Made available in DSpace on 2016-12-23T14:33:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 dissertacao completa de Thiago Dias bloqueado.pdf: 1982337 bytes, checksum: ac72cb12412bdf69b440df2515085143 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-07-01 / The respective work has as prism to analyze a series of testimonies given by military officers who participated in the political events in Brazil that culminated on the 31st of March of 1964. The deponents had a relevant role during the 21 years of the military government. The goal of the analysis concentrates on notes that exhibit throughout the testimonies, the resentments that the men in uniform exposed in their words. Resentments intensified mostly in the anticommunism and in the bad reputation the military forces had before the society after the end of the regime. The work is structured in showing how it began in the Brazilian army the role of an institution that was supposed to practice a direct political participation in the country, besides seeing itself like the source of moral reserve of the nation and guardian of the precepts of patriotism and nationalism. Being this done to demonstrate that the intervention which occurred in 1964 was not a result of an immediacy or by foreign orders in collusion with the national capital, where the soldiers would be mere playthings. The intervention needs to be analyzed from an optics that realizes the motives and intentions that made the military forces deprive the president John Goulart from the power. Among the testimonies it will also be analyzed the question of the military officers memory regarding subjects directly connected to the period: the reason of the destitution of João Goulart, the repression to the opponents, the question of torture and other recurrent subjects to the analyzed period. Among the testimonies it will also be analyzed the question of the memory of the military officers regarding subjects directly connected to the period: the reason of deposing João Goulart, the repression to the opponents, the question of torture and other recurrent subjects to the analyzed period. The conclusion of the work will be originated from a direct analysis of the testimonies where it is exposed in an explicit or implicit way, the resentments of the military officers regarding the occurrences before and after the events of the 31st of March of 1964 / O respectivo trabalho tem como prisma analisar uma série de depoimentos dados por militares que participaram dos acontecimentos políticos no Brasil, que culminaram no 31 de março de 1964. Os depoentes tiveram um papel relevante durante os 21 anos de governo militar. A marca da análise fixa-se em apontamentos que mostrem dentro dos depoimentos os ressentimentos que os homens de farda expuseram em suas falas. Ressentimentos galgados principalmente no anticomunismo e na visão ruim que as forças armadas ficaram perante a sociedade após o fim do regime.O trabalho se estrutura mostrando como se iniciou no exército brasileiro o papel de uma instituição que deveria exercer uma participação política direta no país, além de se ver como a fonte da reserva moral da nação e guardiã dos preceitos de patriotismo e nacionalismo. Isso feito para mostrar que a intervenção ocorrida em 1964 não foi fruto de imediatismos ou por ordenação estrangeira em conluio com o capital nacional, onde os militares seriam meros joguetes. A intervenção precisa ser analisada a partir de uma ótica que perceba os motivos e intenções que fizeram as Forças Armadas destituírem do poder o presidente João Goulart. Dentro dos depoimentos também será analisada a questão da memória dos militares no tocante a assuntos estreitamente ligados ao período: o porquê da derrubada de João Goulart, a repressão aos opositores, a questão da tortura e outros assuntos recorrentes ao período analisado. O fechamento do trabalho vai dar-se a partir de uma análise direta nos depoimentos onde está exposto de maneira explícita ou implícita os ressentimentos dos militares no tocante aos ocorridos antes e após os acontecimentos do 31 de março de 1964

As sociedades ocidentais têm vivenciado processos difusos pelos quais, por um lado, institucionalizam sistemas políticos democráticos, com a ampliação de uma gama de direitos individuais e sociais. Por outro lado, têm vivenciado o crescimento de processos de desestabilização referentes ao controle social, ancorados em fenômenos tais como o crescimento das formas de violência e de criminalidade. Esta ambivalência tem sido caracterizada pelo conceito de modernidade tardia. Neste quadro, o papel da polícia, instituição que emergiu ligada à expansão do poder do Estado, de manter a ordem, garantir a segurança das cidades e lutar contras as formas de delinquência, tem sido foco de críticas, notadamente no que se refere à questão do uso da força. O clássico modelo educativo dado aos policiais – notadamente aos policiais militares – passa a ser alvo frequente de análises que apregoam a necessidade da construção de um novo perfil profissional. Modelo que auxilie as instituições policiais a superarem os padrões militarizados, hierárquicos, ligados a uma postura combativa e focada no crime. Não obstante, a formação dos policiais tem transcorrido, de forma recorrente, dentro das corporações policiais, caracterizadas pela existência de padrões de conduta disciplinares que mantém uma conformação específica de educação, bem como consolida mecanismos formativos muito diferentes daqueles preconizados pelos críticos. Este emaranhado de elementos que perpassam os processos formativos de policiais militares (brasileiros e paraguaios) conforma um campo de saberes/poderes que delimitam os embates travados em torno da formação dos policiais. / The Western societies have experienced diffused processes by which, on the one hand, institutionalize democratic political systems, with the expansion of several individual and social rights. On the other hand, they have experienced the development of destabilization processes concerning the social control, based on phenomena such as the development of forms of violence and crime. This ambivalence has been characterized by the concept of late modernity. In this context, the police role, an institution that emerged related to the expansion of State power, is to keep the order, ensure safety of cities and fight against forms of delinquency, but this has been a focus of criticism, especially regarding the issue of the use of force. The classical model of education, given to the policemen, especially the military police, becomes a frequent target of analyses that proclaim the necessity to establish a new professional profile. A model that assists the police authorities to overcome the militarized, hierarchical patterns, which are associated to a combative attitude and focused on crime. Nevertheless, the training of police has passed on a recurring basis, inside the police companies, characterized by the existence of disciplinary standards of conduction that maintains a conformation-specific education, training and consolidating very different mechanisms from those recommended by the critics. This mixing of elements that run through the training processes for police officers (Brazilian and Paraguayan) forms a field of knowledge/power that surrounds the difficulties lived by the policemen concerning their training.

