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No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação - Andreza Gomes Weil.pdf: 3884949 bytes, checksum: 41035fe9da45e6c26dab69877c3f860c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-08-29 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The Parintins Folklore Festival is known worldwide because of the creativity and the dynamics of party that happens every year on the last weekend of June. In recent years the party has taken a more marketing than actually cultural, losing some of its features. The media growth Festival attracted thousands of tourists, which drove a significant increase in the Informal Labor, which is exercised both by the inhabitants of the island and by workers from other locations. The realization of this event entails problems for the city of Parintins, among them the increasing violence, prostitution and uncontrollable production of solid waste, considered one of the main environmental impacts caused by serious party. How is organized the Informal Work has contributed to these impacts, since the environmental criteria are not considered a priority at the time of division of the workspaces. Against this background, this study aims to assess the social and environmental impacts of the organization of informal work during the Folk Festival in the city of Parintins, focusing on analysis of the dimensions of environmental sustainability. The study was motivated from living in the city and closer to the associations of informal workers who work at the Folk Festival. Thus, the research aimed to: 1) identify the organization of informal work by mapping forms of work; 2) characterize the effects of informality in the conditions of life and work of informal workers; 3) investigate the actions of government that have been developed to mitigate the impacts to the environment; and 4) identify alternatives for the sustainability of Labor in Parintins context. For this purpose, the methodology used came from a qualitative and quantitative approach, where they were interviewed by means of forms with open and closed questions, informal workers registered at the city hall, who received personalized Orla in the city barracks. Aiming to expand the qualitative approach was also conducted a focus group with the workers of the Association of Street Vendors of Parintins, aiming to meet the peculiarity of the socio-political organizations of the municipality. As key sources of information were interviewed using semi-structured interview, the representatives of the Municipal Lands, Storage and Records and the Municipal Environment. The results of this study signaled that environmental issues are not considered as a priority, with regard to the organization of the Informal Working in the city. In addition, the working conditions offered to workers by the government is weak, mainly due to the lack of sanitation. The most aggravating is that such conditions endanger the health and safety of workers. The survey results allowed to suggest three strategies for sustainability work in Parintins, being the following: 1) execution of actions of government policies on labor, employment and income; 2) linkage to social control; 3) strengthening the socio-political organizations of informal workers. / O Festival Folclórico de Parintins é conhecido mundialmente em razão da criatividade e da dinâmica da festa que acontece todos os anos no último fim de semana do mês de junho. Nos últimos anos a festa assumiu um caráter mais mercadológico que propriamente cultural, perdendo algumas de suas características. O crescimento midiático do Festival atraiu milhares de turistas, o que impulsionou um expressivo aumento do Trabalho Informal, que é exercido tanto pelos habitantes da Ilha quanto por trabalhadores de outras localidades. A realização deste evento acarreta sérias problemáticas para o município de Parintins, entre estes o aumento da violência, a prostituição e a produção incontrolável de resíduos sólidos, considerado um dos principais impactos ambientais ocasionados pela festa. A forma como está organizado o Trabalho Informal vem contribuindo para estes impactos, uma vez que os critérios ambientais não são considerados prioritários no momento da divisão dos espaços de trabalho. Considerando este cenário, este estudo tem por objetivo avaliar os impactos socioambientais da organização do trabalho informal desenvolvido durante o Festival Folclórico no município de Parintins, tendo como foco de análise as dimensões da sustentabilidade socioambiental. O estudo foi motivado a partir da vivência no município e da aproximação com as associações dos trabalhadores informais que atuam no Festival Folclórico. Assim, a pesquisa visou: 1) identificar a organização do trabalho informal por meio do mapeamento das formas de trabalho; 2) caracterizar as repercussões da Informalidade nas condições de vida e trabalho dos trabalhadores informais; 3) averiguar as ações do poder público que foram desenvolvidas para a mitigação dos impactos ao ambiente; e 4) apontar alternativas para a sustentabilidade do Trabalho no contexto parintinense. Para tanto, a metodologia utilizada partiu de uma abordagem quali-quantitativa, onde foram entrevistados por meio de formulários com perguntas abertas e fechadas, os trabalhadores informais cadastrados na prefeitura, que receberam barracas personalizadas na Orla do município. Visando ampliar a abordagem qualitativa foi realizado também um grupo focal junto aos trabalhadores da Associação de Vendedores Ambulantes de Parintins, com o objetivo de conhecer a particularidade de uma das organizações sociopolíticas do município. Como fontes-chaves de informação foram entrevistados, por meio de entrevista semiestruturada, os representantes da Secretaria Municipal de Terras, Arrecadação e Cadastro e da Secretaria Municipal de Meio Ambiente. Os resultados deste estudo sinalizaram que as questões socioambientais não são consideradas como prioridade, no que se refere à organização do Trabalho Informal no município. Além disso, as condições de trabalho oferecidas aos trabalhadores pelo poder público é precária, principalmente, em função da ausência de saneamento básico. O mais agravante é que tais condições colocam em risco as condições de saúde e segurança dos trabalhadores. Os resultados da pesquisa permitiram sugerir três estratégias para a sustentabilidade do trabalho em Parintins, sendo as seguintes: 1) execução de ações das políticas públicas de trabalho, emprego e renda; 2) a articulação para o controle social; 3) o fortalecimento das organizações sociopolíticas dos trabalhadores informais.

