Scholars generally assume that states are shamed for their own behavior, but they can also be shamed for the lack of investigation for violence perpetrated by domestic non-state actors. I engage this previously-unstudied phenomenon and develop a theory to explain how states will respond to being shamed for failing to control domestic violence. I examine two types of outcomes: the governments' change in behavior, and the accountability efforts against state agents that have abused human rights. For the government's reaction to being shamed for violence from non-state organizations, I develop a theory to examine changes in coercive state capacity – including military and police personnel – since this reaction may largely exacerbate human rights violations. I hypothesize that states shamed due to abuses by violent non-state organizations (VNSO) will increase military personnel to halt criminal violence and respond to the international spotlight. I then examine the relationship between naming and shaming states over physical integrity abuses by different types of perpetrators and human rights prosecutions. Using newly coded data on the types of perpetrators shamed in the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) country reports, I find that shaming over abuses that include VNSO as perpetrators decreases the likelihood of expanding their police force when the state has the military patrolling the streets and is likely to increase the predicted number of police prosecutions, particularly if the shaming is over killings from VNSOs. Lastly, I examine how changes in coercive capacity affect human rights violations and the number of violent episodes from VNSOs.

Violent video games have been questioned in its influence toward violence and aggressivebehavior in nowadays especially with adolescents and young adults which usually spend theirtime playing games more than other activity. The aim of this research is to find a correlationbetween violent video games exposure, aggressive behavior and self-control in an individual toanswer the question that “Is playing violent video games can lead a person to be more violence,aggressive and lack of self-control more than it should be?” The research will be studied with351 people in the Thailand Gamer Community. An aggressive behavior and impulsive behaviorwill be look into by self-questionnaire: Buss – Perry aggression questionnaire: BPAQ – ShortForm to measure aggressive behavior, the short version of the Self-Control Scale to measure animpulsive behavior and for a violent video games exposure, it will be measured by the time thatparticipants playing video games and how violent it exposure to violent video games andaggressive behavior but the results only show a slightly correlation between these two variables.Nevertheless, the results show no correlation between violent video games exposure andimpulsive behavior.

Violent non-state actors have represented a significant challenge for both national and international security in recent decades. One of the many countries that have experienced extensive violence perpetrated by these entities is also Kenya. Particularly armed group called Mungiki managed to become influential security, political, criminal and religious actor. Considering frequent transformations of the group making it difficult to determine what type of violent non-state actor Mungiki is, the group still represents a challenging case for researchers to fully comprehend. To contribute to the understanding of this entity and extend contemporary knowledge of violent non-state actors, this study aims to conceptualize individual phases of Mungiki development and discover mechanisms behind its recurrent metamorphoses from one type of violent actor to another. Based on the review of existing literature focused on violent non-state actors, their conceptualization, emergence, and transformations, the thesis uses a case-centric process- tracing method aimed at explaining particular outcomes of individual transformations. The study consists of an in-depth analysis of Mungiki development in the context of Kenyan security and political environment. The results indicate that Mungiki represented different types...

This thesis investigates the portrayal of non-violent direct action (NVDA) in This Is Not a Drill: An Extinction Rebellion Handbook by considering the two chapters “Courting Arrest” by Jay Griffiths, and “The Civil Resistance Model” by Roger Hallam. Using critical discourse analysis in the style of Norman Fairclough, I examine the textual features, discourse practices, and social practices of the chapters by applying theories of environmental justice, intersectionality, and embodiment. I argue that Griffiths and Hallam reproduce oppressive power structures by excluding certain identities and experiences from their discourse. First, the lack of a discussion of the situatedness of violence within the NVDA strategy employed by Extinction Rebellion – focusing on having as many protestors arrested as possible – represents the acts of arrest as inherently non-violent. This representation erases other possible experiences of arrest from the discourse. Second, the authors portray their own experiences as universal, and thereby create a universal subject that is white, middle-class, able-bodied, and a legal resident of the UK. Discourse is seen as both constitutive of, and constituted by, the social world; this portrayal of subjectivities is shown to have very real effects on to what degree certain identities feel at home within the Extinction Rebellion movement. I conclude the study with a discussion of possible paths for Extinction Rebellion and other similar movements to become more inclusive by adopting a more intersectional perspective that acknowledges the embodied realities of different identities. By applying this perspective, these movements can start working against hegemonic structures of oppression that exclude certain (non-white) identities from decision-making processes.

