O objetivo da dissertação é caracterizar o processo de emergência do discurso dos Sem Universidade no Brasil. Para tanto, vale-se da observação da presença histórica dos discursos sobre as relações raciais no Brasil, como o embranquecimento, o mulatismo, a negritude, o indigenismo e o discurso dos povos indígenas no geral, e, em particular da percepção da reprodução, ocorrência, ecos, rumores desses respectivos discursos em um corpus específico, fruto de experiências de projetos de educação popular, realizados em cursinhos populares na periferia de São Paulo, no ano de 2003, com participantes egressos da escola pública e que não tiveram acesso às alterações de políticas educacionais relativas à incorporação transversal do ensino de história, cultura africana e dos povos indígenas na educação básica, obrigatórias apenas a partir de 2003 na letra da lei nacional. A pesquisa tem abordagem interdisciplinar e fundamentação teórica baseada nos estudos de análise de discurso, particularmente na categoria de interdiscurso. A metodologia vale-se da construção de um quadro de restrição semântica, da análise do corpus, do estabelecimento de relações com fontes semióticas complementares. Como resultado, o estudo indicou a presença do discurso de novíssimos sujeitos sociais, sua dimensão coletiva, sua imbricação institucional e a emergência do discurso do MSU, dos Sem Universidade, como indicia a luta comum por isenção de taxas dos vestibulares, por novas universidades públicas, pela criação de um sistema público de bolsas de estudos o PROUNI, por uma reforma universitária popular, pelo ENEM como critério de acesso à universidade, pela aprovação da Lei de Cotas no Brasil (lei 12.711/12), pela instalação das Conferências Nacionais de Educação e pelo Plano Nacional de Educação no Brasil. / The purpose of this work is to characterize the process of the discourse emerging from the Without University in Brazil. For that, it is worth-watching the historic presence of the speeches about race relations in Brazil, such as the discourse of whitening, mulatism, negritude, indianism, and the discourse of the brazilian native people, in general. Particularly, it matters the perception of the reproduction of these discourses, as well as its occurrences, echoes, rumors in a specific corpus. The corpus of this academic work was obtained from popular educational projects (preparatory courses to enter the university level) accomplished on the outskirts of São Paulo, in 2003, with students that came from the brazilian public educational system. As the teaching of African and brazilian native history and culture was introduced in basic education only from 2003, by the approval of a national law, the corpus analyzed has no influence of it. The research has an interdisciplinary approach but the theoretical framework is based on the study of discourse analysis with emphasis on interdiscourse. The methodology is based on a construction of one framework semantic constraints, the analysis of the corpus and in to see the relationships with complementary relevant semiotic sources.

<p>Social movements have long been valuable components of the struggle for a world with true justice. Along with the changing and modernization of society these movements also change, both in their actions as well as in the goals they want to accomplish. Technology is taking a greater part in many aspects of social life, creating new dimensions but also new social divides. This thesis examines how new social movements make themselves visible and affect the world around them through different kinds of networks. For the purpose of this study, we have chosen to study two social movements; the Zapatistas in Mexico, who have become known worldwide for carrying out the first informational revolution, and MoveOn.org, an American grassroots organization that struggles for increased democracy in the US. This thesis describes an empirical analysis of these two social movements, which are studied against a backdrop of the information age and globalisation. The study aims to highlight the effect these movements’ use of network technology has on their ability to reach their goals as well as how technology can be used to further democracy and justice in a global world.</p> / <p>Sociala rörelser har länge varit betydelsefulla komponenter i kampen för en rättvisare värld. I takt med att samhället förändras och moderniseras förändras också dessa rörelser, både i sina sätt att agera och i de syften de vill uppnå. Tekniken tar en allt större plats i många sociala aspekter och skapar nya sociala dimensioner men även nya sociala klyftor. De nya sociala rörelserna arbetar för ett erkännande av sina identiteter och kulturer. Denna uppsats undersöker hur nya sociala rörelser gör sig synliga och påverkar sin omvärld genom olika former av nätverk. För studiens syfte har vi valt att studera två sociala rörelser; zapatisterna i Mexico, som har gjort sig kända över världen för den första informationsrevolutionen, och MoveOn.org, en amerikansk gräsrotsrörelse som kämpar för ett mer demokratiskt USA. I uppsatsen redovisas en empirisk undersökning av dessa två sociala rörelser; vilka studeras mot bakgrund av informationsåldern och globaliseringen. Uppsatsen vill visa på vad dessa rörelsers användning av nätverksteknik har för betydelse för deras möjligheter att nå sina mål och hur teknik kan användas för att främja demokrati och rättvisa i en global värld. </p>

