Ihlambo is an African indigenous cleansing ceremony that has been used in an attempt to anchor the peace that has been initiated in some communities in KwaZulu-Natal. Indigenous ways of healing have become increasingly important for the indigenous people of Kwa-ZuluNatal after mass violations of human rights and the deaths of many individuals and families in the 1990s. This research was aimed at investigating survivors of violence‟s experiences of ihlambo. The purpose was to establish the process and therapeutic aspects of these ceremonies through interviewing community members from Mbumbulu and Richmond which are both located in Kwa-Zulu Natal and both have a history of mass violations of human rights, from the killings of innocent people to displacing most members of the community. This was due mainly to tribal and political wars. In the quest for forgiveness, peace and reconciliation, these communities have participated in mass ritual cleansing-ihlambo. The results of this research show that indicators of reconciliation and forgiveness for these communities are emotional wellbeing, mental healing, and the interconnection with ancestors. Other important themes were peace in the community, peace for those that died during the violence, and emotional/ mental healing.

Objectif : Ce mémoire avait pour objectif de comprendre le processus par lequel les femmes en arrivent à commettre un acte violent. Plus spécifiquement, de connaître le sens que les femmes donnent à leur violence, de quelle façon elles reconstruisent le processus qui les a menées à cet acte et de quelle façon elles l’intègrent dans le cours de leur vie. Méthode : Pour atteindre cet objectif, 24 entrevues semi-structurées ont été réalisées auprès de femmes détenues ou prévenues ayant commis un acte de violence. Les participantes étaient rencontrées à la Maison Tanguay ou au secteur féminin du Centre de détention de Québec. Par la suite, les entrevues furent retranscrites et les données obtenues traitées à l’aide du programme NVivo. Nous avons analysé ces données selon le processus proposé par la théorisation ancrée. Résultats: Les résultats ont permis d’établir un modèle représentant le processus de passage à l’acte violent chez les femmes. Ce modèle se déroule en quatre phases. La première phase concerne le portrait de vie des participantes de l’enfance à l’âge adulte. Cette phase met principalement l’accent sur les difficultés vécues par les participantes et leurs stratégies d’adaptation. La deuxième phase est relative à la période précédant le délit. Elle comprend deux volets soit, l’entrée dans le processus qui réfère aux mois ou semaines précédant le délit et la phase aiguë qui réfère aux jours ou aux instants précédant le délit. La troisième phase concerne le déroulement de délit. Cette phase est divisée en deux profils différents, selon le type de violence utilisée soit, expressive ou utilitaire. Ces deux profils se distinguent quant aux circonstances, aux motifs, aux émotions et dans le recours, ou non, à des stratégies alternatives à la violence. Enfin, la dernière phase du modèle se concentre sur la période succédant l’acte de violence. / Objective: The goal of this thesis was to understand the process by which women come to commit a violent act. More specifically, to know the meaning women give to their violence, how they reconstruct the process that led them to this act and how they come to terms with this act throughout the course of their lifetime. Method: To achieve this goal, 24 semi-structured interviews were conducted with women were detained or awaiting trial and who had committed an act of violence. Participants were met at the Maison Tanguay or female sector of the Quebec Detention. Subsequently, the interviews were transcribed and the data processed by the program NVivo. Date were analyzed according to the process proposed by grounded theory. Results: The find result is a model representing the entire process. This model takes place in four phases. The first phase involves the participants' personal history from childhood to adulthood. This phase focuses primarily on the difficulties experienced by participants and their coping strategies. The second phase relates to the period prior to the offense. It has two components: the early period, which refers to the months or weeks before the offense, and the later period, which refers to days or moments just prior to the offence. The third phase involves the occurrence of the event itself. This phase is divided into two different profiles, depending on the type of violence: instrumental vs expressive. These two profiles differ in regards to the circumstances, motives, emotions and the use or not of alternative strategies to violence. The final phase of the model focuses on the period following the violence. This phase includes the various impacts of the violent act on participants life and perceptions.

This thesis compares how Lilian Ngoyi of South Africa and Fannie Lou Hamer of the United States crafted political identities and assumed powerful leadership, respectively, in struggles against racial oppression via the African National Congress and the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee. The study asserts that Ngoyi and Hamer used alternative sources of personal power which arose from their location in the intersecting social categories of culture, gender and class. These categories challenge traditional disciplinary boundaries and complicate any analysis of political economy, state power relations and black liberation studies which minimize the contributions of women. Also, by analyzing resistance leadership squarely within both African and North American contexts, this thesis answers the call of scholar Patrick Manning for a “homeland and diaspora” model which positions Africa itself within the historiography of transnational academic debates.

