Time synchronization is a process of ensuring all the time difference between the clocks of network components(like base stations, boundary clocks, grandmasters, etc.) in the mobile network is zero or negligible. It is one of the important factors responsible for ensuring effective communication between two user-equipments in a mobile network. Nevertheless, the presence of asymmetries can lead to faults, making the detection of these errors indispensable, especially in technologies demanding ultra-low latency, such as 5G technology. Developing methods to ensure time-synchronized mobile networks, would not only improve the network performance, and contribute towards cost-effective telecommunication infrastructure. A rulebased simulator to simulate the mobile network was built, using the rules provided by the domain experts, in order to generate more data for further studies. The possibility of using Reinforcement Learning to perform fault detection in the mobile network was explored. In addition to the simulator dataset, an unlabelled customer dataset, which consists of time error differences between the base stations, and additional features for each of its network components was provided. Classification algorithms to label the customer dataset were designed, and a comparative analysis of each of them has been presented. Mathematical algorithm and Graph Neural Network models were built to detect error, for both the simulator and customer dataset, for the faulty node detection task. The approach of using a Mathematical algorithm and Graph Neural Network architectures provided an accuracy of 95% for potential fault node detection. The feature importance of the additional features of the network components was analyzed using the best Graph Neural Network model which was used to train for the node classification task (to classify the base stations as faulty and non-faulty). Additionally, an attempt was made to predict the individual time error value for each of the links using Graph Neural Network, however, it failed potentially due to the presence of fewer features to train from. / Tidssynkronisering är en process för att säkerställa att all tidsskillnad mellan klockorna för nätverkskomponenter (som basstationer, gränsklockor, stormästare, etc.) i mobilnätet är noll eller försumbar. Det är en av de viktiga faktorerna som är ansvariga för att säkerställa effektiv kommunikation mellan två användarutrustningar i ett mobilnät. Icke desto mindre kan närvaron av asymmetrier leda till fel, vilket gör upptäckten av dessa fel oumbärlig, särskilt i tekniker som kräver ultralåg latens, som 5G-teknik. En regelbaserad simulator för att simulera mobilnätet byggdes, med hjälp av reglerna från domänexperterna, för att generera mer data för vidare studier. Möjligheten att använda RL för att utföra feldetektering i mobilnätet undersöktes. Utöver simulatordataset tillhandahölls en omärkt kunddatauppsättning, som består av tidsfelsskillnader mellan basstationerna och ytterligare funktioner för var och en av dess nätverkskomponenter. Klassificeringsalgoritmer för att märka kunddataset utformades, och en jämförande analys av var och en av dem har presenterats. Matematisk algoritm och GNN-modeller byggdes för att upptäcka fel, för både simulatorn och kunddatauppsättningen, för uppgiften att detektera felaktig nod. Metoden att använda en matematisk algoritm och GNN-arkitekturer gav en noggrannhet på 95% för potentiell felnoddetektering. Funktionens betydelse för de ytterligare funktionerna hos nätverkskomponenterna analyserades med den bästa GNN-modellen som användes för att träna för nodklassificeringsuppgiften (för att klassificera basstationerna som felaktiga och icke-felaktiga). Dessutom gjordes ett försök att förutsäga det individuella tidsfelsvärdet för var och en av länkarna med GNN, men det misslyckades potentiellt på grund av närvaron av färre funktioner att träna från.

