O presente trabalho teve como intuito levantar informações a respeito da formação, educação, socialização e transmissão de valores envolvendo as gerações adultas e de jovens no interior de Partido Político. / The purpose of this study was to gather information about the formation, education, socialization and transmission of values involving the adult and youth generations within the Political Party.

La thèse porte sur la "reconversion partisane" de la social-démocratie en Europe. Elle propose une explication au paradoxe apparent entre d’une part l'existence de travaux décrivant la crise voire la mort du régime social-démocrate d’après-guerre, et d’autre part la conservation par cette famille de partis de son statut de grande alternative de gouvernement. La reconversion partisane est définie comme une modalité particulière de changement partisan, qui seule pouvait permettre à la social-démocratie de surmonter l’obsolescence (plus ou moins avancée) de son projet, de sa coalition électorale et de son modèle organisationnel. M’inscrivant dans la tradition de l’institutionnalisme historique, je propose une étude macrosociologique et comparée de quatre processus de reconversion, analysés de manière systématique au Royaume-Uni, en France, en Suède et en Allemagne. Leurs similarités et leurs différences sont ensuite expliquées, notamment à l’aide de plusieurs variables susceptibles de peser sur la forme et la temporalité des reconversions. Mon travail s’achève sur une appréciation provisoire de la mise à l’épreuve des reconversions par la grande crise économique en cours depuis 2008. Au-delà de l’éclairage nouveau qu’elle projette sur la trajectoire historique de cette famille politique, la thèse est une contribution à la littérature sur le changement partisan, sur la "cartellisation" des grands partis de gouvernement, et sur l’adaptation de ces derniers aux mutations de la structure des clivages politiques en Europe. Elle illustre aussi comment une approche "intégrée" des partis (sur plusieurs niveaux d’analyse) peut entrer dans un dialogue fécond avec les travaux sur les recompositions contemporaines de l’Etat moderne et du capitalisme. / The thesis deals with the "partisan conversion" of social democracy in Europe. It aims to resolve the apparent paradox between the existence of many publications describing the crisis or even the death of social democracy on one hand, and the fact that this political family has remained one of the major party alternatives on the other hand. We define the partisan conversion as a singular type of party change, which was the only one that could help the Social democrats to overcome the obsolescence of their project, electoral support and organizational model. My analysis is methodologically anchored in the historical institutionalism paradigm. It offers a macrosociological comparison of four processes of partisan conversion in the United Kingdom, France, Sweden and Germany. The similarities and differences between these processes are then explained, partly through a set of variables weighing on the structure and the temporality of conversions. My work ends with an appreciation of how theses conversions have been put under stress by the 2008 global crisis. The thesis thus provides a reconstructed picture of the historical path of social democracy, additional analytical tools to the literature in party change, and some insights to the reflections about the contemporary cleavage structures. Our intention is also to prove the usefulness of an investigation nurtured by the most recent works on global capitalism and the modern state.

This study critically studies two different manifestos, New democracy manifesto from 1991 and Sweden Democrats manifesto from 2010. The purpose with this is to discover in what way populist rhetoric is used and what parlance the parties have used in these two manifestos. Using Lennart Hellspong’s model for propaganda analysis, textual compilations will be discovered and analyzed through a set of questions. Previous research show that these two parties has a lot in common and even though both have different political ideology and framework, they both have populist rhetoric as one of the key elements in their rhetoric. With Sweden democrats currently being the third biggest party in Sweden there is an interest to see what they have in common with the first populist party in Sweden during the modern era, New Democracy. Do the populist characteristics in Sweden Democrats manifesto have similar attributes as the in New Democracy manifesto? The result of the study shows that the populist rhetoric is used in different ways, with different ideological purposes but is built from the same springboard.

The aim of this paper is to investigate the internal and external supply in relation to citizens’ demand for radical populist parties. To explore how the Sweden Democrats between 2010 and 2018 has developed its party organisation and how this has changed over time. The essay is based on the theory of Cas Mudde which claims demand and supply as a reason and understanding for the increasing growth of radical right parties in Western democracies. The theory divides Sweden Democrats into three different aspects; demand, internal and external supply which explain the stability and increased support for the party. Socio-economic factors such as unemployment, education and level of immigration are significant explanation factors for radical right parties to establish on long term. However, the essay concludes that the internal aspects of the party organisation, in relation to lack of trust for the traditional parties and low party identification, are crucial explanations. The importance of these factors have gradually increased during the years 2010-2018, while the level of significance for socioeconomic factors have decreased.

