No presente trabalho busca-se demonstrar a inovação trazida pela regulamentação dos Estados-partes do Mercosul, especialmente pela brasileira, que conferiu ao particular o direito subjetivo de postular Opiniões Consultivas diretamente ao Tribunal Permanente de Revisão. Para tanto, destaca-se a condição de sujeito de direito internacional adquirida pelo particular por meio de normas advindas de integrações entre Estados soberanos. Da mesma forma, a importância que possui um tribunal legitimado e com atribuições claras, tendo por exemplos a União Europeia e da Organização dos Estados Americanos, onde o Tribunal de Justiça e Corte Interamericana de Direitos Humanos são reconhecidos como responsáveis diretos pelo sucesso destes blocos. Dentre suas competências, destaca-se o protagonismo que tiveram as suas faces consultivas, representadas pelo reenvio prejudicial e pelas opiniões consultivas, respectivamente, instrumentos que não foram apenas responsáveis pela harmonização das legislações internas com a norma da integração, mas também por criar uma verdadeira cooperação jurisdicional entre organismos jurisdicionais interacionais e as jurisdições nacionais. Institutos que se assemelham às opiniões consultivas do Mercosul, cuja legitimação em postulá-las diretamente ao Tribunal Permanente de Revisão é conferida ao particular de forma inovadora em processos de integração. / This paper seeks to demonstrate the innovation brought about by the regulations of the Mercosur States Parties, especially by the Brazilian, which gave the individual the subjective right to apply for Consultative Opinions directly to the Permanent Review Tribunal. In order to do so, the condition of being a subject of international law acquired by the individual is highlighted, through norms derived from integrations between sovereign states. Likewise, the importance of a legitimate and clearly defined court, for example the European Union and the Organization of American States, where the Court of Justice and the Inter-American Court of Human Rights are recognized as directly responsible for the success of these blocs. Among its competences, the leading role played by advisory opinions, represented by the reference for a preliminary ruling and by the advisory opinions respectively, were not only responsible for the harmonization of domestic legislation with the integration rule but also for creating a genuine Jurisdictional cooperation between national courts and national courts. Institutes that resemble the consultative opinions of Mercosur, whose legitimacy in postulating them directly to the Permanent Review Tribunal is given to the individual in an innovative way in integration processes.

Submitted by Edineia Teixeira (edineia.teixeira@unioeste.br) on 2018-02-22T17:06:35Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Lidiane_Mafatto2016.pdf: 12521946 bytes, checksum: 8644878820eee4cf317deb5c04ec23f7 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-02-22T17:06:35Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Lidiane_Mafatto2016.pdf: 12521946 bytes, checksum: 8644878820eee4cf317deb5c04ec23f7 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-05-17 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This dissertation aims to analyze the Project Multinational Education Brazil-Paraguay-Uruguay - OAS (1975-1983). It discusses the context in which the document was prepared, the factors that determined its presence in western of Parana state and the conception of education in that time. We will take into account the hegemonic forces and against hegemonic who worked in the dynamics of your execution and the demands for schooling of local and regional society. It also analyzes the relationship between state, society and education, considering investments in the area to advance the market. The methodology involved in this work, understands the importance of the historical context of its production from bibliographical references and primary and secondary sources covering the social, cultural, economic and political elements. We aim to examine the genesis and implementation of the MEC Project. The research intend to mainly discuss the design of public school in this exposed documents with the social demands of western Paraná state region with the historical context surrounding the national and international level of the project. As one of our conclusion elements, we understand that the concept of public education in western Paraná is evident in the course of conduct of the MEC/OAS Project, carrying out studies and analyzes of the history of the region, its performance was simultaneously with the political relations, social and educational. As one of the factors that the Project focused, an action as a contribution is the origin of the Western Parana State University (UNIOESTE), which is characterized as a multicampi university. Precisely because of these activities, with the implementation of higher education courses in both was focused by the Project on training of human resources, the region has been mobilized for its development. With the organization and planning of their activities sought to achieve with its educational investment in virtually the entire region. / Esta dissertação tem como objeto de análise o Projeto Especial Multinacional de Educação Brasil-Paraguai-Uruguai - OEA (1975-1983). Discute o contexto em que o documento foi elaborado, os fatores que determinaram sua presença no Oeste Paranaense bem como a concepção de educação que estava sendo encaminhada. Levaremos em conta as forças hegemônicas e contra hegemônicas que atuavam na dinâmica de sua execução bem como as demandas pela escolarização da sociedade local e regional. Analisa as relações entre Estado, sociedade e educação, considerando os investimentos na área para o avanço do mercado. A metodologia que envolvemos neste trabalho, compreende a importância do contexto histórico de sua elaboração a partir de referencial bibliográfico e fontes primárias e secundárias contemplando os elementos sociais, culturais, econômicos e políticos. Temos como objetivo examinar a gênese e implantação do Projeto MEC/. Visa, sobretudo, discutir a concepção de escola pública presente nos documentos em confronto com as demandas sociais da região Oeste do Paraná com o contexto histórico que envolve o projeto de nível nacional e internacional. Como um de nossos elementos de conclusão compreendemos a concepção de educação pública na região Oeste do Paraná fica evidente no decorrer da conduta do Projeto MEC/OEA, com a realização de estudos e análises dos antecedentes da região, sua atuação foi simultaneamente com as relações políticas, sociais e educacionais. Como um dos fatores que as ações do Projeto incidiram como contribuição é a origem da UNIOESTE, que é caracterizada como uma universidade multicampi. Justamente devido à estas atividades, com a implantação de cursos de ensino superior em que tanto foi focado pelo Projeto na formação de recursos humanos, a região foi mobilizada pelo seu desenvolvimento. Com a organização e os planejamentos das suas atividades procurou atingir com seus investimentos educacionais em praticamente toda a região.