Submitted by Silvana Teresinha Dornelles Studzinski (sstudzinski) on 2016-08-23T15:45:47Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Marcus Vinícius Barbosa_.pdf: 1271530 bytes, checksum: b7a4670bae2abb67f66b5e64c2998a13 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-23T15:45:47Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Marcus Vinícius Barbosa_.pdf: 1271530 bytes, checksum: b7a4670bae2abb67f66b5e64c2998a13 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-06-21 / CNPQ – Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / A presente dissertação analisa a construção do projeto político do regime militar chileno, durante o período de 1974 a 1990, através do discurso da oficialidade do exército contido nas páginas do órgão oficial da instituição, a revista Memorial del Ejército de Chile. Busca-se compreender em que medida esse discurso pode ser vinculado a uma determinada cultura política presente no cenário público chileno antes mesmo do golpe de Estado de 11 de setembro de 1973. Pretende-se, ainda, dimensionar a atividade docente da oficialidade, tratando de apresentar, ainda que de maneira parcial, a formação dos autores em institutos militares, procurando relacionar as atividades no exterior com o contexto encontrado no interior do país andino. Objetiva-se a apresentação do projeto refundacional, baseado em uma determinada visão sobre o marxismo e a política, uma leitura sobre a identidade nacional e a tentativa de construção de uma nova institucionalidade, embasada em uma “herança portaliana” do século XIX, na contrapartida da democracia liberal adotada em 1932. De uma maneira geral, busca-se compreender em que medida o discurso da oficialidade, contido em o Memorial del Ejército de Chile, configurou-se como retórica auxiliar da narrativa construída desde a alta cúpula da Junta de Gobierno. / This thesis analyzes the construction of the Chilean military regime's political project during the period of 1974-1990. This analysis is centered in army officers' discourse as published in the journal Memorial del Ejército de Chile, official organ of that institution. The goal was to ascertain whether this discourse could be linked to a political culture that was present in the Chilean public sphere even before the coup d'état of September 11, 1973. A secondary goal was to study officers' teaching activities by, although in partial way, addressing authors' training in military institutes, and by examining the connections between activities that took place during this period both outside and inside the Andean nation. The aim was to describe a re-foundational project that was based on a specific understanding of Marxism and politics. A project that derived from a distinct reading of national identity, and from an attempt to construct new institutions which were to be based on a nineteenth-century 'portaliana' heritage, in opposition to liberal democracy, which was adopted in 1932. In general terms, the goal of this research is to understand to which extent military officers' discourse, as published in Memorial del Ejército de Chile, became an auxiliary rhetoric to the foundational narrative that was constructed by the high summit of the Junta de Gobierno.

This dissertation is a case study of the New Orleans Police Department and identified factors that affected the retention of law enforcement officers post-Hurricane Katrina. The NOPD was chosen because the agency was an extreme case and experienced the unprecedented separation of over 300 officers during and post- Hurricane Katrina. The variables examined included tenure, age, salary, education, and job satisfaction, as well as, race, sex, marital status, and New Orleans residency. This research is significant because in a time of decreasing budgets and increased cost to replace employees, where skills are scarce and knowledge is important, recruitment is costly, and it takes time to fill vacancies, turnover can be problematic (Loquercio, 2006). Hurricane Katrina was an unprecedented catastrophic disaster unlike any event experienced by a local police department. The impact accelerated the attrition of New Orleans Police Department officers at a time when the agency and community needed them the most. In addition to normal retention challenges experienced by law enforcement, post-Hurricane Katrina, the New Orleans Police Department experienced separation of almost a fourth of its agency post-Hurricane Katrina. This was very problematic and forced the department to operate severely short-staffed at a time when the department was trying to provide essential services to the community and recover from the storm’s affect at the same time. This dissertation explored some of the causes of attrition, examined the attrition of the NOPD pre-and post-Hurricane Katrina, and reasons most officers stayed. It was important to identify lessons learned from an agency and officers who experienced a disaster and unprecedented attrition of officers first hand. The consequences of such significant attrition will take years to overcome, especially in light of the New Orleans Police Department’s pre-and post-Hurricane Katrina recruitment and retention challenges.

