L’inventaire de la bibliothèque de l’avocat Julien Brodeau, dressé en 1658 à l’occasion du mariage de son fils Julien II, est un document exceptionnel pour plusieurs raisons : il est complet et il reflète le classement des livres dont les titres sont renseignés avec une précision suffisante pour permettre l’identification de la plupart d’entre eux. Les quelque 6 000 volumes qui constituent la bibliothèque de Brodeau représentent une mine d’informations dont l’exploitation a nécessité l’élaboration d’outils adaptés. Afin de pouvoir mesurer la bibliothèque par son contenu et d’opérer des calculs croisés avec d’autres données, il a été notamment nécessaire d’adopter un système de classement suffisamment proche de celui de la bibliothèque pour ne pas le dénaturer. C’est la classification du libraire Brunet revue par l’historien et bibliothécaire Henri-Jean Martin qui a été utilisée. Les quelque 300 exemplaires qui ont été retrouvés de la bibliothèque de Brodeau ont montré que cette bibliothèque, bien qu’encyclopédique, était une bibliothèque d’étude. Moins soumise au phénomène de mode que les bibliothèques d’apparat, elle révèle un certain nombre d’options religieuses et politiques de son auteur. Nous avons retracé la vie de cette bibliothèque depuis son origine jusqu’à sa dispersion en 1698 à travers la vie de la famille Brodeau et son évolution sociale. Ceci a permis non seulement de déterminer les causes de sa dispersion mais de la situer dans la société parisienne de l’époque. Témoin de l’esprit d’ouverture de son auteur, la bibliothèque de Brodeau était un objet partagé par des érudits d’opinions diverses au service de la science juridique héritée des humanistes. / The inventory of the library of the lawyer Julien Brodeau, drawn up in 1658 on the occasion of the marriage of his son Julien II, is an exceptional document for two main reasons : it is complete and it reflects the classification of books whose titles are described with sufficient precision to allow the identification of most of them. The approximately 6,000 volumes that make up the Brodeau’s library represent a wealth of information that has required the development of appropriate tools. In order to measure the library’s content and to perform cross-calculations with other data, it was necessary to adopt a classification system sufficiently close to that of the library so as not to distort it. We have used the classification of the bookseller Brunet reviewed by the historian and librarian Henri-Jean Martin. The approximately 300 books that were found from the Brodeau’s library showed that this library, although encyclopaedic, was a library of study. Less subject to the fashion phenomenon than the state libraries, it reveals a number of religious and political options of its author. We have painted the life of this library from its origin until its scattering in 1698 through the life of the Brodeau family and its social evolution. This allowed not only to determine the causes of its scattering but to situate it in the Parisian society of the time. Sign of openness of mind of its author, the Brodeau’s library was an object shared by scholars of different persuasions in order to serve the legal science inherited from the humanists.

En 1668, Louis XIV établit un conseil souverain à Tournai afin de favoriser le retour de la paix au sein des territoires annexés. Promettant originellement de conserver les usages et particularismes locaux, le monarque souhaite progressivement assimiler la cour souveraine, devenue parlement en 1686, au modèle français. L’approche envisagée permettra une réflexion sur l’histoire du ministère public flamand sous le prisme de l’un de ses « hommes », Ladislas de Baralle, procureur général de 1691 à 1714. Si l’exceptionnelle longévité de sa carrière justifie le choix de cette figure marquante, cette étude s’étend au-delà d’un simple projet prosopographique. L’activité du procureur général s’inscrit en effet au coeur d’une période de bouleversements historiques en Flandre. Ladislas de Baralle, représentant du monarque et garant de l’interprétation des textes royaux, n’en reste pas moins un fervent défenseur de la coutume héritée des Pays-Bas qu’il tente d’appliquer dans un souci d’apaisement. / The 17th and 18th centuries appear as a period of conquests and territorial changes in Europe, particularly in Flanders. In 1668, the southern part of the former Spanish Low Countries are attached to the French crown. To bring peace back in the province, Louis XIV decided to create a court for the newly conquered territories, the conseil souverain of Tournai. This sovereign court replaced the former councils of Flanders and Mons and the Great Council of Malines to judge in appeal the cases brought before the courts of the annexed territories. In 1686, the institution obtained the title of parlement to be definitely assimilated. During its first years of existence, the parlement of Flanders had to assert its particularities. Indeed, when Louis XIV created the court, he promised to keep the Flemish customs and privileges. He therefore appointed local jurists who knew them. In 1691, Ladislas de Baralle became General Procurator. He had one of the longest careers, twenty-three years of office. If today the prosecutor’s function mainly applies to litigation, his role during Ancien Régime was much larger. He embodied the King’s prerogatives and ensured the enforcement of royal legislation in the parlement’s jurisdiction. In spite of his promises, Louis XIV tried progressively to enforce “French” law and procedure in the realm while Flanders asserted its particular Coutumes and privileges. Born in Flanders but representing Louis XIV, how could Baralle balance both roles ?

