio-juridical arrangement diametrically opposite to the norms which has framed the gestation of the international order after World War II. The remarkable contradiction catalyzed a chain reaction in fighting the South-African regime, and the anti-apartheid activism could operate one of the most dynamic transnational advocacy networks, developing channels of dialogue and a wide range of strategies to combat on domestic, regional and international spheres. This study - anchored in the constructivist literature on transnational activism - will discuss the formalization and operation of the antiapartheid transnational advocacy network and its operational tools, like the boomerang pattern, by analyzing its influence on the implementation of economic, strategic and social sanctions against the South African segregationist regime.