L’empire colonial français se désagrège à partir des années 1950. Après la perte des colonies fondées au Maroc et en Indochine, la France doit faire face à la sécession de sa plus importante colonie, l’Algérie. La population française accepte difficilement cette sécession puisqu’il ne s’agit pas uniquement de la chute de l’empire colonial mais aussi de la destruction d’idéaux qui lui étaient chers. Plus que la peur de ne plus être un empire colonial, les Français redoutent la perte de leur statut de puissance mondiale et de leur vision de pays possédant une mission civilisatrice. Pour comprendre l’évolution de la perception de l’Algérie en France après la décolonisation algérienne à travers plusieurs courants de pensée, ce mémoire se penche sur les éditoriaux publiés dans trois journaux français (Le Figaro, L’Humanité et Le Monde) entre 1962 et 1971 qui traitent d’événements qui se sont déroulés en Algérie. Il se penche plus particulièrement sur le terrorisme de l’OAS au moment de l’indépendance algérienne, le conflit au sein du Front de Libération Nationale (FLN) pour décider qui détiendra le pouvoir, le conflit avec le Front des Forces Socialistes (FFS), la guerre avec le Maroc, le coup d’état de Boumedienne et la nationalisation du pétrole algérien. / The collapse of the French colonial empire begins in the 1950s. After losing its colonies in Morocco and Indochina, France was faced with the secession of its most important colony, Algeria. The French had difficulty accepting the separation as it not only represented the fall of the colonial empire, but the destruction of cherished dreams. More than fearing losing their status as a colonial power, the French fear they will also lose their world great power status and their vision of being a country with a mission civilisatrice. To understand the evolution in the perception the French had of Algeria after the Algerian decolonization through various schools of thought, this thesis looks at editorials published in three French newspapers (Le Figaro, L’Humanité and Le Monde) between 1962 and 1971, which covered events taking place in Algeria. More specifically, this thesis examines OAS terrorist action in the period between the Évian Accords and the Algerian referendum, the conflict within the National Liberation Front (FLN) to decide who would be in power, the conflict with the Socialist Forces Front (SFF), the war with Morocco, the Boumedienne coup d’état and the nationalization of Algerian oil.

Aujourd’hui, en Amérique latine, il existe une véritable multiplication de l’activité multilatérale par la création de différents types d’espace de coopération : l’Union des Nations Sud-américaine (UNASUR), l’Alliance Bolivarienne Pour les Peuples de Notre Amérique (ALBA), l’Alliance du Pacifique et la Communauté des Etats Latino-américains et des Caraïbes (CELAC). Actuellement, pour définir ces nouvelles organisations multilatérales, les politiciens, les académiciens, les scientifiques et les juristes ont utilisé divers notions : processus d’intégration, intégration maximaliste, intégration politique, intégration énergétique, régionalisme post-néolibéral, nouveau régionalisme, nouveau processus d’intégration, convergence, coopération sociale, culturelle et économique, et instance de concertation du dialogue et de la politique. Pourtant l’intégration latino-américaine est une intégration discursive. Et parfois, elle est utilisée pour les processus de coopération.Cette nouvelle dynamique multilatérale latino-américaine entraine une problématique sur l’avenir et l’ampleur de la participation de l’Amérique latine, en tant que regroupement d’Etats, dans la nouvelle configuration de la gouvernance internationale. Ainsi, pour comprendre ces nouvelles formes de relations interétatiques, la construction et la consolidation de leurs niveaux d’institutionnalisation permettent d’obtenir des résultats sur le modèle de l’intégration et des relations multilatérales dans la région. / Today in Latin America, there is a real increase of multilateral activity through the creation of different types of cooperation areas, such as: the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR), the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of the Americas (ALBA), the Pacific Alliance and the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC).Currently, to define these new multilateral organizations, politicians, academia, scientists and lawyers, have used various definitions: the integration process, maximalist integration, political integration, energy integration, post-neoliberal regionalism, new regionalism, new process integration, convergence, social cooperation, cultural and economic and consultative body for dialogue and politics, among others. However, the integration of Latin America is a discursive interaction; and sometimes it is used for cooperation processes.This new Latin American multilateral dynamic leads to a problem for the future, to the extent of the participation of Latin America, as a grouping of states in the new configuration of international governance. Thus, in understanding the new forms of interstate relations, its construction and consolidation of its institutionalization stages, allowing for the model of the results of integration and multilateral relations in the region.