Minha tese de doutorado, intitulada Elite Política Negra no Brasil, analisa a relação entre movimento negro, partidos políticos e Estado, entre os anos de 1978 a 2002. Minha abordagem teórica é a combinação da sociologia das relações raciais com a teoria do confronto politico, além de correntes analíticas sobre os movimentos sociais. Para o desenvolvimento desta pesquisa, trabalhei com materiais documentais, entrevistas; especialmente documentos escritos por ativistas negros, além da imprensa alternativa e nacional, documentos partidários e governamentais. / This doctoral dissertation, named Political Black Elite in Brazil, investigates the relationship between Black Movement, Political Parties and State, from 1978 until 2002. The theoretical approach used was based both in the Sociology of Racial Relations and Political Process Theory. I also have made use of Social Movements analytical frameworks. Over the course of this research I worked with documental sources and interviews. I focused especially in articles and other documents written by Black activists. I also used articles that circulated in alternative and mainstream medias, and other documents publicized by Political Parties, and Governments.

Nos fins do século XIX, Eduard Bernstein causou grande espanto e turbulência no interior da social-democracia alemã ao refutar publicamente as teses oficiais propugnadas pelos líderes do partido e, ao mesmo tempo, propor a revisão crítica do pensamento de Marx, desferindo sérios ataques ao que considerava seu elemento \"nefasto\": a dialética hegeliana. Ao defender a rejeição da filosofia da história marxiana - considerada obstáculo ao conhecimento científico da realidade social - Bernstein rompe com a perspectiva revolucionária, aderindo a um reformismo evolucionista. Acreditando no potencial emancipador da democracia burguesa, que tornaria possível a tomada do poder por meios legais e pacíficos, Bernstein passa a sustentar a adoção de uma postura política conciliatória e a mitigação da luta de classes. O surgimento desta corrente revisionista deu início a um grande cisma no interior da social-democracia que veio a ser considerado como \"a primeira crise do marxismo\", introduzindo uma nova tendência de rechaço à concepção dialética da história e de abdicação de quaisquer pretensões revolucionárias. Estas idéias viriam a tornar-se hegemônicas no final do século XX, quando as teses que apregoam o \"fim da história\" são amplamente difundidas e festejadas. Diante deste novo refluxo das teorias e práticas revolucionárias, torna-se fundamental a análise minuciosa do fenômeno revisionista - o contexto em que surge, as razões de seu sucesso no âmbito da esquerda e as críticas que podem lhe ser opostas / In the end of the nineteenth century, Eduard Bernstein caused great turbulence in the German social democracy when he publicly opposed to the official theses of the leaders of the Social Democratic Party and, at the same time, recommended a critical revision of Marx\'s thought, making serious attacks on what he considered its most hideous element: the Hegelian dialectics. While supporting the total rejection of the Marxian philosophy of history - regarded as an obstacle to the scientific knowledge of the social reality - Bernstein breaks up with the revolutionary perspective, joining an evolutionary reformism. Relying in the emancipatory potential of the bourgeois democracy, that would make possible the achievement of power through legal and pacific means, Bernstein sustained a conciliatory political posture and the softening of the class struggle. The appearance of such revisionist tendency gave birth to a schism inside social democracy that was further known as \"the first crisis of Marxism\", as it excluded the dialectical conception of history and the revolutionary aim. These ideas became hegemonic at the end of the twentieth century, when theses proclaiming \"the end of history\" were widely spread. In face of the new reflux of the revolutionary praxis, the analysis of the revisionist phenomenon - the context in which it appears, the reason for its success and the critics opposed to it - becomes crucial