The Inter-American Democratic Charter (IDC) was adopted in 2001 by member states of the Organization of American States (OAS) as a renewed instrument for the defense of democracy, not only against traditional coup d´etat but also to face serious violations to horizontal accountability. The second assumption took into consideration, as a precedent, the political situation in Peru during Alberto Fujimori's administration (1995-2000), defined as a competitive authoritarian regime by Political Science and Constitutional Law scholars. However, during the last decade to the presentwe find in Latin America several countries with governments where the principle of checks and balances has been eroded as a result of measures adopted by their respective executive branch. This situation suggests the following concerns: The liberal democratic model of the IDC is in crisis? This model has been overcame by illiberal governments that privileges economic and social rights and restraints civil and political rights? Or both models a recondemned to coexist in the region? / La Carta Democrática Interamericana (CDI) fue adoptada en el año 2001 por los Estados miembros de la Organización de Estados Americanos (OEA)  como  un  instrumento  renovado  para  la  defensa  de la democracia, no sólo contra el golpe de Estado tradicional, sino también para hacer frente a las graves violaciones de la responsabilidad horizontal. El segundo supuesto consideró, como precedente, la situación política en el Perú durante el gobierno de Alberto Fujimori (1995-2000), el cual fue definido por los académicos de Ciencias Políticas y Derecho Constitucional como un régimen autoritario competitivo. Sin embargo, durante la última década hasta la actualidad hemos hallado en América Latina varios países con gobiernos en donde el principio de equilibrio de poderes ha erosionado como resultado de las medidas adoptadas por sus respectivas ramas ejecutivas. Esta situación sugiere las siguientes preocupaciones: ¿El modelo democrático liberal de la CDI se encuentra en crisis? ¿Este modelo ha sido vencido por los gobiernos liberales lo cuales privilegian a los derechos económicos y sociales y restringen los derechos civiles y políticos? ¿O ambos modelos están condenados a coexistir en la región?

The text describes the main progress in depicting the LGBTI topic in the Inter-American area. It begins with the analysis of some conceptual issues that are crossed to the topic and discuss the importance of including political commitments and statements in the resolutions adopted by the General Assembly of OAS (Organization of American States) related to the LGTBI community protection. Even though, a few cases have gone to the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, some landmark cases have deserved the Inter-American Court of Human Rights opinion. This produces an interesting case law on the matter. Finally, the text covers the latest Inter-American Convention on human rights adopted by the General Assembly of OAS in 2013, which includes the LGBTI community. That Conventionconstitutes the first regional treaty in force on the matter. / El artículo describe los principales avances que han contribuidoa visibilizar la temática de las Lesbianas, Gays, Bisexuales, Travestis e Intersexuales (LGBTI) a nivel interamericano. Para ello, comienza con el análisis de algunas cuestiones conceptuales que son transversales al tema y discute la importancia que tiene la inclusión de varios compromisos políticos y declaraciones en las resoluciones de la Asamblea General de la OEA referentes a la protección de la comunidad LGBTI. Si bien aún pocos casos han llegado a la Comisión Interamericana de Derechos Humanos, algunos casos emblemáticos han merecido el pronunciamiento de la Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos, lo que ya genera una jurisprudencia interesante sobre el tema. Finalmente, el texto aborda el contenido de la más reciente Convención Interamericana sobre derechos humanos adoptada por la Asamblea General de la OEA en 2013, la cual incluye dentro de su ámbito de aplicación al colectivo LGBTI. Así, dicha Convención constituye el primer tratado regional en vigor referido a la materia.

Submitted by Neusa Fagundes (neusa.fagundes@unioeste.br) on 2018-02-15T18:41:22Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Ana Paula_Noffke2017.pdf: 2064981 bytes, checksum: cb5a6ef6b9b647c41f50055abc32243e (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-02-15T18:41:22Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Ana Paula_Noffke2017.pdf: 2064981 bytes, checksum: cb5a6ef6b9b647c41f50055abc32243e (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-03-24 / This work presents a historical background of the Basic Curriculum for the Municipal Public School of AMOP and the origin of this Association. To understand what were the influences to produce this material and trying to find a solution the following problem: how and why an association of Municipalities, as a representative of the state, capitalist social development, published a curriculum with a dialectical conception of education? We started with information from the document itself, which was