Honório Hermeto Carneiro Leão (1801-1856) foi um dos mais eminentes políticos do Partido Conservador do período monárquico brasileiro. Foi agraciado visconde e marquês de Paraná, nos anos de 1852 e 1854, respectivamente. O ápice de sua carreira foi a presidência do Ministério da Conciliação, entre 1853 e 1856. A trajetória política de Carneiro Leão a partir de 1842 é o objeto central desta dissertação. Não se pretendeu, todavia, recontar sua vida de forma linear, nem simplesmente relembrar laudatoriamente seus serviços ao Império do Brasil. Este trabalho buscou, sobretudo, questionar e desconstruir a memória que uniu indivíduo e Estado e influenciou muitas interpretações sobre cinco importantes acontecimentos políticos do Oitocentos brasileiro: a formação do Regresso conservador; as revoltas de 1842; a Rebelião Praieira; a intervenção na região do Rio da Prata e, por fim, o Ministério da Conciliação. Cada um desses assuntos foi tratado detalhadamente nos quatro capítulos desta dissertação. / Honório Hermeto Carneiro Leão (1801-1856) was one of the most eminent politicians of the Conservative Party of Brazilian monarchical period. He was honored with the titles of viscount and marquis of Paraná in 1852 and 1854, respectively. The apex of his career was the chair of the Conciliation Cabinet, between 1853 and 1856. The political career of Carneiro Leão since 1842 is the main subject of this dissertation. However, it was not intended to recount his life in a linear basis, nor simply laudatorily recall his services to the Brazilian Empire. This study aimed, above all, to question and deconstruct the memory which united the individual and the State and influenced many interpretations of five major political events of the Brazilian Eighteenth Century: the formation of the Regresso; the riots of 1842; Praiera Rebellious; intervention on the Platine region and, finally, the Conciliation Cabinet. Each one of these issues was discussed in detail in four chapters of this dissertation.

A motivação para o presente trabalho nasceu de um estudo sobre o art. 55 do Código de Processo Civil. Foi possível verificar, a partir daí, que o confuso e divergente tratamento que a doutrina dá a esse dispositivo legal decorre, em grande parte, da ausência de enquadramento sistemático adequado da própria assistência. Como saber quais os possíveis efeitos decorrentes da intervenção do terceiro no processo se não se sabe exatamente o motivo pelo qual ele pode intervir e nem mesmo os poderes que pode exercer durante o desenrolar da marcha processual? O direito brasileiro herdou do direito alemão a disciplina que pretendeu dar à assistência, mas sem anterior preocupação com a verificação de sua adequação, quer no próprio ordenamento germânico, quer no brasileiro. Acabou, assim, criando um labirinto do qual a doutrina ainda não conseguiu sair. Algumas tentativas doutrinárias de estudar o instituto com coerência apontam para a falta de lógica da disciplina legal da assistência, mas ainda não se pode dizer que exista no direito brasileiro um estudo sistemático da assistência. Foi o que se pretendeu fazer nesse trabalho ao demonstrar a necessidade de eliminação do art. 54 do CPC do ordenamento e a consequente reconfiguração da assim chamada assistência simples, disciplinada no art. 50 do CPC. A assistência, há tempos, está a demandar um estudo aprofundado que possa até mesmo potencializar sua utilização, já que não se pode dizer que seja algo comum nos processos embora sejam comuns as hipóteses que autorizariam sua ocorrência. / This work starts from a study about the article 55 of Civil Procedure Code. From that, it was possible to verify that the confusing and diverging treatment that the doctrine gives to this text comes mainly from the lack of a suitable systematic framing of the assistance itself. How to know which are the possible effects of third part intervention if one does not know exactly the reasons why the third part may intervene or even its powers in the procedure? Brazilian law have inherited from German law the discipline that it intended to give to assistance, but without thinking previously about its suitability, whether in the own German law, whether in the Brazilian law. This way, a maze was created from which the doctrine was not able to exit yet. Some coherent tries of studying the institute of assistance point to the lack of logic in its legal discipline, but there is not a systematic study of the assistance yet. That was the goal of this work, demonstrating the need of elimination of article 54 of Civil Procedure Code, with the reshaping of so called \"simple assistance\", ruled by article 50 of Civil Procedure Code. Assistance, for long time, needs a profound study that may improve its use, since it is uncommon in suits although the hypotheses that grant its use are very common.

A presente dissertação tem como objeto de estudo os dois grandes partidos monárquicos, Conservador e Liberal, nas décadas finais do Império. Partindo de temas fundamentais às disputas políticas do período, como eleições, autonomia provincial e escravidão, pretende-se compreender de que forma as importantes inflexões ocorridas na década de 1880 impactaram o sistema político-partidário do Império. Essas inflexões, já apontadas pela historiografia, dizem respeito ao recrudescimento das tensões políticas, ocorrido em consonância com o robustecimento da mobilização de forças extraparlamentares, que ganharam radicalidade no período. O surgimento de um movimento social organizado contrário à escravidão e as reivindicações de crescentes setores da população por maior participação nos negócios públicos acabaram por cindir profundamente a elite política do país. Se a solução para alguns foi a resistência obstinada, outros se mostraram dispostos a tomar parte na formulação de um projeto denominado por eles mesmos de monarquia democrática, que teve em seu horizonte a abolição incondicional da escravidão, a vigorosa expansão do direito ao voto, a reforma do Estado, o alargamento da autonomia provincial e a disseminação do acesso à terra. / The present thesis aims to study the two major political parties in the Brazilian monarchy, the so-called Conservative and Liberal parties, during the regime\'s final decades. Taking into account fundamental themes to the period\'s political strife, such as the electoral system, provincial autonomy and slavery, how major changes, throughout the 1880s affected the Empire\'s political party system. Those changes, recurrently discussed by historians, were driven by an aggravation of political tensions, together with the strenghtening of forces outside the traditional representative institutions, radicalized in those years. The emergence of an organized movement aiming to abolish slavery and the growing claims of the population for greater intervention in public affairs profoundly divided the country\'s political elite. If to some resistance was the only solution, others showed disposition in taking part in the advancement of a project of a Democratic monarchy, a term some of them used profusely. That project had, among its priorities, the unconditional abolition of slavery, the vigorous expansion of voting rights, the State reform, the concession of larger provincial autonomy and measures toward land reform.