This doctoral thesis asks what ideational factors underlie parties' national role conceptions in narratives on violent conflict and crises abroad. It explores French and German parties' national role statements in the case of the 2011 military intervention in Libya. The thesis lies at the intersection of Foreign Policy Analysis research focused on domestic foreign policy actors, International Relations studies on ideas in international relations and Party Politics scholarship looking at international issues in party campaigns and competition. It develops a theoretical framework using role theory and combines it with scholarship on international norms and ideologies. It contributes to role research on domestic role contestation and role socialisation. It adds a study of parties' national roles to this scholarship. It also advances the conceptual development of the role theory approach through an exploration of the responsibility concept within national roles. The main finding of the thesis is that parties often agree on the national role but sometimes interpret the same role differently. Moreover, sometimes parties can propose alternative national roles. The theoretical framework permits to trace variation in role interpretation to foreign policy traditions, international norms and ideologies. The central argument is that parties do not necessarily agree on the national role and its interpretation even when confronted with the same situation and events. It suggests that variation in national role interpretation can matter because parties contest the national role and, thereby, may point to role conflicts and dilemmas that may have an effect on future role selection and performance.

Ao observarmos como os partidos políticos se posicionam na arena federal, podemos perceber que eles se distinguem em relação às suas prioridades estabelecidas para as políticas públicas. Entretanto, não sabemos se estas prioridades, expressas por parlamentares na arena federal, traduzemse em políticas quando seus respectivos partidos estão no controle do poder executivo local. Poucos estudos têm se dedicado à investigação da influência dos partidos políticos brasileiros sobre as políticas que são implementadas pelos governos subnacionais. O objetivo deste trabalho é dar uma contribuição para esta agenda de pesquisa mediante i) a apresentação de um modelo formal que simplifique e exponha as melhores opções dos prefeitos de diferentes partidos quando há preferências partidárias sobre políticas e quando estas preferências estão ausentes; e ii) a análise da política de educação desenvolvida pelos prefeitos e seus partidos. Os resultados encontrados indicam que a demanda por políticas, o comportamento dos diferentes níveis de governo e a existência de serviços similares ofertados por outras redes são fatores importantes que influenciam a provisão de políticas. Não há relação entre o partido do prefeito e a política de educação local, mas há relação entre a política local de educação e o partido do governador. Ainda assim, os resultados não indicam que esta relação seja constante ao longo do tempo. / When we observe how political parties position themselves in the federal arena, we can see that they differ in their priorities established for public policy. However, we do not know if these priorities expressed by legislators in the federal arena, translate into policies when their parties are in control of the local executive power. Few studies have been devoted to the investigation of the influence of Brazilian political parties on the policies implemented by subnational governments. This work aim to give a contribution to this research agenda by i) the presentation of a formal model that simplifies and exposes the best options of mayors from different parties when there are party preferences on policy and when these preferences are absent; and ii) by the analysis of the education policy developed by the mayors and their parties. The results indicate that the policies demand, the behaviour of the different levels of government and the existence of similar services offered by other networks are important factors that influence the provision of policies. There is no relation between the mayor\'s party and the local education policy, but there is a relation between the local education policy and the governor\'s party. Still, the results do not indicate that this relation is constant over time.