<p>The present compiled dissertation explores culture jamming as a social movement in late capitalist information society. Culture jamming embraces groups and individuals practicing symbolic protest against the expansion and domination of large corporations and the logic of the market into public and private life. The central aim is to understand the meaning of culture jamming; its “model” of collective identification, and its protest and mobilizing strategies. International social movement research mostly focuses upon well established movements that are traditionally organized and directed against conventional political institutions. Studying culture jamming as a social movement therefore entails implications for social movement theory and research. For instance, concepts must be adjusted to cover emerging “individualized” forms of collective action and the effects of cyberspace on collective identification. Furthermore, attention is directed to emotions in culture jamming. It is thereby also argued that social movement research generally may have a lot to gain from incorporating emotion theory.</p><p>Data consists of texts and visuals from the organization Adbusters Media Foundation, and seven interviews with culture jammers. The groups represented in the interviews are Institute for Applied Autonomy, Reverend Billy’s Church of Stop Shopping, New York Surveillance Camera Players, Bureau of Inverse Technology, Rtmark, and the French Casseurs de Pub. The method of analysis is “abductive” qualitative text analysis inspired by hermeneutic qualitative analysis and the epistemological and ontological foundations of discourse theory and post-structuralism.</p><p>Analysis is carried out in five separate studies presented in text I-IV (previously published) and in chapter eight. Text I maps the Adbusters Media Foundation (AMF) along the lines of narrative, organization, ends, means, and strategy. Text II offers an analysis of the various nodal points in the AMF discourse and discusses the tensions inherent to the AMF effort to “hegemonize” the meaning of culture jamming. Text III offers an analysis of culture jamming as political activism from the thematic perspective of culture, place and identity, based on four of the interviews. In text IV the AMF visuals are analyzed from the perspective of emotions and social movement mobilization. Chapter eight brings together the seven interviews and the AMF material into an analysis of emotions in culture jamming.</p>

The present compiled dissertation explores culture jamming as a social movement in late capitalist information society. Culture jamming embraces groups and individuals practicing symbolic protest against the expansion and domination of large corporations and the logic of the market into public and private life. The central aim is to understand the meaning of culture jamming; its “model” of collective identification, and its protest and mobilizing strategies. International social movement research mostly focuses upon well established movements that are traditionally organized and directed against conventional political institutions. Studying culture jamming as a social movement therefore entails implications for social movement theory and research. For instance, concepts must be adjusted to cover emerging “individualized” forms of collective action and the effects of cyberspace on collective identification. Furthermore, attention is directed to emotions in culture jamming. It is thereby also argued that social movement research generally may have a lot to gain from incorporating emotion theory. Data consists of texts and visuals from the organization Adbusters Media Foundation, and seven interviews with culture jammers. The groups represented in the interviews are Institute for Applied Autonomy, Reverend Billy’s Church of Stop Shopping, New York Surveillance Camera Players, Bureau of Inverse Technology, Rtmark, and the French Casseurs de Pub. The method of analysis is “abductive” qualitative text analysis inspired by hermeneutic qualitative analysis and the epistemological and ontological foundations of discourse theory and post-structuralism. Analysis is carried out in five separate studies presented in text I-IV (previously published) and in chapter eight. Text I maps the Adbusters Media Foundation (AMF) along the lines of narrative, organization, ends, means, and strategy. Text II offers an analysis of the various nodal points in the AMF discourse and discusses the tensions inherent to the AMF effort to “hegemonize” the meaning of culture jamming. Text III offers an analysis of culture jamming as political activism from the thematic perspective of culture, place and identity, based on four of the interviews. In text IV the AMF visuals are analyzed from the perspective of emotions and social movement mobilization. Chapter eight brings together the seven interviews and the AMF material into an analysis of emotions in culture jamming.