L’empire colonial français se désagrège à partir des années 1950. Après la perte des colonies fondées au Maroc et en Indochine, la France doit faire face à la sécession de sa plus importante colonie, l’Algérie. La population française accepte difficilement cette sécession puisqu’il ne s’agit pas uniquement de la chute de l’empire colonial mais aussi de la destruction d’idéaux qui lui étaient chers. Plus que la peur de ne plus être un empire colonial, les Français redoutent la perte de leur statut de puissance mondiale et de leur vision de pays possédant une mission civilisatrice. Pour comprendre l’évolution de la perception de l’Algérie en France après la décolonisation algérienne à travers plusieurs courants de pensée, ce mémoire se penche sur les éditoriaux publiés dans trois journaux français (Le Figaro, L’Humanité et Le Monde) entre 1962 et 1971 qui traitent d’événements qui se sont déroulés en Algérie. Il se penche plus particulièrement sur le terrorisme de l’OAS au moment de l’indépendance algérienne, le conflit au sein du Front de Libération Nationale (FLN) pour décider qui détiendra le pouvoir, le conflit avec le Front des Forces Socialistes (FFS), la guerre avec le Maroc, le coup d’état de Boumedienne et la nationalisation du pétrole algérien. / The collapse of the French colonial empire begins in the 1950s. After losing its colonies in Morocco and Indochina, France was faced with the secession of its most important colony, Algeria. The French had difficulty accepting the separation as it not only represented the fall of the colonial empire, but the destruction of cherished dreams. More than fearing losing their status as a colonial power, the French fear they will also lose their world great power status and their vision of being a country with a mission civilisatrice. To understand the evolution in the perception the French had of Algeria after the Algerian decolonization through various schools of thought, this thesis looks at editorials published in three French newspapers (Le Figaro, L’Humanité and Le Monde) between 1962 and 1971, which covered events taking place in Algeria. More specifically, this thesis examines OAS terrorist action in the period between the Évian Accords and the Algerian referendum, the conflict within the National Liberation Front (FLN) to decide who would be in power, the conflict with the Socialist Forces Front (SFF), the war with Morocco, the Boumedienne coup d’état and the nationalization of Algerian oil.

Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado do Rio de Janeiro / A segurança cidadã é apresentada nos dias de hoje como um novo modelo de segurança, forjado a partir da necessidade de aliar direito à segurança e proteção de direitos humanos. A expressão segurança cidadã habita planos de segurança nacionais e estratégias hemisféricas sobre segurança de forma bastante consensual, representando um avanço na atuação estatal frente às ameaças do campo da segurança pública, refletida em uma atuação humanizada. No desdobramento do conteúdo em ações, bem como na legitimação e propagação da terminologia e estratégias associadas a este modelo de segurança, a OEA se destaca como um importante espaço jurídico-político de caráter interamericano. O modelo de segurança cidadã é a conformação mais recente do conceito de segurança, que, entretanto, teve início na OEA - ainda anos 80 - por meio do desenvolvimento de documentos estratégicos de combate às drogas. Neste sentido, este trabalho quer entender, concretamente, em que medida esta novo modelo de segurança realmente oferece novas abordagens e/ou outras condições que representem uma ampliação na garantia de direitos humanos. Para tanto, considerasse relevante à análise dos mais relevantes documentos sobre segurança, nos quais é possível identificar conceitos-chave e estratégias de ação e como estes foram atualizados ao longo do tempo. Esta análise é feita a partir de uma perspectiva da criminologia crítica, que com seus conceitos e categorias equaciona aspectos da realidade político-criminal, bem como fatores socioeconômicos e da realidade carcerária da região, que usualmente não integram os modelos de segurança, embora tenham relação direta com uma mais ampla garantia de direitos humanos. / The citizen security model is nowadays presented as a new security model, forged to combine security and the protection of human rights. The expression citizen security model dwells national security plans and documents of strategies on hemispheric security in a fairly consensual trend, presented as innovations in States behavior in dealing with "threats" in the public security field. By developing the concept and content actions as well as by legitimating and spreading the terminology and strategies associated to this new model, the OAS definitely stands as an important legal and political actor in the interamerican field. The citizen security model is the latest configuration to the security concept that has stared to be developed in in the OAS in the 80s through the first documents regarding drugs and trafficking issues in the region. Therefore, this work is focused in understanding, specifically, in which bases this new security model really does offer new approaches and / or other conditions that represent an increase in the guarantee of human rights. For this, we have analyzed in a chronological order, the most relevant documents on security in the OAS, highlighting its major strategies and key-concepts, and pointing out how have they been adapted and improved (or not) over time. This analysis takes place based on concepts and categories of critical criminology, considering aspects of the criminal-political reality as well as socioeconomic issues and the reality of prison system, which are aspects that usually do not integrate the development of public security models, despite the direct relation of such aspects with a broader human rights discussion.

Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado do Rio de Janeiro / A segurança cidadã é apresentada nos dias de hoje como um novo modelo de segurança, forjado a partir da necessidade de aliar direito à segurança e proteção de direitos humanos. A expressão segurança cidadã habita planos de segurança nacionais e estratégias hemisféricas sobre segurança de forma bastante consensual, representando um avanço na atuação estatal frente às ameaças do campo da segurança pública, refletida em uma atuação humanizada. No desdobramento do conteúdo em ações, bem como na legitimação e propagação da terminologia e estratégias associadas a este modelo de segurança, a OEA se destaca como um importante espaço jurídico-político de caráter interamericano. O modelo de segurança cidadã é a conformação mais recente do conceito de segurança, que, entretanto, teve início na OEA - ainda anos 80 - por meio do desenvolvimento de documentos estratégicos de combate às drogas. Neste sentido, este trabalho quer entender, concretamente, em que medida esta novo modelo de segurança realmente oferece novas abordagens e/ou outras condições que representem uma ampliação na garantia de direitos humanos. Para tanto, considerasse relevante à análise dos mais relevantes documentos sobre segurança, nos quais é possível identificar conceitos-chave e estratégias de ação e como estes foram atualizados ao longo do tempo. Esta análise é feita a partir de uma perspectiva da criminologia crítica, que com seus conceitos e categorias equaciona aspectos da realidade político-criminal, bem como fatores socioeconômicos e da realidade carcerária da região, que usualmente não integram os modelos de segurança, embora tenham relação direta com uma mais ampla garantia de direitos humanos. / The citizen security model is nowadays presented as a new security model, forged to combine security and the protection of human rights. The expression citizen security model dwells national security plans and documents of strategies on hemispheric security in a fairly consensual trend, presented as innovations in States behavior in dealing with "threats" in the public security field. By developing the concept and content actions as well as by legitimating and spreading the terminology and strategies associated to this new model, the OAS definitely stands as an important legal and political actor in the interamerican field. The citizen security model is the latest configuration to the security concept that has stared to be developed in in the OAS in the 80s through the first documents regarding drugs and trafficking issues in the region. Therefore, this work is focused in understanding, specifically, in which bases this new security model really does offer new approaches and / or other conditions that represent an increase in the guarantee of human rights. For this, we have analyzed in a chronological order, the most relevant documents on security in the OAS, highlighting its major strategies and key-concepts, and pointing out how have they been adapted and improved (or not) over time. This analysis takes place based on concepts and categories of critical criminology, considering aspects of the criminal-political reality as well as socioeconomic issues and the reality of prison system, which are aspects that usually do not integrate the development of public security models, despite the direct relation of such aspects with a broader human rights discussion.