created under the coordination of AMOP Pedagogical Department (2003), created after the extinction of ASSOESTE (2002), an entity created by the MEC / OAS Special Multinational Project in 1980. Our hypothesis was that the influence in the creation of education present in the Curriculum has its origin, largely, in the work accomplished by ASSOESTE. Therefore, the research sought historical antecedents of this referential, in order to know the structure of the West Region and the events that implied in the transformation of the area, analyzing the impacts caused in education; To know the origin of AMOP, analyzing the historical and political context of its creation and its role in regional development; To know the MEC / OAS Special Multinational Project, and analyzing the historical and political context in which it was drawn up and executed, as well as some of its contributions to the education of the Western Region; To know the history of ASSOESTE, the context of their foundation and some of their contributions to the education of the West, its process of extinction and consequent creation of the Pedagogical Department of AMOP. To the completion of this dissertation, readings of historical texts, bibliographies, minutes, statutes, and laws were made, and this dissertation was constituted by exploratory and investigative research, based on the assumptions that reality is dynamic, in constant development, and that men make history, and do it according to the physical conditions at their disposal. The results obtained with this work indicate that the creation of AMOP occurred for strategic military government reasons, and it played a fundamental role in consolidation of the conservative modernization of agriculture that caused great changes in the region, as well as the construction of Itaipu. To promoting search for solutions to the problems caused by these two phenomena, the Special Project MEC / OAS was created and implemented, which had great contributions to education, which one of them being the creation of ASSOESTE. The research on ASSOESTE allowed us to prove our hypothesis that was the work carried out by ASSOESTE that influenced the beginning of the education of the AMOP’s curriculum. It also allowed us to understand that its extinction was not only due to financial issues, but also to the political ideology assumed by its Pedagogical Department. / Este trabalho apresenta antecedentes históricos do Currículo Básico para a Escola Pública Municipal, da AMOP, e a gênese desta Associação, a fim de conhecermos quais foram as influências para a produção desse material, procurando responder ao seguinte problema: como e por que uma associação de municípios, enquanto representação do Estado, de formação social capitalista, publicou um currículo com uma concepção dialética de educação? Partimos de informações trazidas no próprio documento, engendrado sob a coordenação do Departamento Pedagógico da AMOP (2003), criado após a extinção da ASSOESTE (2002), entidade criada pelo Projeto Especial Multinacional MEC/OEA, em 1980. Nossa hipótese era de que a influência da concepção de educação presente no Currículo tem origem, em grande medida, no trabalho realizado pela ASSOESTE. Então, a pesquisa buscou antecedentes históricos desse referencial, a fim de: conhecer a formação da Região Oeste e os eventos que implicaram na transformação do espaço, analisando os impactos causados na educação; conhecer a origem da AMOP, analisando o contexto histórico e político de sua criação, e o seu papel no desenvolvimento regional; conhecer o Projeto Especial Multinacional MEC/OEA, analisando, igualmente, o contexto histórico e político em que fora elaborado e executado, bem como algumas de suas contribuições para a educação da Região Oeste; conhecer a história da ASSOESTE, o contexto de sua fundação, algumas de suas contribuições para a educação do Oeste, seu processo de extinção e consequente criação do Departamento Pedagógico da AMOP. Para tanto, foram realizadas leituras de textos históricos, bibliográficos, atas, estatutos, leis, constituindo-se essa dissertação pela pesquisa exploratória e investigativa, partindo dos pressupostos de que a realidade é dinâmica, estando em constante devir, e, ainda, de que os homens fazem a história, e a fazem de acordo com as condições materiais de que dispõem. Os resultados alcançados com esse trabalho apontam que a criação da AMOP ocorreu por motivos estratégicos do governo militar, tendo ela papel fundamental para a consolidação da modernização conservadora da agricultura que provocou grandes mudanças na região, assim como a construção da Itaipu. Para promover a busca de soluções para os problemas causados por esses dois fenômenos, foi elaborado e executado o Projeto Especial MEC/OEA, o qual teve grandes contribuições para a educação, sendo uma delas a criação da ASSOESTE. A pesquisa sobre a ASSOESTE nos possibilitou comprovar nossa hipótese, de que o trabalho realizado por ela influenciou a concepção de educação do Currículo da AMOP. Nos proporcionou, ainda, compreender que sua extinção não se deu apenas por questões financeiras, mas também pela ideologia política assumida por seu Departamento Pedagógico.

