[pt] É a partir da premissa de que em cada obra literária cabem distintas estratégias de escrita que essa dissertação realiza a leitura do romance português Balada da Praia dos Cães. Com a finalidade de identificar como funciona a oficina criativa do autor José Cardoso Pires nesse caso específico, realizou-se um mapeamento que busca entender os diversos procedimentos formais utilizados no âmbito da escrita desse livro. Para tal são analisados aspectos tanto estruturais (sua construção de camadas diegéticas, sua variação nos registros e nas vozes narrativas) quanto do enredo (sua opção por uma temática policialesca e sua aproximação com a lógica do romance histórico). O objetivo, além de aprofundar a leitura e o entendimento do autor e desse romance, é reaproximar, ainda que minimamente, os estudos literários de sua matéria por excelência, as obras de ficção, a partir da relação entre o momento da escrita criadora e sua consumação nas leituras. / [en] It is based on the premise that to every literary work fits different writing strategies that this dissertation takes a reading of the portuguese novel Balada da praia dos cães. With the purpose of identifying how the creative workshop of the author José Cardoso Pires works in this specific case, it has been carried out a mapping that seeks to understand the various formal procedures used in the framework of the writing of this book. For such purpose are analyzed both structural aspects (its construction of narrative layers, its variation in the records and the narrative voices) as much as of the plot (its choice for a police thematic and its rapprochement with the logic of the historical novel). The goal, as well as to deepen the reading and understanding of the author and of this novel, is reconnecting, even minimally, the literary studies of its matter par excellence, the works of fiction, from the relationship between the time of creative writing and its consummation in readings.

After the Eastern enlargement in the year 2004 and 2007 the European Union is on the threshold of another expansion. Turkey and Croatia are the first countries that received the official candidate status. Turkey is the longest waiting contender for the adoption into the European Union structures; Croatia is the most anticipated candidate to receive the membership. The thesis "Comparison of preparedness of economies of Turkey and Croatia to join the European Union. " aims to compare the economic preparedness of these two countries for European Union full membership and also detects the cons and pros of possible integration. The goal of this thesis is to answer the question whether it is the theory of neo-realism or the theory of neo-functionalism that explains the current accession process of Turkey and Croatia to the European Union. In the past the European integration has overcome many obstacles, has achieved many substantial results and due to its effectiveness has managed to extend the territory of peace, stability and prosperity across the continent. The coming sixth wave of enlargement has a difficult goal but it is also a great challenge that can change again the map of European Union and extend its operation and influence into Asia Minor and the western Balkans.

This paper analyzes the influence of Russian elite clans on Russian foreign policy-making. The goal of this paper is to discover the missing link that connects the changes in the International System to the formation of Russian foreign policy, more specifically the Russo-Georgian War, the occupation of Crimea, and the intervention in Syria. Therefore, the theory of neo-classical realism is applied to a systematic process analysis in order to trace the chain of causal relations in which the struggle of elite clans influences foreign policy-making. The combination of neo-realism and state capacity analysis complements the approach of neo-classical realism. This paper argues that the beliefs of the elite clans play an important role in shaping Russia’s foreign policy. The elite clans struggle to establish themselves and consolidate their power within the Russian government structures, which affected the shift from pragmatism and a multipolar approach to a transimperialist approach in Russian foreign policy.

This study uses a neoclassical framework aiming to explain why different changes in foreign policy towards Cuba has occurred under the Trump-era. The main research question of the study is therefore: To what extent can neo-classical realism explain US policy changes towards Cuba during Trump's 2017-2021 term? The study identified three major changes that occured during the set time period that has been analysed through a neoclassical realist perspective. The material consists of a wide range from government documentation, reports, remarks, newspaper articles, academic work, tweets and more, to get a complete picture as possible. Three intervening variables grounded in neoclassical theory has been set up to analyse and find the material. The analysis concluded that domestic politics can have broad effect on foreign policy, which the neoclassical realism theory can identify.