Der umfangreiche Forschungsstand zum Thema Parteien weist in verschiedenen Bereichen Unklarheiten auf. So wird beispielsweise ein Zusammenhang zwischen dem Mitgliederrückgang der deutschen Parteien, gesellschaftlichen Modernisierungsprozessen und einem Funktionserfüllungsdefizit, speziell im Bereich der Vermittlungsleistung der Parteien, angenommen. Unklar hierbei sind u.a. folgende Punkte: (1) was genau unter dem Prozess der Mediation zu verstehen ist, (2) welche Modernisierungsprozesse beteiligt sind und (3) ob und wenn ja, wie sich er Mitgliederrückgang auswirkt. In der Summe führen diese ungeklärten Fragen dazu, dass letztlich auch keine verbindlichen Aussagen zum antizipierten Mediationsdefizit getroffen werden können. Explizit aus einem soziologischen Fokus heraus gibt diese Arbeiten systematisch Antworten. Im ersten Kapitel wird geklärt, was unter einer Partei im soziologischen Sinne zu verstehen ist und was die Mediationsfunktion der Partei konkret ausmacht. Im zweiten Kapitel rücken die Parteien und deren Mitglieder in den Mittelpunkt. Es geht um die Frage, welche Aufgaben von dieser Seite erfüllt werden müssen, damit die Vermittlung reibungslos stattfinden kann, d.h. im Umkehrschluss wo sich gegebenenfalls Defizite verorten lassen. Neben allgemeinen Merkmalen von Mitgliederparteien, rücken hier auch sozialstrukturelle Merkmale der Parteimitglieder sowie erste Modernisierungsprozesse in den Vordergrund. Im dritten Kapitel wird die Problematik von der anderen Seite, der Gesellschaftsseite, angegangen. Auch hier wir danach gefragt, welche konkreten Schritte für die Umsetzung der Mediationsfunktion realisiert werden müssen. Zudem werden weitere Modernisierungsprozesse betrachtet. Es wird sich im Abschlusskapitel zeigen, dass die Vermittlungsfunktion der Parteien zu keinem Zeitpunkt fehlerfrei realisiert werden konnte, sich die Problematik seit den 1980er Jahren verstärkt hat was heute dazu führt, dass unkonventionelle Gruppen und Institutionen, z.B. neue soziale Bewegungen oder NGO´s, immer stärker in den politischen Vermittlungsprozess einbezogen werden (müssen). / The extensive research on the subject parties shows ambiguities in various areas. For example a correlation between the decline in membership of the German parties, social modernization processes and functional performance deficit, special in the mediation of political parties, is assumed. Unclear in this context are inter alia the following points: (1) what exactly is meant by the process of mediation, (2) which modernization processes are involved, and (3) whether, and if so, how it affects members of decline. In sum these unresolved issues cause ultimately no binding statements can be made to the anticipated deficit mediation. Explicitly from a sociological focus publishes this work systematically answers. In the first chapter will clarify what is meant by a party in a sociological sense and what constitutes the mediation function of the party concrete. In the second chapter the parties and their members in focus. It is about the question of which tasks must be performed by this page so that the mediation can take place smoothly, a contrario where optionally can locate deficits. In addition to general characteristics of member parties socially structural features of party members and first modernization processes move in the foreground. In the third chapter the problem from the other side, the company side, addressed. Again we asked what concrete steps for the implementation of the mediation function must be implemented. In addition, further modernization processes are considered. It will show in the final chapter that the mediation function of the parties could be realized without errors at any time, the problem has intensified since the 1980s, which leads today that unconventional groups and institutions, for example new social movements and NGOs, are becoming more involved in the political process of mediation (have to).

Supervisors: Luis Urrieta and Noah De Lissovoy This qualitative and sociohistorical study examines the lives and experiences of Chicana/o educators in Texas and the ideological and political discourses of equity and social justice that they draw from to shape their practice in three educational sites: the Llano Grande Center (LGC), Red Salmon Arts/Resistencia Bookstore (RSA), and the Advanced Seminar in Chicana/o Research (ASCR). I document their work based on the oral narratives of fifteen educators, site document analysis, and ethnographic work I conducted as observant participant associated with these organizations. This project extends recent scholarship that links critical pedagogy, social and cultural theories of identity formation and new social movement scholarship to understand the multiple cultural, social and political dimensions of activist education. My principal findings indicate new senses of individual and collective identity practice, reframed critical and culturally relevant pedagogies, and a reconceptualization of indigenous discourse and practice. These findings have important implications for activists, educators and researchers by rearticulating scholar activist work in new more emancipatory ways that considers place-based models of critical and cultural relevant teaching and learning and more radically democratic research practices. / text

Information and communication technologies and their innovative apparatuses have extensive social consequences. The basic interest of this thesis is to argue whether the information technologies and their technological apparatuses have the power to breach in the current capitalist system and therefore to lead us into a transformation towards an alternative world. In fact, this study more specifically attempts to argue and make sense out of this argument on the basis of an analysis of the Free Software Movement (FSM), since it is a product of the information technologies and has some suggestions for such a transformation towards a new society. Simultaneously, the study also argues the novel parts of the FSM as a new social movement and change agent of today&#039 / s contemporary world with reference to the literature on social movements.