[pt] Os sensores de deformação convencionais, por exemplo, os strain gages resistivos e ópticos, consagrados pelo mercado, são empregados em diferentes ambientes e estruturas, oferecendo um nível de flexibilidade que permite sua integração a vários tipos de sistemas de medição. No entanto, requerem uma fonte de energia elétrica local ou não podem funcionar sem cabos, limitando o seu uso em alguns cenários, como em partes móveis de máquinas. Os dispositivos SAW (Surface Acoustic Wave) podem ser usados como sensores de deformação piezoelétricos, pois possuem sensibilidade à deformação e podem operar de forma passiva por meio de antenas, podendo ser integrados a sistemas de monitoramento sem fio. Seu funcionamento é baseado em ondas de superfície geradas em um meio piezoelétrico. O estado de tensão na superfície do meio altera as características dessas ondas e induz mudanças na frequência de operação. O presente trabalho analisou a sensibilidade à deformação de dispositivos SAW ressonadores feitos de quartzo ST-X com frequência central de 433,92 MHz colados com diferentes adesivos, e testou sua operação como sensores passivos sem fio. A metodologia incluiu testes de tração não destrutivos em diferentes temperaturas e também simulações com elementos finitos. Os resultados experimentais mostraram relação linear entre a variação de frequência dos ressonadores e as deformações aplicadas, concordando com a literatura. A interrogação sem fio foi bem sucedida, confirmando o grande potencial dessa tecnologia. Os resultados numéricos, combinados a um modelo teórico, foram próximos aos experimentais, validando o modelo numérico. / [en] The conventional strain sensors, e.g., resistive and optical strain gages, established in the market, are deployed in different environments and structures, providing the flexibility of integration with different measurement systems. However, they require a local energy source to work or cables, limiting their use in some scenarios such as moving parts of machines. The SAW (Surface Acoustic Wave) devices can be used as piezoelectric strain sensors since they have sensitivity to strain, can operate passively by antennas and can be integrated to wireless monitoring systems. Its working principle is based on surface acoustic waves generated on piezolectric medium. The stress state of the medium changes the characteristics of these waves and induces changes in the operating frequency. The present work analyzed the strain sensitivity of SAW resonators made of ST-X cut quartz operating at a central frequency of 433,92 MHz, bonded with different adhesives, and tested their operation as passive wirelesss sensors. The methodology included non-destructive tensile testing at different temperature, and also finite elements simulations. The experimental results showed linear relation between the frequency change and the applied strain, agreeing with the literature. The wireless interrogations was successful, confirming the great potential of this technology. The numerical results, combined to a theoretical model, matched well the experiments, validating the model.

In the 1950s and 1960s, the Organization of American States (OAS), a multinational political organization headquartered in Washington, DC, attempted to mediate U.S.-Latin American political and cultural relations. This dissertation traces how, in the United States, Latin American art emerged as a field of art historical study and exhibition via the activities of the OAS. I center my analysis on José Gómez Sicre and Rafael Squirru, two prominent curators who influenced the circulation of Latin American art during the Cold War. Part I focuses on Gómez Sicre, who served as head curator at the OAS from 1946 to 1981 and who founded the Museum of Modern Art of Latin America in 1976. I offer an analysis of Gómez Sicre’s aesthetic tastes, contextualizing them in relation to his contemporaries Alfred H. Barr, Jr., Marta Traba, and Jorge Romero Brest. I also discuss his efforts to build a network of art centers across the Americas, indicating how his activities fed into a Cold War struggle around notions of the “intellectual.” Part II examines the activities of poet and art critic Rafael Squirru, who served as Director of Cultural Affairs of the OAS from 1963 to 1970 and who theorized Latin American art in terms of the “new man.” I reconstruct how the phrase “new man” became a point of ideological conflict in the 1960s in a battle between Squirru and his political rival, Ernesto Ché Guevara. Throughout this dissertation, I indicate how Gómez Sicre and Squirru framed modern art within different Pan-American dreams of future world prosperity, equality, and cooperation. By examining the socio-political implications behind those dreams, I reveal the structures and limits of power shaping their influence during the Cold War. My study concentrates on the period from the founding of the OAS in 1948 to the establishment of the Museum of Modern Art of Latin America in 1976, and I contend that the legacies of Pan-Americanism continue to affect the field of Latin American art today. / text