[pt] Esta pesquisa investiga o cinema realizado por Alberto Cavalcanti, sua herança e a presença de traços conceituais e estéticos de sua obra na cinematografia italiana do pós-guerra. Existem duas características centrais que indicam similaridades entre o cinema realizado por Cavalcanti e o Neorrealismo: a priori, os aspectos sociais e poéticos intensos de seu trabalho, principalmente em sua fase francesa, em filmes como Rien que les heures (1926) e, mais tarde, mais explicitamente no cinema documental inglês em filmes como Coalface (1935). E a posteriori, o fato de Cavalcanti romper com as fronteiras entre documentário e ficção, desde de Rien que les heures e , sobretudo, na sua fase na General Post Office Film Unit. A partir dessas premissas, será possível uma análise das raízes do cinema moderno, historicamente creditadas ao Neorrealismo Italiano. / [en] This research investigates the films of Alberto Cavalcanti, his heritage and role as an aesesthetic pioneer in the post world war II era that preceded modern cinema. There are two main characteristics that indicate that his role in the neorrealistc movement was much more important than has previously been considered. First of all the intense social and poetic aspects of his work, primarily in his French phase, in films such as Rien que les heures (1926), and later more explicitly in English documentaries such as Coalface (1935). Cavalcanti dissolved the borders between documentary and fiction starting with his production of Rien que les heures and continuing through his entire involvement with General Post Office Film Unit. Beginning with these premises an analysis of the roots of modern cinema, historically credited to the Italian neo realism movement will be possible.

International terrorism is a relevant and acute issue to deal with for most states across the globe. The horrors and fear of the 9/11 terrorist attacks in 2001 in New York and Washington left governments with new priorities and challenges to cooperate and coordinate efforts to combat terrorism. Governments in Southeast Asia have been faced with the threat of terrorism for several decades, although it has increased during the last decade. This case study sets out to trace and analyze terrorism in Southeast Asia from a neo-realist perspective. The first research question deals with the fact that the region is being referred to as the “second front” on the war on terror, or as a “terrorist haven”. Further, by using a neo-realist framework, an analysis of the situation and the actions of governments in the region will be provided. Finally, according to neo-realist theory, regional cooperation is only peripheral to the actual struggles of power and balancing that states are involved in. Yet the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) is arguably an actor in combating terrorism in the region. Therefore, one of the objectives is to analyze these initiatives and to provide reflections for further action.

This article explores the links between the remarkable change in Russian-Turkish foreign relations in the early 2000s and the geostrategic importance of the Caucasus for global energy security. For much of the 1990s, domestic instability and power distribution distracted both countries’ focus on regional issues. Mutual suspicion dominated the bilateral relations, when Turkey, a longstanding NATO stronghold with close ties to the United States and Europe, set out to gain ground in Russia’s traditional sphere of influence. The resulting strategic division of the Caucasus marked a period of continuity in Russian-Turkish relations and resembled the bipolar bloc formation of Cold War times. By drawing on the distinct accounts of Neo-Realism and Liberal Intergovernmentalism, this analysis provides an understanding of the determining factors that changed Russian-Turkish relations from standstill to intensified cooperation despite that national interests in the region proved to be largely consistent. Russia seeks to maintain its traditional hegemonic position and Turkey strives to become a ‘soft power’ in the region. However, central to the new phase of Russian-Turkish relations is a mutual interest in the Caucasus as a stable transport corridor for Caspian energy resources to European and global markets, and both Ankara and Moscow stand to benefit greatly from reconciling geopolitical competition and cooperation in the region.