The study examined the perception of school resource officers (SROs) role in a school setting, the training they received prior to working in a school setting, their interaction with students, and their relationship with school administration, staff, and school social workers. Previous studies discussed SROs’ roles to be ambiguous and their primary focus of a school resource officer to maintain school safety, while other studies discussed the criminalization in schools due to the placement of law enforcement in the school settings. The study employed a qualitative design with face-to-face interviews with seven participants who serve or have served as a SRO's in a public school, grades kindergarten through twelfth grade. The study found that SROs knew their roles very well and did not feel their role was ambiguous. The study also revealed that and that school administrators might cause issues if they did not fully understand the role and limitations of the SRO’s. Another finding of the study was that SRO’s roles do not collide with school social workers (SSWs). Based on the findings of the study, we recommend that school administrators and staff work on understanding the role of SROs to better work with the students they serve. The study findings also encourage SROs, SSWs and school administrators to work collaboratively to better serve students on campus effectively and work with better understanding each disciplines knowledge.

Organizations, including the military and their managers, have used transformational leadership for over 30 years to increase job satisfaction. The purpose of this correlation research study was to determine whether a relationship existed between transformational leadership and job satisfaction among retired Army noncommissioned officers who had rejoined the military workforce in South Korea. The research question was grounded in a synthesis of theories concerning transformational leadership and job satisfaction. The Multifactor Leadership Questionnaire (MLQ5X), the Job Descriptive Index (JDI), and Job in General (JIG) scales were used to gather data from 141 participants. Univariate analyses were used to document that MLQ5X transformational leadership subscale scores were high among the participants, and that they were satisfied with their jobs along all JDI/JIG subscales, except opportunity for promotion. Linear regression analysis and the chi-square test of independence were used to test associations between MLQ5X and JDI/JIG scores. The results from the linear regression indicated no significant relationship existed between transformational leadership and job satisfaction. To compensate for violations of parametric assumptions, a chi-square test was conducted with MLQ5X and JDI/JIG scores recoded into high/low transformational leadership and 3 levels of satisfaction (dissatisfied, undecided, satisfied). A significant association between transformational leadership and job satisfaction was observed. The combined results contributed to the conclusion that transformational leadership can contribute to job satisfaction, but that it can also lead to dissatisfaction if organizational conditions do not support the approach. The study contributes to positive social change by inform planning to improve higher morale and increased productivity among soldiers.

This thesis examines professional supervision practice under new public management from the perspectives of probation officers and service managers in the Community Probation Service. In particular, the research explores the participants’ philosophy of professional supervision, their recent supervision experiences, and their aspirations and expectations with regard to professional supervision. In order to provide a background for an informed analysis and discussion of the research findings, the thesis discusses the key themes in the social service supervision and new public management literature. It also examines the Community Probation Service’s context and the history of new public management and professional supervision in this organisation. The thesis is a qualitative study that is informed by social work practice theory and utilises the phenomenological and hermeneutic approaches. The research findings show that amongst the participants there was: (a) an unclear philosophy of supervision; (b) minimal recent experience of supervision and little ownership or support for the agency supervision project; (c) a belief that the context increased their need for supervision, but at the same time reduced their ability to receive or participate in it; (d) an expectation that professional supervision would assist them to work more effectively with clients and staff; (e) an expectation of good committed supervisors who would support and help them develop; and (f) an expectation that the agency would support professional supervision through resourcing, guidelines, accredited supervisors and the establishment of a learning culture. The major implications of these findings are that: (1) there is a need for staff to be socialised into professional social service supervision; (2) that the professional supervision programme within the Community Probation Service, as currently implemented, is unlikely to be successful; and (3) that professional social service supervision needs to be focused upon persons and their environments, rather than upon the agency.