This article describes the political process of the OAS Dialogue Table in 2000 Peru. This space, though singular and hardly replicable, was a successful experience to boost the political transition from Alberto Fujimori´s government to the transition government of Valetin Paniagua and the dismantlement of Fujimori´s legal support that affected the horizontal accountability in the country. The achieved success resulted from four factors: 1) The shortfall of internal and external legitimacy of the third government of Alberto Fujimori; 2) the international acknowl- edgement of the Dialogue Table as a space to carry out political transition and democratiza- tion; 3) the union and strengthening of the opposition; and 4) the division and weakening of parliament governing party. Likewise, this political experience, that took place in Peru, became the boost and justification for the birth of the Inter-American Democratic Charter in 2001. / En el presente artículo se describe el proceso político de la Mesa de Diálogo de la OEA del año 2000 en el Perú. Este espacio fue una experiencia exitosa, aunque singular y difícilmente repetible, de impulso a la transición política del gobierno de Alberto Fujimori al gobierno de transición de Valentín Paniagua y de desmantelamiento del soporte jurídico fujimorista que afectaba la accountability horizontal en el país. Dicho éxito se debió a cuatro factores:1) El déficit de legitimidad interna y externa del tercer gobierno de Alberto Fujimori; 2) el reconocimiento internacional de la Mesa de Diálogo como el espacio para llevar adelante la transición política y la democratización; 3) la unión y fortalecimiento de la oposición, y 4) la división y debilitamiento del oficialismo parlamentario. Asimismo, esta experiencia política sucedida en el Perú fue el impulso y la justificación para el nacimiento de la Carta Democrática Interamericana en el año 2001. / No presente artigo descrevese o processo político da Mesa do Diálogo da OEA do ano 200no Peru. Neste espaço foi uma experiência com muito sucesso, mas excêntrica e de difícil repe- tição, de ímpeto á transição política do governo de Alberto Fujimori ao governo de transição de Valentin Paniagua e de desmontagem do apoio jurídico fujimorista que afetavam a accoun- tability horizontal no país. Esse sucesso se deve a quatro fatores: 1) O déficit de legitimidade interna e externa do terceiro governo do Alberto Fujimori; 2) O reconhecimento internacional da Mesa de dialogo como o espaço para levar adiante a transição política e a democratização;3) A união e fortalecimento da oposição; e 4) A divisão e o enfraquecimento do governo parlamentariam. Também, essa experiência política que aconteceu no Peru foi o impulso e ajustificação para o nascimento da Carta Democrática Interamericana do ano 2001.

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Das Demokratieprinzip ist im Völkerrecht verankert. Seine normativen Grundlagen sind zum einen das Vertragsrecht, insbesondere der Internationale Pakt über bürgerliche und politische Rechte, sowie die regionalen Verankerungen in Europa und in Amerika durch die Satzungen der jeweiligen internationaler Organisationen und ihrer Menschenrechtsinstrumente. Substantielle vertragliche Verpflichtungen ergeben sich auch aus den bilateralen Verträgen der EG. Zum anderen fußt es auf der Staatenpraxis, insbesondere im Rahmen der UNO. So ist die internationale Gemeinschaft auf die Errichtung demokratischer Strukturen verpflichtet, wenn sie staatliche Funktionen in failed states übernimmt oder den Wiederaufbau eines Staatswesens begleitet. Die Demokratieresolutionen der UNO lassen erkennen, daß alle Staaten verpflichtet sind, das Ziel der Demokratie anzustreben und erreichte demokratische Errungenschaften zu gewährleisten. Das Demokratieprinzip beinhaltet normativ die Legitimation staatlichen Handelns durch freie Wahlen und die Absicherung durch Menschenrechte, Gewaltenteilung und Rechtsstaatlichkeit. Staatliche Entscheidungen bedürfen daher einer legitimierenden Rückbindung an den frei geäußerten Willen des konstituierenden Staatsvolkes, wobei die Freiheit dieser Willensäußerung in dynamischer Perspektive die Freiheit der Willensänderung garantiert. Sowohl der Vertragsschluß als Akt staatlichen Handelns als auch der Inhalt des Vertrages bedürfen der Legitimation, und zwar über die Zeit hinweg. Das geltende Völkervertragsrecht berücksichtigt das Demokratieprinzip jedoch nur unzureichend. Die Verletzung innerstaatlichen Rechts beim Vertragsschluß kann nur eingeschränkt geltend gemacht werden. Es existiert