Diploma thesis "Protective options against domestic violence" deals with one of the serious problems of the current populations, which is domestic violence. The work is focused on one slice of the problem, namely to address the protection of victims of domestic violence. In this work are described and analyzed the possibility that victims of domestic violence can use to protect themselves. There are also mentioned institutions, which provide protection to victims. The options of protection of the victims of domestic violence were compared with each other and then with the means of protection in neighboring states. The comparison showed that the most effective mean of protection against domestic violence in the Czech Republic is expulsion and that in the Czech Republic, the institute used much less frequently than in neighboring states. The paper also verified the hypothesis that there are links between the numbers of cases of domestic violence, unemployment figures and the number of violent crimes. Comparison showed that these phenomena are closely related. Finally, the proposal was stated to be better protection of victims of domestic violence, namely strengthening the authority of victims of domestic violence in divorce cases.

The purpose of this study is to contribute to a greater knowledge and understanding of violent discourses within the Far Right community with emphasizes on online violent content. The study has, by analyzing the narrative, identified four discursive strategies used by the Nordic Resistance Movement (NMR) in order to legitimize violence. By studying three texts in the time span of fifteen years published by the organization, the ambition is to identify a change in the discourse of violence.   Today’s society is greatly influenced by the presence of the Internet. The rise of populist political parties in European and American counties etc. has lead to discussions regarding the cause of this phenomenon. A reoccurring debate is if the Internet is to blame for this, since it is accessible for most people, with non-or little legislative control regarding credibility. What can be stated for a fact, however, is that these forces are once again gaining more support and power. Due to this, finding explanations for this turn of event, which is updated to the society that we live in now is of importance. In order to understand this phenomenon the study has examined the Far Right organization the Nordic Resistance Movement (NMR). In the empirical part of the thesis four themes of violent discourses were identified; the enemies, the threat, family politics and women’s role in society and community-building processes. The four discursive strategies identified are in accordance with the chosen methodological framework, namely, critical discourse analysis. Aforementioned discursive strategies and analysis questions which, framed the empirical material, were analysed through the lenses of Norman Fairclough’s theory three-dimensional conception of discourse. In the discourses, amongst other things, it could be identified that the discourses had indeed become more violent.

Violent traumatic events impact communities and demand ministerial responses that are not only pastoral in nature but also prophetic, challenging institutional and sociocultural roots of violence through vision and analysis. There is a noticeable gap in qualitative studies of the prophetic pastoral practices of organized trauma response ministries in addressing violence. This dissertation addresses this gap through qualitative case studies of two trauma response ministries operating in diverse cultural contexts. The dissertation forges a beginning constructive practical theology of trauma from the voices, experiences, and practices of survivors and their trauma response ministry providers, lifting up the need for an intercultural approach and examining the results for untapped theological resources for constructive practical theologies of trauma. By integrating trauma studies into lived religion approaches, this dissertation conceptualizes survivors' use of material objects, rituals, and surroundings to enact a 'theopoetics of material religion.' This theopoetics captures the constructive theological significance of survivors' use of material objects, rituals, and surroundings for prophetic and performative testimony and witness. The introduction and chapter one make the case that addressing the problem of violent trauma in the American context calls for an approach rooted in prophetic pastoral care practices, one that is attentive to the particular contextual realities and resources of communities living in the aftermath of trauma. Using a lived religion methodological approach enhanced by trauma studies and a theopoetics of material religion, chapter two presents a case study of an inner-city lay-led trauma response ministry that serves family survivors of homicide. Chapter three presents a case study of a denominational-based trauma response ministry's services to a suburban congregation following a gun assault. Chapter four illustrates the theological themes witnessed in each case study and places these in intercultural dialogue. The final chapter engages current constructive theologies of trauma and brings the insights of the case studies to bear on interpretations of theology in the aftermath of trauma. The dissertation begins to forge of a constructive practical theology of trauma and concludes with strategic recommendations for constructive practical theologians, pastoral care providers, and social and ecclesial structures.