Les théories implicites (TIs) sont des croyances sous-jacentes et interconnectées qui influencent les pensées conscientes et le comportement (Ward, 2000). Elles ont été étudiées chez les délinquants et les délinquantes sexuels, ainsi que chez les délinquants violents, mais pas chez les délinquantes violentes. La recherche montre que les cognitions des délinquants violents peuvent être organisées en quatre TIs: 1) Battre ou être battu, 2) Je suis la loi, 3) La violence est normale, et 4) Je perds le contrôle (Polaschek, Calvert & Gannon , 2008). L’objectif de la présente étude était de déterminer quelles sont les TIs des délinquantes violentes afin de mieux comprendre leur comportement. Des entrevues semi structurées ont été menées avec 21 femmes violentes incarcérées. Dans l'analyse, les cognitions des participantes ont été extraites en utilisant l’analyse du discours (Angers, 2005). Ces cognitions ont ensuite été plus profondément analysées pour en ressortir les TIs en suivant la méthode de la théorisation ancrée (Strauss & Corbin, 1990). Les résultats suggèrent qu’il existe six théories implicites liées au comportement violent des femmes. Deux d'entre elles sont neutres, car aussi retrouvées chez les hommes: 1) la violence est normale et 2) je perds le contrôle. Les quatre autres sont sexo-spécifiques: 3) ceux qui agissent injustement méritent d'être battus, 4) j'ai besoin de me protéger et protéger les autres, 5) je ne suis pas violente, et 6) ma vie est trop difficile. En outre, les résultats suggèrent qu'il existe deux groupes distincts d’agresseures en ce qui concerne les cognitions: les « antisociales » et les « classiques ». Les implications et explications théoriques de nos résultats seront discutées. / Implicit theories are defined as underlying and interconnected beliefs that influence conscious thoughts and their related behaviors (Ward, 2000). Implicit theories have been investigated in male and female sexual offenders and male violent offenders, but never in female violent offenders. Research shows that male violent offenders’ cognitions can be organized into four implicit theories: 1) Beat or be beaten; 2) I am the law; 3) Violence is normal; and 4) I get out of control (Polaschek, Calvert & Gannon, 2008). The aim of this study was to examine the implicit theories of violent female offenders. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with 21 convicted violent women. In the analysis, participants’ cognitions were extracted using the discourse thematic analysis method (Angers, 2005). These cognitions were then thematically organized into implicit theories using the Grounded Theory method (Strauss & Corbin, 1990). Results show that women hold six categories of implicit theories. To of them are neutral, because there were also found in the male offender’s study: 1) Violence is normal and 2) I get out of control. The four other are gender-specific: 3) Those who act unfairly deserve to be beaten, 4) I need to protect myself and others, 5) I am not a violent person, and 6) Life is too hard on me. In addition, results suggest that there are two distinct groups of female offenders that differ in their cognitions: the “antisocial offenders” and the “classic offenders”. Implications and theoretical explanations of are results are discussed.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

The state of California has one of the largest and most violent gang populations in the United States. Although there have been a variety of anti-gang measures and policies enacted by local and state governments, none have been more effective than the Civil Gang Injunction (CGI). This civil action prohibits certain street gangs, and their members, from participating in activities that would otherwise be considered lawful. In order to obtain an injunction a prosecutor must demonstrate to the court that the gang is engaged in ongoing criminal conduct and represents a public nuisance to a geographically defined area. When a neighborhood is under an injunction, not only is police presence in the area increased but officers are also given more freedom to investigate and apprehend gang members who are suspected to be in violation of the terms. As this thesis will argue, injunctions, when used correctly, have proven to be an effective weapon in diminishing the influence of territorial street gangs on community well-being. When used incorrectly, however, they often only provide a temporary fix to a long-lasting problem. They also have been known to contribute to an increase in crime in neighboring areas, an increased number of wrongful arrests, and in some cases they have promoted criminality amongst young people. To explore the efficacy of injunctions, this thesis will focus on three empirical studies that cover a period from 1993 to 2003, when the rates of gang-related violence were at an all-time high and injunctions became the primary tool for City and District Attorneys to combat the nuisance. Two of these studies argue that injunctions have a positive impact on violent crime statistics, whereas the third concludes that they do not. By comparing these conflicting pieces of quantitative evidence, this thesis aims to gauge the actual effect of injunctions on crime rates and weigh the perceived benefits of this measure against its unintended negative effects.