auch kein Verfahren, mit dem die fortdauernde Legitimation eines Vertrages überprüft werden könnte. Angesichts der Zunahme von Verträgen, die innere Angelegenheiten der Gesellschaften regeln, bedarf das Spannungsverhältnis einer Lösung. Das Problem wird illustriert durch Frankreichs Ausstieg aus der NATO, Senegals Kündigung der Seerechtskonventionen, den Streit um den deutschen Atomausstieg, das Verfahren um den Donaustaudamm Gabcíkovo Nagymaros, die Frage der Vereinbarkeit von Drogenkonsumräumen mit den UN-Anti-Drogenkonventionen, das Schiedsverfahren zwischen Aminoil und Kuwait sowie der Kündigung des ABM-Vertrages durch die USA. Ein erster Ansatz zur Lösung kann in einer Neuinterpretation der völkervertragsrechtlichen Regeln liegen. So bietet sich der Grundsatz der "demokratiefreundlichen Interpretation" an. Internes Recht, das der Kontrolle der Exekutive dient, muß beim Vertragsschluß Berücksichtigung finden. Und Verträgen, die "innere Angelegenheiten" betreffen, kann ein implizites Kündigungsrecht zugebilligt werden. Der wesentliche Ansatz ist aber kautelarjuristischer Natur. Revisions-, Experimentier- und Kündigungsklauseln können bei der Abfassung von Verträgen die Vertragsbeziehung so ausgestalten, daß zukünftige Meinungsänderungen berücksichtigt werden können. Schließlich ist de lege ferenda ein Recht auf Revision, kombiniert mit einem subsidiären Kündigungsrecht, wünschenswert. Mit einem solchen Mechanismus könnten neue normative Lösungen eingeführt werden und die Legitimation bestehender Normen auf den Prüfstand gestellt werden. / International law provides for a democratic principle. It is based both on treaty law and customary law. The International Covenant for Civil and Political Rights as well as the regional treaties in Europe and the Americas - the statutes of the respective regional organisations and their human rights instruments - form a substantial body of treaty obligations toward democracy, which is complemented by bilateral treaties of the EC safeguarding democracy. State practice, especially within the framework of the UN, indicates an obligation to establish democratic structures whenever the international community takes upon itself the task of nation building in failed states. The democracy resolutions of the UN point out that all member states are obliged to strive for democracy and uphold democratic achievements so far. The normative democratic principle includes the legitimation of public affairs through free and fair elections and the guarantee of human rights, separation of powers and the rule of law. Acts of states therefore must be legitimised through the freely expressed will of the people. Under a dynamic perspective, the free will includes the possibility for changes of policy. The conclusion of treaties as an act of state as well as the content of the treaty as a rule of law need to be legitimised through the times. The current law of treaties does not acknowledge the democratic principle, however. Violations of internal law at the conclusion of a treaty can only be claimed to a limited extent. Nor does international law provide for a formal procedure to validate the on-going support for the content of the treaty. Facing an ever-growing expansion of the number of treaties dealing with the internal affairs of societies, solutions must be found. The problem is being illustrated by France's withdrawal from NATO, Senegal's withdrawal from the Geneva Conventions on the Law of the Sea, the dispute related to the question of the use of nuclear energy in Germany, the judgement of the ICJ in the Gabcíkovo-Nagymaros case, the question of the compatibility of drug consumption rooms with UN anti-drug conventions, the dispute settlement award in the Aminoil case and last not least the denunciation of the ABM treaty by the US. Realigning the interpretation of the law of treaties to the democratic principle is one way to deal with the problem. Interpretation of treaties should take into account the democratic principle. Internal law controlling the executive has to be complied with where conclusion of treaties is concerned. And treaties dealing with "internal affairs" can be considered to contain an implicit right of withdrawal or denunciation. The proper solution lies in respecting the democratic principle when drafting treaties, though. Clauses of revision, clauses allowing for experiments and clauses of denunciation or withdrawal help shaping a contractual relationship that can take into account changes of the political will. Last not least, a right of revision is recommended de lege ferenda, combined with a subsidiary right of denunciation or withdrawal. Such a mechanism allows for introducing new normative solutions and for validating the on-going legitimation of existing treaty rules. (See also the English summary at the end of the thesis.)