Våldsbrott i det svenska samhället är ett socialt problem som har ökat markant. Denna uppsats undersöker vad som gör att unga män är mer benägna till att begå våldsbrott än unga kvinnor. Studien grundar sig i åtta olika individers erfarenhet och upplevelser inom områden som innefattar polis, socialtjänst, skola, skyddsjour och tidigare kriminella. I uppsatsen tillämpas hermeneutiken för att förstå deltagarnas levda livsvärld. Uppsatsen utgår från en kvalitativ ansats där semistrukturerade kvalitativa intervjuer agerar underlag. I analysen används teorierna om maskulinitet av Raewyn Connell, sociala band av Thomas Scheff, Thomas Scheff & Suzanne Retzingers teori om emotioner och våld, samt Travis Hirschis sociala bandteori i social kontrollteori. Motivation och drivkrafter till våld som kommer fram i resultatet är bland annat manskonstruktioner, socialiseringsprocesser, diverse känslor och eftersträvan av materiell rikedom. Uppsatsen har stor betydelse för att främja social hållbarhet i samhället. Detta genom att upprätthålla social ordning, trygghet och trivsel. Genom att analysera och förstå de sociala, kulturella och strukturella faktorer som bidrar till unga mäns våldsbrott bidrar uppsatsen till ökad kunskap inom området. / Violent crime in Swedish society is a social problem that has increased significantly. This essay examines what makes young men more likely to commit violent crimes than young women. The study is based on the experience and experiences of eight different individuals in areas that include the police, social services, schools, shelters and former criminals. In the essay, hermeneutics is applied to understand the lived life world of the participants. The essay is based on a qualitative approach where semi-structured qualitative interviews act as a basis. The analysis uses the theories of masculinity by Raewyn Connell, social bonds by Thomas Scheff, Thomas Scheff & Suzanne Retzinger's theory of emotions and violence, and Travis Hirschi's social bond theory in social control theory. Motivation and driving forces for violence that emerge in the result are, among other things, male constructions, socialization processes, various emotions and the pursuit of material wealth. The essay is of great importance for promoting social sustainability in society. This is by maintaining social order, safety and well-being. By analyzing and understanding the social, cultural and structural factors that contribute to young men's violent crime, the essay contributes to increased knowledge in the field.

This is an early history of Mixed Martial Arts in America. It focuses primarily on the political campaign to ban the sport in the 1990s and the repercussions that campaign had on MMA itself. Furthermore, it examines the censorship of music and video games in the 1990s. The central argument of this work is that the political campaign to ban Mixed Martial Arts was part of a larger political movement to censor violent entertainment. Connections are shown in the actions and rhetoric of politicians who attacked music, video games and the Ultimate Fighting Championship on the grounds that it glorified violence. The political pressure exerted on the sport is largely responsible for the eventual success and widespread acceptance of MMA. The pressure forced the sport to regulate itself and transformed it into something more acceptable to mainstream America

Syftet med denna undersökning har varit att undersöka och analysera hur arbetet mot våldsbejakande extremism bedrivs i Gävleborgs län och vilka utmaningar som finns kopplat till ett sådant arbete. Studien gjordes genom nyckelpersonsintervjuer. Resultatet visade att arbetet mot våldsbejakande extremism precis har påbörjats i vissa kommuner medan andra inte har inlett ett sådant specifikt arbete. Flertalet kommuner avvaktar med att formulera en lokal handlingsplan i väntan på regionala direktiv.   Kommunerna i Gävleborgs län anser att förebyggande arbete ska bedrivas i enighet med de nationella rekommendationerna och genom att fortsätta befintliga demokratifrämjande och förebyggande arbete.   Utmaningar som framträdde gällande det lokala arbetet mot våldsbejakande extremism var bland andra osäkerhet, vilken verkade vara kopplad till kunskapsbrist om våldsbejakande extremism och till rådande samhällsdebatt. Till viss del fanns också en osäkerhet kopplad till lagstiftning gällande främst sekretess och personlig integritet. Därtill framstod olika aspekter av samordning som centrala utmaningar.