Paulino José Soares de Souza (1807-1866) foi um dos políticos mais importantes do Partido Conservador no Império. Foi agraciado com o titulo de Visconde do Uruguai em 1855, depois de ter passado pelos Ministérios da Justiça e dos Negócios Estrangeiros em períodos extremamente importantes para a história do Império como a aprovação das reformas do Regresso, o fim do tráfico negreiro intercontinental e as campanhas platinas contra Rosas e Oribe. Subindo o Ministério da Conciliação em 1853, nunca mais voltou a responder por nenhuma pasta ministerial até a sua morte, permanecendo porém ativo como senador e conselheiro de Estado. O período compreendido entre 1853 e sua morte em 1866 é considerado por grande parte da historiografia como um período de ostracismo de Uruguai, idéia essa que começou a ser gestada pelos seus biógrafos do século XIX. Contudo foi nesse período que Uruguai escreveu suas obras. O presente trabalho visa não somente contestar essa idéia, mas expor como nesse período Uruguai deixou antever elementos de um projeto de organização do Estado Nacional. / Paulino José Soares de Souza (1807-1866) was one of the most influential members of the Conservative Party during the Brazilian Empire. He was awarded the title of Viscount Uruguay in 1855, after having served as Minister of Justice and as Minister of Foreign Affairs during extremely important periods for the history of the Empire, involving the reforms implemented by the movement which ultimately led to the organization of the Conservative Party (known as Regresso). After the Conciliation Cabinet took office in 1853, he never again held a ministerial office, but remained active as a Senator and member of the Council of State. The period extending from 1853 up to his death in 1866 is generally considered as a period of ostracism, a notion which was initially suggested by his 19th century biographers. But this was the period during which Viscount Uruguay wrote his major works. This investigation aims not only at disputing the idea of a retirement, but to show that during this period he drafted a project for the organization of the National State.

The dissertation explores the causes of party relabeling by focusing on four party systems: South Korea, France, Taiwan and the United States. The existing literature on political parties considers one of their primary functions to be providing a brand name. As a result, party name change has been viewed as an anomaly caused by internal and external shocks that disturb the status quo equilibrium or a phenomenon symptomatic of unstable, weakly institutionalized party systems. However, party name changes are not as rare as assumed in the existing literature. Therefore, my dissertation addresses the following questions: When and why do parties change names? What are the characteristics of a party system that hamper the development of brand-name party labels? I theorize that the combination of the following three factors increases the likelihood of party relabeling: (1) prominence of personalistic party cues, (2) strong levels of political attention in the electorate, and (3) high degree of governmental centralization. These three factors encourage vote-, office-seeking motivations in the party so greatly that the party is willing to do whatever it takes to win including such a radical strategy as relabeling. In order to test the proposed theory, I closely examine South Korea and France, where parties commonly replace their labels, in comparison to Taiwan and the United States whose parties do not change labels, respectively. These four cases are chosen because they allows cross-case and within-case analysis that is crucial for a comparative case study to gain internal and external validity. I utilize various types of data – both qualitative and quantitative in investigating these cases. My dissertation will contribute to a broad range of literatures in party politics as well as in East Asian politics. By providing a new theoretical model on this understudied phenomenon, I contribute to a better understanding of the role of party labels and initiate more active discussion over party strategy and party branding. Furthermore, by examining Korean and Taiwanese parties in depth, my dissertation provides a systematic analysis on the studies of East Asian politics.

En Allemagne, en Belgique, en France, en Irlande, en Islande, en Slovénie ou au Portugal, la gauche radicale connaît des poussées électorales, atteignant bien souvent des niveaux là aussi inédits. Dans les pays dans lesquels elle est traditionnellement bien implantée, si elle ne perce pas, elle demeure un acteur important de la vie politique et parlementaire, notamment à Chypre, en République tchèque, en Finlande, en Suède. Il est donc pertinent d’interroger le phénomène : pourquoi ce retour en force des partis de la gauche radicale ? Quelles en sont les causes ? Qui sont les acteurs partisans de ce renouveau ? Apporter des réponses à ces questions ne peut que passer par une analyse comparative.La thèse se fixe comme objectif de répondre à deux questions ayant structuré sa rédaction :1/ pourquoi la gauche radicale européenne se transforme-t-elle, quels sont les facteurs provoquant cette transformation en incitant ses dirigeants à l’opérer, et quelle est la nature de ces transformations ?2/ quels sont les objectifs et les attendus de ces transformations, et comment se traduisent-elles par le ralliement de nouveaux électeurs dans le cadre des échéances électorales ?Nous partons en effet du principe qu’un parti ne se transforme pas en vain. S’il amende son identité, son projet, ses discours ou le mode de fonctionnement de son organisation, c’est qu’il escompte franchir un cap dans son développement. Au travers d'une analyse comparative entre l'Allemagne, l'Espagne, la Grèce et le Portugal, nous verrons qu'émerge et se structure une nouvelle gauche radicale impactant durablement la famille partisane de la gauche radicale européenne. / In Germany, Belgium, France, Ireland, Iceland, Slovenia and Portugal, radical left parties are experiencing electoral surges, often reaching new levels as well. In countries where they are traditionally well established, if they don't break through, they remain an important player in political and parliamentary life, particularly in Cyprus, Czech Republic, Finland and Sweden. It is therefore relevant to question the phenomenon: why this return in force of the radical left parties? What are the causes? Who are the actors in favor of this renewal? Answering these questions can only be done through a comparative analysis.The thesis aims to answer two questions that have structured its writing:1 / why is the european radical left transforming itself, what are the factors causing this transformation by encouraging its leaders to operate it, and what is the nature of these transformations?2 / What are the objectives and expectations of these transformations, and how do they translate into the rallying of new voters in the elections?We start from the premise that a party does not change in vain. If a prty amends its identity, its project, its speeches or the mode of operation of its organization, it is that this party expect to cross a course in its development. Through a comparative analysis between Germany, Spain, Greece and Portugal, we will see the emergence and structuring of a new radical left permanently impacting the partisan family of the European radical left.