"Le roi en son duché" : en faisant référence, par analogie, à la célèbre formule du XIIIe siècle selon laquelle "le roi de France est empereur de son royaume", cette étude veut clairement identifier les éléments de la "présence" royale en Bretagne durant ce que l'historiographie appelle "l'âge d'or capétien". Elle vise également à apprécier l'intégration dela principauté bretonne et de son aristocratie dans le royaume de France, avant d'en proposer une traduction territoriale par le biais de l'approche cartographique. Le cas de la Bretagne est d'autant plus intéressant qu'elle subit de profonds bouleversements dynastiques au début du XIIIe siècle : elle passe de la domination plantagenêt à celle des Capétiens, avec l'arrivée de Pierre de Dreux sur le trône ducal en 1213. De manière plus générale, la réflexion menée vise à comprendre comment une principauté telle que la Bretagne s'insère dans le processus de construction de l'État royal patiemment mis en oeuvre par les souverains capétiens de Philippe Auguste à Charles IV. Celui-ci s'observe dans de nombreux domaines : judiciaire et juridictionnel, fiscal et monétaire, et enfin, militaire. Cette démarche passe par l'analyse du jeu des acteurs : les nobles et les ecclésiastiques bretons et non-bretons, le duc de Bretagne, le roi de France et ses officiers dont l'activité sur le territoire ducal est remarquable. Sur le plan territorial, la pesée de cette intégration permet d'établir une tripartition du duché entre un nord dont la proximité avec le pouvoir royal est importante ; une partie orientale quiprofite de sa proximité avec d'autres principautés du royaume pour nouer des liens solides, en particulier avec d'importants lignages angevins et poitevins ; enfin, un sud plus éloigné du pouvoir royal. / "The King in his Duchy": by referring, by analogy, to the famous 13th century formula according to which "the King of France is emperor of his kingdom", this study clearly seeks to identify the elements of the royal "presence" in Brittany during what historiography calls "the Capetian golden age". It also aims to assess the integration of the Brittany principality and its aristocracy into the Kingdom of France, before proposing a territorial translation using the cartographic approach. The case of Brittany is all the more interesting in that it underwent profound dynastic upheavals at the beginning of the 13th century: it went from plantagenet domination to that of the Capetians, with the arrival of Pierre de Dreux on the ducal throne in 1213. More generally, the reflection aims to understand how a principality such as Brittany fits into the process of building the Royal State patiently implemented by the Capetian sovereigns from Philippe Auguste to Charles IV. It can be observed in many areas : judicial and jurisdictional, fiscal and monetary, and finally, military. This approach is based on the analysis of the actors' game: the nobles and the breton and non-breton clergymen, the Duke of Brittany, the King of France and his officers whose activity on the ducal territory is remarkable. On the territorial level, the weight of this integration makes itpossible to establish a tripartition of the duchy between a north whose proximity to the royal power is important; an eastern part which takes advantage of its proximity with other principalities of the kingdom to forge solid links, in particular with important angevins and poitevins lineages ; finally, a south more distant from the royal power.

Diss.--Sozialwissenschaften--Universität Osnabrück. / Bibliogr. p. 217-227.

Thèse--Geneva. / Bibliography: p. [145]-149.