This thesis interprets the unification process that the Turkish left undertook during the 1990s as a redefinition and re-identification of leftist values according to the recent changes in the economic and political areas in the world. This redefinition process will be investigated by looking at the &Ouml / DP (Freedom and Solidarity Party) case, the main task of which was defined by the founders as the unification of various leftist movements as well as the representation of the new social movements. For this purpose, different theoretical perspectives concerning the new social movements will be read by means of observation of their position in the &Ouml / DP. It will be investigated, to what degree the &Ouml / DP was successful in unifying and including the new social movements. In that sense, this work will emphasize the role of the &Ouml / DP in the history of the Turkish leftist movement.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-17T14:20:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 MatheusPMF_TESE-.pdf: 6519684 bytes, checksum: d52189e335b377f7c6cb47dffb0d69c2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-03-05 / The research aimed to study the emergence, role, and the possibilities of environmental movements in Sergipe, running through an analysis of the period between 1983 and 2011. This goal has been guided by the core issue of research, which was to analyze the relationship between the mission, structure and action of environmental organizations in Sergipe. The research arose from the need to map and critically evaluate the environmental movement in Sergipe. The methodological procedures focused on the literature search, survey papers in Sergipe a time gap of 28 years, detailed analysis of nine "movements" and selected in-depth interviews, semi-structured interviews with dozens of social actors involved in the area. In conclusion, we observed that environmentalism in Sergipe, from its inception, was associated with recovery of consciousness regarding the environment, to combat local problems of degradation, and the search for legitimacy of public opinion. Although the environmental movement have been, at times, the attention of mass media, the movement failed to leave the niche and achieve a more representative portion of society. You can still see the deep relationship between the profile of environmental leaders, capital strength and the practical results of the environmental actions and finally, it was observed that the action of the movements has much stronger bond with the relationship of the organization and its main leaders with the other "environmentalist," than with the structure and mission of the institution / A pesquisa teve por objetivo principal estudar o surgimento, o papel, e as possibilidades de reivindica??o dos movimentos ambientalistas sergipanos, perpassando por uma an?lise entre o per?odo de 1983 e 2011. Esse objetivo foi norteado pela quest?o principal da pesquisa, que foi analisar a rela??o entre a miss?o, a estrutura e a a??o das Organiza??es Ambientalistas em Sergipe. A pesquisa surgiu da necessidade de mapear e avaliar criticamente o movimento ambiental em Sergipe. Os procedimentos metodol?gicos focaram a pesquisa bibliogr?fica, levantamento nos jornais sergipanos num hiato temporal de 28 anos, an?lise detalhada de nove &#8213;movimentos&#8214; selecionados e entrevistas em profundidade, semi-estruturadas, com atores sociais ligados ao tema. Como conclus?o, observou-se que o ambientalismo em Sergipe, desde o seu surgimento, esteve associado ao resgate da consci?ncia com rela??o ao meio ambiente, no combate a problemas de degrada??es locais, e na busca por uma legitimidade da opini?o p?blica. Embora os movimentos ambientais tenham recebido, em alguns momentos, a aten??o da m?dia de massa, o movimento n?o conseguiu sair de nichos espec?ficos e atingir uma parcela mais representativa da sociedade. P?de-se ainda perceber a profunda rela??o entre o perfil das lideran?as ambientais, a for?a do capital e os resultados pr?ticos das a??es ambientais e por ?ltimo, observou-se que a a??o dos movimentos tem liga??o muito mais forte com a rela??o da organiza??o e das suas principais lideran?as com os outros &#8213;ambientalismos&#8214;, do que com a estrutura e a miss?o da Institui??o

Social movements have long been valuable components of the struggle for a world with true justice. Along with the changing and modernization of society these movements also change, both in their actions as well as in the goals they want to accomplish. Technology is taking a greater part in many aspects of social life, creating new dimensions but also new social divides. This thesis examines how new social movements make themselves visible and affect the world around them through different kinds of networks. For the purpose of this study, we have chosen to study two social movements; the Zapatistas in Mexico, who have become known worldwide for carrying out the first informational revolution, and MoveOn.org, an American grassroots organization that struggles for increased democracy in the US. This thesis describes an empirical analysis of these two social movements, which are studied against a backdrop of the information age and globalisation. The study aims to highlight the effect these movements’ use of network technology has on their ability to reach their goals as well as how technology can be used to further democracy and justice in a global world. / Sociala rörelser har länge varit betydelsefulla komponenter i kampen för en rättvisare värld. I takt med att samhället förändras och moderniseras förändras också dessa rörelser, både i sina sätt att agera och i de syften de vill uppnå. Tekniken tar en allt större plats i många sociala aspekter och skapar nya sociala dimensioner men även nya sociala klyftor. De nya sociala rörelserna arbetar för ett erkännande av sina identiteter och kulturer. Denna uppsats undersöker hur nya sociala rörelser gör sig synliga och påverkar sin omvärld genom olika former av nätverk. För studiens syfte har vi valt att studera två sociala rörelser; zapatisterna i Mexico, som har gjort sig kända över världen för den första informationsrevolutionen, och MoveOn.org, en amerikansk gräsrotsrörelse som kämpar för ett mer demokratiskt USA. I uppsatsen redovisas en empirisk undersökning av dessa två sociala rörelser; vilka studeras mot bakgrund av informationsåldern och globaliseringen. Uppsatsen vill visa på vad dessa rörelsers användning av nätverksteknik har för betydelse för deras möjligheter att nå sina mål och hur teknik kan användas för att främja demokrati och rättvisa i en global värld.