This diploma thesis aims to describe the development of educational policy in the Czech Republic since the turn of the 20th and 21st centuries to 2017 and at the same time to compare the vision of educational policy in electoral programs of political groupings, which in 2017 won more than 5% of votes and thus exceeded the limit set by law for joining the Chamber of Deputies. The theoretical part focuses on the description of the development of educational policy from 1999 to 2017, in which it takes into account the political situation in the country and its impact on education policy. With the help of analysis and interviews, the research part seeks to compare the visions of the educational policy of political parties currently represented in the Chamber of Deputies. KEYWORDS election program, vision, educational policy, political parties

Ce travail de recherche se situe dans le champ des facteurs explicatifs de l’engagement RSE des PME. Plus particulièrement, l’objectif principal de la recherche est de comprendre les conditions d’émergence d’un engagement sociétal global, entendu comme multi-parties prenantes, dans les PME tunisiennes. Dans le but de dépasser les limites des recherches antérieures et atteindre cet objectif, la recherche mobilise le concept de logique d’action initialement utilisé dans le domaine de la sociologie et réfutant la séparation entre l’acteur et la situation d’action. Pour répondre à la question de recherche principale posée par la thèse « Quelles logiques d’action des dirigeants peuvent mener à un engagement RSE global en PME? », une enquête quantitative a été menée pour dresser une cartographie des types d’engagements RSE des PME tunisiennes avant de procéder à une étude qualitative pour caractériser et décrire l’évolution des logiques d’actions de huit dirigeants de PME, identifiés à des degrés d’engagement RSE différents. Les conclusions de la recherche tendent à révéler que la logique d’action hédoniste peut être propice à un engagement RSE. D’autres logiques d’action peuvent, quant à elles, correspondre à une appropriation globale de la RSE dans le cas où l’acteur présente des prédispositions à l’engagement envers les PP (logique d’action entrepreneuriale). La PME, dirigée selon une logique d’action managériale, nécessite quant à elle, des efforts à fournir en termes de cadres institutionnel et réglementaire pour la mener vers un engagement significatif. / Trying to explore the factors related to CSR commitment in SME, the purpose of this research is to understand the conditions underlying the emergence of a global social commitment in Tunisian SMEs, defined as multi-stakeholder commitment. In order to overcome the limitations of previous studies and reach this purpose, the present research uses the concept of logic of action originally used in sociology and refuting the separation between the actor and the action situation. To answer the thesis main research question "Which manager’s logics of action can lead to a global CSR commitment within SMEs?”, a quantitative survey was first conducted to establish a map related to the types of CSR commitments of Tunisian SMEs. Second, a qualitative study was realized to characterize and describe the evolution of the logic of action of eight SME managers presenting different levels of CSR engagement. The research findings tend to show that the hedonistic logic of action can be conducive to a global CSR commitment. Other logic of action can correspond to a global appropriation of CSR if the manager has specific predisposition (entrepreneurial logic of action). The SME, headed by a managerial logic of action, requires meanwhile, efforts in terms of institutional and regulatory frameworks in order to reach a significant CSR engagement.