From 1589 to 1599, the relation between Henri IV and the Parlement of Paris was a tumultuous one. Some parlementaires associated with the Catholic League refused at first to recognize Henri of Navarre as their king. These magistrates met in Paris until April 1594. Meanwhile, their royalist colleagues congregated in Tours where, in March 1589, Henri III had transferred his sovereign court. From there, the royalist councillors helped Henri IV reconquer his realm. This, they did in spite of his religion, although they frequently asked him to convert to Catholicism. After the reunification of the two rival courts in April 1594, the parlementaires seemed to work as one and blocked the verification of numerous edicts presented by the king. Their opposition was so strong that it has led some historians to claim that it was endangering the State's survival. It slowly faded away after the verification of the Edict of Nantes in February 1599. In a pacified France, the conflicts between a king finally in control of his realm and his parlementaires became rare. The magistrates finally had confidence in the government which seemed to take adequate measures to stabilize France after more than thirty years of civil wars. / The difficult relationship between Henri IV and the Parlement of Paris between 1589 and 1599 was not created by the egoistic nature of the magistrates or their incompetence as claimed by numerous historians. If some of the Parlementaires--we will call them the "opportunists"--put their own interests before those of the realm, a majority of their colleagues had a very high idea of their political role within France, an idea based on centuries of relation between the kings of France and the Parlement as well as on the political role of the court as defined by theorists of the time. Confronted to a king they hardly knew, these "traditionalists", on whom this work will be centered, tried to make sure that the interests of the kingdom, its king and its inhabitants were protected. They would not give Henri IV's government the leeway it sought but would scrutinize and frequently block the edicts presented to them, and this until Henri IV proved that he could be trusted as the head of the realm.

This study provides an in-depth account of the practices of the Bordeaux parlement for the years 1714-26 as a background and prelude for an understanding of Montesquieu's political theory. The first chapter demonstrates that the discipline of jurisprudence in early eighteenth century France was in a state of transition and was to a large degree unreflective of new political realities. The discipline did not offer the intellectual resources needed to construct a compelling account of contemporary developments in the growth of the state and of its tools. In contrast, it is shown in chapters two and three that the magistrates of the Bordeaux parlement rejected standard principles of Roman law, constitutionalism and patriarchalism and fashioned their own particular form of political argument. This new form of argument, called 'associational discourse' by the author, has significant resonance in the work of Montesquieu. Chapter four shows how this theoretical disposition was developed more fully in Montesquieu's early writings. Chapter five in turn shows how this was articulated in its fullest form in his major work, L'Esprit des lois (1748). Chapters six and seven show how this new form of political thinking was to have an important effect on Montesquieu's comprehensive theory of criminal justice. In conclusion, it is suggested that this early-modern form of associationalist thinking points to an alternative to liberalist and communitarian positions, by the consideration that governments should be concerned for the moral strength of subordinate associations in their communities, while not being fully responsible for the exact content of the beliefs fostered within them.

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Les historiens ont souvent interprété les relations entre le Parlement et la monarchie comme un combat qui devait amener à la Révolution. Par orgueil et égoïsme, le Parlement avait tenté de s’arroger les prérogatives royales. La réalité était bien plus complexe. Le Parlement n’était pas le bourreau de la monarchie. Il avait toujours cherché à l’aider dans ses choix, en lui montrant la voie qu’il trouvait la plus sage, au vu des circonstances et des enseignements du droit et de l’histoire. L’étude institutionnelle des rouages de la cour, la mise en perspective des revenus des conseillers à travers les épices et l’analyse de la recherche d’une justification de sa fonction à travers l’histoire, montrent le rôle de la cour dans l’évolution du XVIIIe siècle. / The fight between the crown and the Parlement of Paris has been seen as the origins of the French Revolution. The Parlement was guilty of trying to usurp the power of the King. In fact, the comprehension of the XVIIIth Century is more problematic because the Parlement of Paris had never been the executioner of the monarchy. The judges had tried to help the King in the making of the laws. The institutional study of the mechanisms of the Parlement, the analysis of the fees of the judges and of the theoretical justifications of the Parlement show the real place of the court in the evolution of the century.