Between 1870 and 1901, seventeen officers from the British army were appointed by the governments of the Australian colonies and New Zealand as commanders of their colonial military forces. There has been considerable speculation about the roles of these officers as imperial agents, developing colonial forces as a wartime reserve to imperial forces, but little in depth research. This thesis examines the role of the imperial commandants with an embryonic system of imperial defence and their contribution to the development of the colonial military forces. It is therefore a topic in British imperial history as much as Australian and New Zealand military history. British officers were appointed by colonial governments to overcome a shortfall in professional military expertise but increasingly came to be viewed by successive British administrations as a means of fulfilling an imperial defence agenda. The commandants as ???men-on-the-spot???, however, viewed themselves as independent reformers and got offside with both the imperial and colonial governments. This fact reveals that the commandants occupied a difficult position between the aspirations of London and the reality of the colonies. They certainly brought an imperial perspective to their commands and looked forward to the colonies playing a role on the imperial stage but generally did so in terms of a personal agenda rather than one set by London. This assessment is best demonstrated in the commandants??? independent stance at the outset of the South African War. The practice of appointing British commandants in Australasia was fraught with problems because of an inherent conflict in the goals of the commandants and their colonial governments. It resembles the Canadian experience of the British officers which reveals that the system of imperials military appointments as a whole was flawed. The problem remained that until a sufficient number of colonial officers had the prerequisite professional expertise for high command there was no alternative. The commandants were therefore the beginning rather than the end of a traditional reliance upon British military expertise. The lasting legacy of the commandants for the military forces of Australia and New Zealand was the development of colonial officers, transference of British military traditions, and the encouragement of a colonial military identity premised on the expectation of future participation in defence of the empire. The study provides a major revision to the existing historiography of imperial officers in the colonies, one which concludes that far from being ???imperial agents??? they were largely marching to their own drum.

This thesis sets out to examine the proposition that Air Marshal Sir George Jones??? time as Chief of the Air Staff (CAS) of the Royal Australian Air force (RAAF) was both beneficial and detrimental to the Service but the benefits gained from his time in office outweighed the detriment. Sir George Jones served as CAS for nearly ten years (1942 - 1952). This was the longest continuous appointment of a CAS to date. Jones was CAS for most of the Second World War and it was during that time that the two events for which he is most remembered occurred, viz the controversy surrounding his appointment and his ongoing conflict with the RAAF Operational Commander (W.D. Bostock). In order to assess his impact on the RAAF, this thesis describes events and incidents that occurred while Jones was CAS. To compile this work, data was drawn from numerous sources including: interviews with family members and ex-RAAF personnel; official records maintained by the National Archives of Australia (NAA), the RAAF Historical Section and the RAAF Museum; Jones??? personal papers held by family members and the Australian War Memorial; and the papers of other RAAF officers and politicians held by the RAAF Museum and the National Library of Australia (NLA). Jones wrote a brief autobiography, which (together with other secondary sources) was used to ???fill in the gaps.??? This research shows that Jones??? time as CAS was far more eventful and filled with more conflict than he alludes to in his autobiography. He had no say in his appointment as CAS but his personality did not allow him to make the best of the situation with Bostock. Contrary to the views expressed in earlier works, Jones??? appointment was not a mistake but a deliberate move by the Minister for Air. The conclusion reached is that Jones??? time in office was beneficial to the RAAF. He presided over its growth to being the world???s fourth largest air force at the end of the Second World War. He oversaw its post war demobilisation and was responsible for planning the Service???s structure to meet the Australian Government???s needs during the early years of the Cold War.

In 1985 Richard Preston identified three Royal Navy (RN) traditions (recruitment of officers at an early age, selection of officers from an elite social group, and insistence on sea service) which had shaped the Royal Canadian Navy (RCN). These traditions, he argued, ensured a high level of professionalism amongst officers in the infant RCN, as well as complete interoperability between the two navies, but failed to recognise the distinct needs of Canadian society. Consequently, from the Second World War onwards the RCN chose to move away from the British model and to ???Canadianise??? its officer corps. The Royal Australian Navy (RAN) also adopted these traditions, and they are examined here in the context of the social backgrounds, development and character of the permanent executive branch officers of the RAN between 1913 and 1950. This thesis argues that while the British model ensured a high level of professionalism within the RAN officer corps, in many other areas the system proved to be of doubtful utility for Australia. Although the Australian government tried to ensure that its naval officers maintained an Australian character and identity, the selection, training and operational policies of the RAN meant that its officers were, to all intents and purposes, virtually indistinguishable from their RN colleagues. While RAN officers were highly disciplined and professional men with excellent seamanship skills, unfortunately a wide social gulf developed between the Navy???s officers and its sailors. Further, the essentially scientific and practical education and indoctrination that naval officers received in their early years, combined with their narrow professional development, meant that they were, at best, only average higher level administrators and often performed poorly in dealings with their Australian political masters. The system produced a conservative type of officer, suspicious of political activity and intellectual effort, bound to the tradition of ???the Silent Service???, who felt that his country did not understand his work or sacrifices but who had not the capacity to change such community perceptions. Lacking highly educated and politically aware senior officers, the RAN found it difficult to cope with social changes after the Second World War. Consequently, the ???Australianisation??? of the naval officer corps was a slow and painful process and the profession of naval officer in Australia was to be even more marginal than numbers alone dictated.