Submitted by admin tede (tede@pucgoias.edu.br) on 2018-04-11T14:04:36Z No. of bitstreams: 1 HAMILTON CASTRO DA SILVA.pdf: 1323368 bytes, checksum: 488dbbec295ae1d1acec471993abe009 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-04-11T14:04:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 HAMILTON CASTRO DA SILVA.pdf: 1323368 bytes, checksum: 488dbbec295ae1d1acec471993abe009 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-12-15 / This dissertation was carried out with the objective of presenting the sociohistorical environment of Palestine in the first century, in which Jesus of Nazareth lived, in order to perceive its impacts on the praxis of Jesus, specifically in relation to Roman taxation. We will observe the dominant elites, represented by the Roman Empire, by the family of Herod and by the high priests of the Temple in Jerusalem. These elites, through a system of patronage, exerted a strong economic domination by means of a high tax burden on the peasants. With this, they produced, within the peasantry environment, great indebtedness, loss of property and the destruction of the family. The research sought to demonstrate that historical Jesus is the result and a proposed solution to a situation of economic exploitation in rural villages and towns of Palestine in the first century. The dissertation seeks to present the reaction of Jesus of Nazareth to Roman taxes, analyzing the text of Mark 12: 13-17, specifically the saying of Jesus in v. 17, which states: "Return to Caesar the things of Caesar and to God the things of God." The research shows that this saying indicates that Jesus took a critical stance regarding the payment of taxes to the Romans in favor of the removal of the Roman Empire coins from the lands of Israel. The research shows that the attitude of the historical Jesus against Roman taxes is motivated by a nationalistic and scriptural zeal based on the biblical statement in Leviticus 25:23: "The land [Israel] is mine, says the Lord." In this way, Jesus of Nazareth, guided by this nationalistic zeal, presents an ethical proposal based on biblical and apocalyptic traditions, confronting the tyrannical control and abuse of power by the Roman Empire, that is: The ethics of presenting a praxis of option for the little ones, surpassing the regimes of oppression and tyranny. / Esta dissertação foi realizada com o objetivo de apresentar o ambiente sóciohistórico da Palestina no século I, no qual viveu Jesus de Nazaré, a fim de perceber seus impactos nas práxis de Jesus, especificamente em relação à tributação romana. Observaremos as elites dominantes, representadas pelo Império Romano, pela família de Herodes e pelos sumos sacerdotes do Templo em Jerusalém. Estas elites, mediante um sistema de patronagem, exerciam forte dominação econômica por meio de uma alta carga tributária sobre os camponeses. Com isto, produziam, dentro do ambiente do campesinato, grande endividamento, perda das propriedades e desestruturação da família. A pesquisa procurou demonstrar que Jesus histórico é o resultado e uma proposta de solução para uma situação de exploração econômica nas aldeias rurais e vilas da Palestina no século I. A dissertação procura apresentar a reação de Jesus de Nazaré aos impostos romanos, analisando a perícope de Marcos 12,13-17, especificamente o dito de Jesus no v.17, que afirma: “Devolvei a César o que é de César e a Deus o que é de Deus”. A pesquisa mostra que este dito indica que Jesus assumiu uma postura crítica em relação ao pagamento de impostos aos romanos, em favor da remoção das moedas do Império Romano das terras de Israel. A pesquisa apresenta que a atitude do Jesus histórico contra os impostos romanos é motivada por um zelo nacionalista e escriturístico, fundamentado na afirmação bíblica em Levítico 25,23: “ A terra [Israel] é minha: diz o Senhor”. Dessa maneira, Jesus de Nazaré, orientado por este zelo nacionalista, apresenta uma proposta ética pautada nas tradições bíblicas e na apocalíptica, confrontando o controle tirano e o abuso de poder por parte do Império Romano, ou seja: A ética de apresentar uma práxis de opção pelos pequenos, ultrapassando os regimes de opressão e tirania.