Esta tese de doutoramento trata da disputa entre o PSDB e o PT nas eleições presidenciais ocorridas no Brasil entre 1994 e 2006. O objetivo principal é identificar quais são as variáveis que estão associadas ao voto nos dois partidos que nos permitem prever com alguma precisão as chances de voto em cada um deles. A análise será procedida com auxílio de bancos de dados representativos dos eleitores brasileiros. São observadas diversas variáveis, classificadas em dois grupos: no primeiro estão as variáveis relacionadas a aspectos de longo prazo que incidem sobre o comportamento eleitoral, as características demográficas, sócio-econômicas e político-ideológicas dos eleitores, no segundo estão as variáveis ligadas diretamente ao processo eleitoral, as avaliações dos governos e dos candidatos. A hipótese mais importante a ser testada é que as variáveis de curto prazo têm impacto muito maior sobre as chances de voto nos partidos do que as variáveis de longo prazo. Isso indica que o contexto eleitoral afeta mais o resultado das eleições presidenciais do que qualquer aspecto estrutural, seja social, econômico ou político. Os resultados obtidos com a utilização de regressões logísticas corroboram a hipótese e apontam para diferenças importantes entre o voto no PSDB e no PT. / This Ph.D. thesis is about the dispute between the PSDB and PT for presidential elections ran in Brazil between 1994 e 2006. Its main objective is to identify the variables linked to votes given for both parties which would lead us to predict under a certain precision degree the chances each one has against other. The analysis is based on relevant databases from brazilian electoral activities. Several variables were observed and separated in two different groups: the first contains the ones related to long term aspects linked to the voters behavior as well as demographics, socio-economic, and political-ideological variables, while the second one contains the variables directly linked to the electoral process, to candidates evaluations and the country issues. The most important hypothesis to be tested is the one of short term variables making a bigger impact over each party vote chance when compared to the long term ones. Considering the hypothesis valuable, this presents the scenary of the electoral context with a bigger effect over presidential election than any other voter structural aspect either social, economic or political. The given result corroborates with the hypothesis and came from logistics regressions, pointing out relevant differences between votes given in favour of PSDB and PT.

La République de Maurice, un demi siècle après son Indépendance est souvent citée comme le modèle par excellence d’un État multiethnique démocratique, stable et ayant réussi économiquement le passage d’une économie coloniale de plantation axée sur la monoculture de la canne à sucre vers une société nouvellement industrialisée dépendant sur la zone franche industrielle, le tourisme et les services. Paradoxalement, plusieurs observateurs font un constat accablant des dysfonctionnements institutionnels indiqués par exemple lors des crises politiques récurrentes, les affaires politico-financières, le fait écrasant de l’ethnicité... La question principale au cœur de notre problématique interroge la construction de cette situation paradoxale d’une démocratie dite exemplaire d’un côté et des dysfonctionnements institutionnels et la désaffection d’une partie de l’électorat. Quelles en sont les causes et explications ? Cette thèse tient à faire ressortir les spécificités de la vie politique de Maurice afin de comprendre et d’examiner les causes de cette condition paradoxale à travers une approche néo-institutionnelle. / Half a century after its Independence, the Republic of Mauritius is often cited as the model par excellence of a multi-ethnic, stable and democratic state which has economically succeeded the passage from a colonial plantation economy based on the monoculture of sugar cane to a newly industrialized society dependent on the industrial free zone, tourism and services. Paradoxically, several observers make an overwhelming observation of institutional dysfunctions for example, recurrent political crises, politico-financial scandals, the strong perception of communalism, ... The main focus of this study is to analyse the causes of this paradoxical situation of a so-called exemplary democracy on one hand and institutional dysfunctions and the disaffection of part of the electorate. This thesis aims at examining the specificities of the political life of Mauritius in order to understand and elucidate the causes of this paradoxical condition through a neo-institutional approach.

The purpose of this study is to examine two major psychological determinants of the vote in presidential elections - candidate image and party orientation. The central thesis of this study is that candidate image, as measured here, has been a greater determinant of electoral choice in the majority of presidential elections since 1952 than has party orientation. One of the vices as well as virtues of a democratic society is that the people often get what they want. This is especially true in the case of electing our leaders. Political scientists have often concentrated their efforts on attempting to ascertain why people vote as they do. Studies have been conducted focusing on the behavior of voters in making that important decision-who should govern?