Sovereignty over the South China Sea waters and the territorial features therein has been a contentious issue since at least the 1970’s, with conflicting claims going back even further. Key concepts of Liberal and Neo-Realist International Relations Theory are used to assess respective theory’s explanatory capability for why the South China Sea Dispute is difficult to settle. The scope of the study is limited to three pairings of international relations: China-Philippines, China-Vietnam and China-USA. The analysis concerns the development of these sets of international relations from 2016 up until now. The findings point to unilateral action by one claimant in the face of contesting claims by another as being one of the main factors perpetuating the conflict. Treaties and international law are designed with Liberal development of international relations in mind, but in practice Neo-Realist hard power politics interrupts this development. Examples of disruptive action include attempts to unilaterally exploit natural resources in the region, settling features in the sea, doing construction work on features in the sea, as well as regular FONOPS conducted by navy ships in the region. Finally, there are difficulties settling on a mechanism for sovereignty settlement, as China makes its claims based on historic- or historical claims, rather than international law as it is written out in UNCLOS.

論文摘要 本文主要之研究在於檢驗東協區域論壇是否具有影響亞太區域安全之效能。首先藉由國際關係理論對於「安全」的闡述，筆者運用新現實主義與新自由制度主義的安全觀與對國際建制的看法，來評析東協區域論壇（ASEAN Retional Forum, ARF）對亞太安全的影響力。隨著國際關係理論的檢視過程中得知，新現實主義與新自由制度主義皆認為東協區域論壇在穩定亞太區域和平與穩定的效用不大。 其次，透過Andreas Hasenclever、Peter Mayer與Volker Rittberger在 Theories of International Regimes文章中所提出關於國際建制（International Regimes）評定的指標，其以新自由制度主義的觀點就（1）建制的「效率」（Effectiveness）指標－建制達成目標與貫徹意志的能力、對成員的影響力，以及決議的拘束力等方面；兼以（2）建制的「彈性－堅實」（Resilience / Robustness）指標－東協區域論壇對於現實事件、衝突的解決能力與成效，藉由國際建制的角度來分析東協區域論壇在建制上的完備與否，來評價東協區域論壇是否合乎所謂區域性「安全」機制的標準。 經由國際建制指標的檢視結果得知，不論在「效率」指標或「彈性－堅實」指標，皆驗證出東協區域論壇是個不健全的國際建制，並非所謂的區域性安全機制，對亞太區域安全的影響力也有限。 再者，經由對於亞太地區的主要衝突點－朝鮮半島核武問題、台海危機以及南海主權爭議等事件的討論，檢視東協區域論壇對於事件的處理、事件所做出的決議以及針對事件所發表的聲明，來評析論壇是否具有解決亞太衝突事件之功能。研究發現，東協區域論壇僅能對於衝突事件做出宣示性質的聲明，不具拘束力的決議，無法要求成員國自制，也使得論壇無法做出有效的解決，更失去了處理亞太區域安全事務的能力。 最終，歸結出東協區域論壇的缺失，以及無法有效發揮其安全建制的原因，筆者認為東協區域論壇最主要的缺失在於「制度化程度太低」以及「決議拘束力不足」，因而導致論壇缺乏安全建制的功能、議題無法被普遍討論、對衝突事件缺乏解決能力以及信心建立措施無法順利推展等問題。透過上述之討論，找出提升東協區域論壇解決事件效能之辦法，俾使其發揮安全建制之功能。 關鍵字詞：東協區域論壇、新現實主義、新自由制度主義、國際建制

Abstract: In 2011, the Libyan and Syrian crises caught the attention of the media and international society. Whereas the former reached a positive outcome in compliance with the application of the Responsibility to Protect norm, the latter continues to claim the lives of thousands of people to this day. Despite calls by the international community, China and Russia continue being an impediment for the adoption of measures in Syria in the name of the Responsibility to Protect. Their arguments are in line with the criticized Libyan intervention. Nevertheless, it is possible that the real reasons behind this shift of attitude from one crisis to another, are nothing more than a neo-realistic response to regional politics. Keywords: Libya, Syria, Responsibility to Protect (RtoP), Neo-realism, Social constructivism, China, Russia.