Submitted by Elesbão Santiago Neto (neto10uepb@cche.uepb.edu.br) on 2018-05-07T19:30:21Z No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Jan Marcel de Almeida Freitas Lacerda.pdf: 77234249 bytes, checksum: dd00552dbe34c61d0ff27902b86d1c7f (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-05-07T19:30:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Jan Marcel de Almeida Freitas Lacerda.pdf: 77234249 bytes, checksum: dd00552dbe34c61d0ff27902b86d1c7f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-05-02 / CAPES / This dissertation examines the role of the Organization of American States (OAS) in the dissemination of ideas of democracy in Latin America, especially from the Post-Cold War period to the present. Thus, it is based on two central arguments: that ideas matter in international relations; and that, among the international actors that spread them, the International Organizations – as International Bureaucracies – are agents in the construction, protection and defense of ideas. For this purpose, initially, the reflection will be built on the contributions of the constructivist perspective of International Relations, whose thought is that ideas are fundamental for the constitution of realities, agents, interests and identities in the international context. Regarding the international organizations, the constructivist approach of international institutions as international bureaucracies stands out, providing the understanding of the logic of these organizations, both in the structural aspect and in the relevance of sectors, individuals and staff of international bureaucracies. Then, this research will discuss the evolution of the ideas of democracy, focusing especially on the procedural (or minimalist) and substantial (or participacionist) conceptions, will show the specificity and the problems of the Latin American democracy, and will observe the concept of democracy advocated by the OAS at the regional level of performance, primarily through its normative influence. Finally, the OAS behavior and its cooperation in the thematic area of defense and protection of democracy will be observed, focusing, especially, on the influences of cognitive and executive organization and congruence of ideas through the development of cooperation between institutions in order to build reports of studies and dialogue mechanisms (seminars, forums and meetings), in which ideas of democracies also be defended and disseminated. To achieve the aim of this research, literature reviews on concepts used by theorists of Political Science and International Relations will be conducted, as well as documentary and discourse of international civil servants of the OAS analysis, and interviews. / A presente dissertação analisa o papel da Organização dos Estados Americanos (OEA) na disseminação de ideias de democracia na América Latina, principalmente no período Pós-Guerra Fria até a atualidade. Assim, parte-se de dois argumentos centrais: as ideias importam nas Relações Internacionais; e, dentre os atores internacionais que as disseminam, as Organizações Internacionais – como Burocracias Internacionais – são agentes na construção, na proteção e na defesa das ideias. Para tanto, de início, a reflexão será construída a partir das contribuições da perspectiva construtivista das Relações Internacionais, cujo pensamento é de que as ideias são fundamentais para a constituição de realidades, agentes, interesses e identidades no contexto internacional. Já quanto às organizações internacionais, se sobressai a abordagem construtivista dessas instituições internacionais como burocracias internacionais, proporcionando a compreensão da lógica dessas organizações tanto no aspecto estrutural quanto na relevância dos setores, dos indivíduos e das equipes de servidores das burocracias internacionais. Em seguida, a pesquisa irá discutir a evolução das ideias de democracia, em especial focará nas concepções procedimentais (ou minimalistas) e substanciais (ou participacionistas), apresentará a especificidade e problemáticas da democracia latino-americana, e observará o conceito de democracia defendido pela OEA em âmbito regional de atuação, principalmente através de sua influência normativa. Por fim, será observado o comportamento e a cooperação da OEA em área temática de defesa e proteção da democracia, visualizando, sobretudo, as influências cognitivas e executivas da organização e a congruência de ideias por meio do desenvolvimento de cooperações entre instituições, com o intuito de construir relatórios de estudos e mecanismos de diálogo (seminários, fóruns e reuniões), nos quais ideias de democracias também serão defendidas e disseminadas. Para alcançar o objetivo da pesquisa, serão realizadas revisões literárias sobre conceitos utilizados por teóricos da Ciência Política e das Relações Internacionais, análises documentais e de discursos dos servidores civis internacionais da OEA, e entrevistas.

The Tobacco mosaic virus (TMV) is a simple and frequently used model virus which has been studied already more over than 130 years. Due to the intensive study of this virus the details of its infectious cycle, genomic information and also the structure of the created viral particle as well as the mechanism of its creation are known today. The process of encapsidation (viral particle formation) is sufficiently described in the in vitro conditions. In the in vitro conditions the origin of assembly (OAS) was also described. The OAS was identified in the coding sequence of the gene for the movement protein (MP). The importance of replication centers (replication factories) has also been supposed. The aim of the diploma thesis was to study the specificity of the interaction of RNA and coat protein in the process of the particle assembly taking place directly inside the plants. The experiments were performed to verify the necessity of presence of OAS sequence in process of initiation of viral encapsidation. The effect of the cell compartmentation on this process has also been studied. Based on several viral systems (the Tobacco mosaic virus, the Potato virus X, the Bean yellow dwarf virus and Cowpea mosaic virus) gene constructs were created. These constructs enables to study this idea at the molecular...

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