The main purpose of this thesis is to analyze the political thought of Hinke Bergegren (1861-1936), Gustaf Henriksson-Holmberg (1864-1929) and Einar Håkansson (1883-1907), by focusing particularly on their articulation of anarchist ideas. The disseration follows these three Swedish left-wing thinkers closely, while specifically tracing ideological patterns in their published material, public discussions, speeches and other political activities. The study attempts to combine the perspective of intellectual biography with a contextualising approach on ideological analysis. Bergegren, Henriksson-Holmberg and Håkansson stand as illuminating examples of how anarchist ideas could take form at the advent of the twentieth century in Sweden. They were all connected to the working class movement, and participated actively in the public debate about anarchism and its various aspects. This larger political and cultural context is also presented, and put in relation to Bergegren's, Henriksson-Holmberg's and Håkanssons' actions and ideas. Thereby, the study examines certain lines of thought connected to the anarchist ideology, and at the same time find traits in the history of libertarian socialism in Sweden, as reflected in the ideas embraced by the three aforementioned historical actors. From the start Henrik "Hinke" Bergegren - the agitator, writer and journalist who is the principal character in the dissertations first major part - was highly controversial within the social democratic movement. From the early 1890's and up to his final exclusion from the Social Democratic Party in 1908, he was constantly being accused of leading and informal anarchist subdivision, which recommended acts of terror and strived for a social revolution. However, this study confronts and modifies that notion. It concludes that Hinke Bergegren's ideological position during the 1890's cannot be equaled to a clear anarchist conviction; rather, he criticized the party's strong focus on parliamentary tactics from a revolutionary socialist viewpoint. Einar Håkansson, on the other hand, based his critique of authorities, military power, parliamentary governance and private property upon anarchist principles. In several poems and short stories, Håkansson stated his anti-authoritarianism. He was also an early advocate for anarcho-syndicalism. Gustaf Henriksson-Holmberg, the anarchist theoretician, was always anxious to emphasize the importance of avoiding all forms of large-scale political and economical solutions. This position, along with a deep-rooted individualism and a willingness to integrate social theory and political propaganda, characterized Holmberg's political thought from the 1890's and onward. His antipathy against brutal revolutionary tendencies was as solid as his critique of ideological dogmatism. In conclusion, the anarchist lines of thought articulated by the three principal characters in the thesis intersects at several points. They all agreed that private property and capitalism must be abolished and replaced by voluntary forms of cooperation. Furthermore, they expressed a similar disbelief in parliamentary tactics, the military and party bureaucracy.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Miami University, Dept. of Educational Leadership, 2008. / Title from second page of PDF document. Includes bibliographical references (p. 189-199).

The prevalence of rape in South Africa is widespread and survivors often experience severe posttraumatic stress and shame. Although secondary traumatic stress (STS) is a risk for everyone who works with primary survivors of trauma it has only been examined in a variety of professionals that provide supportive and clinical services to traumatised populations. Little is known about the impact that this experience has on the friends and family members that support these survivors. In some cases, supporters have to find a way to cope with significant distress associated with witnessing posttraumatic stress in a loved one. This begs the question of how their perceived ability to cope would influence their experience of STS. However, no studies exist that explore the dynamics between severity of posttraumatic stress in rape survivors and secondary traumatic stress and coping self-efficacy in their supporters. For this quantitative study, 23 rape survivors from a local non-governmental organisation completed the Harvard Trauma Questionnaire-Revised (HTQ-R). The 28 informal supporters that were identified, completed the Traumatic Attachment Belief Scale (TABS) and the Coping Self-Efficacy Scale (CSE). Cross-group equivalence, the presence of the outlined factors in the sample, as well as the interaction between factors, are explored and described. Findings indicate that although the survivors endorsed some symptoms of posttraumatic stress disorder, their scores were not elevated enough to meet the cut-off point for this diagnosis. Findings related to the supporters indicate that the sample experienced average to high average levels of secondary traumatisation. Despite this, the subjects experienced adequate levels of coping self-efficacy. These findings indicate a need to provide more counselling resources to informal supporters in order to alleviate their secondary traumatisation and in turn increase their ability to assist primary rape survivors.

The United States faces an ever-growing public health concern of gun violence, having the highest rate of homicide by firearm use among Western countries. American leaders on this subject have debated for many years on how to address this issue. Such debate, in turn, has brought up the concern of the mentally ill in possession of firearms, especially in light of mass shootings. The goal of this thesis is to determine the existence of a relationship between gun violence and mental illness. The significance of discerning this relationship is multi-faceted in that gun violence psychologically traumatizes its victims and also has been linked with mental illnesses in a stigmatizing manner, thanks to the spotlight on mass shootings by the media. Through literature analysis of the behaviors of those with schizophrenia, bipolar disorder, and alcohol abuse, it was determined that, although increasing a person’s chances for experiencing at-risk behaviors for violence, intrinsic mental disorders such as schizophrenia and bipolar disorder are not statistically associated with gun violence. In fact, not only has it been reported that very few firearm-related acts of violence are linked with those with mental illnesses, but also it has been noted that those with serious psychiatric disorders are victimized more often than a person without mental illness. Consequently, it is critical for physicians, lawmakers, and even the general public to take active measures to ensure that those with mental illnesses are not shamed for their condition and receive the necessary services to lead an ordinary lifestyle among their peers.