Made available in DSpace on 2017-05-12T14:42:31Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ivanildo Vieira Lima.pdf: 6405226 bytes, checksum: e5871974e7aeecf7fb31c1401e13e3db (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-10-26 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / In that research we analyzed resistance peasant's forms, we left of the presupposition that besides the fights in the social movements the peasants develop other resistance forms to guarantee its existence in an adverse system as the capitalism. Resultant of the experiences in the fight for the earth, the seated peasants have been trying to organize the production in the establishments in mutirões, cooperatives, collective groups, etc. It has also been trying to implement a subsistence agriculture and autoconsumo for warranty of its own existence, looking for like this, to alleviate the subordination that the domain of the capitalist rules imposes it. This production gone back to the autoconsumption and subsistence is verified in the establishment Pedro Ramalho in Mundo Novo-MS as a resistance strategy to guarantee its existence while class peasant. However, in that study we tried to demonstrate that the peasants have been looking for to cultivate species that allow a flexibility, that is to say, a production that can be destined to the market and still to be addressed for the consumption. Being the autoconsumo production a genuine activity of the peasant and it is part of the essence of this I subject. This autoconsumption production is still today fundamental element in the reproduction and resistance peasant to the impositions of the capitalist system. This flexibility between the autoconsumo and subsistence is very strong in the rural establishments of agrarian reform, as it is the case of the establishment Pedro Ramalho in Mundo Novo/MS. / Nessa pesquisa analisamos as formas de resistência camponesa, partimos do pressuposto que além das lutas nos movimentos sociais, os camponeses desenvolvem outras formas de resistência para garantir a sua existência num sistema adverso como o capitalismo. Resultante das experiências na luta pela terra, os camponeses assentados têm procurado organizar a produção nos assentamentos em mutirões, cooperativas, grupos coletivos, etc. Tem também procurado implementar uma agricultura de subsistência e autoconsumo para garantia de sua existência, buscando assim, aliviar a subordinação que o domínio das regras capitalistas lhe impõe. Esta produção voltada para o autoconsumo e subsistência é verificada no assentamento Pedro Ramalho em Mundo Novo - MS como uma estratégia de resistência para garantir a sua existência enquanto classe camponesa. Nesse estudo procuramos demonstrar que os camponeses têm buscado cultivar espécies que permitem uma flexibilidade, ou seja, uma produção que pode ser destinada ao mercado e ainda ser direcionada para o consumo, sendo a produção de autoconsumo uma atividade genuína do campesinato e fazendo parte da essência deste sujeito. Ainda hoje esta produção de autoconsumo é elemento fundamental na reprodução e resistência camponesa às imposições do sistema capitalista. Esta flexibilidade entre o autoconsumo e subsistência é muito forte nos assentamentos rurais de reforma agrária, como é o caso do assentamento Pedro Ramalho em Mundo Novo/MS.

Orientador: Bernardo Mançano Fernandes / Resumo: Há políticas agrárias que fomentam a territorialização do agronegócio nacional e internacional através de megaprojetos, que com uso intensivo de insumos químicos produzem em grande escala para exportação. Estes grandes projetos impactam os territórios das populações locais, ampliando as desigualdades com a expropriação dos agricultores familiares que são submetidos à proletarização precarizada. E há políticas agrárias que fomentam a territorialização da agricultura familiar e camponesa através de projetos de assentamentos e de fortalecimento da agricultura local. Ainda há a luta pela terra que resiste aos processos de subordinação e desterritorialização, procurando minimizar as desigualdades. Nesta pesquisa, estudamos um exemplo desta resistência camponesa na Chapada do Apodi, no estado do Ceará, polo da fruticultura irrigada para exportação com aporte estratégico de políticas do Estado para o agronegócio. Nosso objetivo é analisar os desafios da territorialização e da resistência de camponeses irrigantes na Chapada do Apodi, por meio de restrições pelo Estado à Política Nacional de Irrigação ao campesinato. Mesmo em condições de negação aos meios de produção: terra e água, os camponeses constroem, apesar destas adversidades, diversas experiências de luta pela terra para produção com foco na transição agroecológica. A partir do debate paradigmático, analisamos o agroextrativismo como modelo de exploração do agronegócio e utilizamos do procedimento de vivência em campo para re... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: There are agrarian policies that foster the territorialization of national and international agribusiness through mega-projects, which with intensive use of chemical inputs produce on a large scale for export. These large projects impact the territories of local populations, widening inequalities with the expropriation of family farmers who are subjected to precarious proletarianization. And there are agrarian policies that foster the territorialization of family and peasant agriculture through settlement projects and the strengthening of local agriculture. There is still the struggle for land that resists the processes of subordination and deterritorialization, seeking to minimize inequalities. In this research, we studied an example of this peasant resistance in the Chapada do Apodi, in the state of Ceará, a pole of irrigated fruit production for export with a strategic contribution of State policies for agribusiness. Our objective is to analyze the challenges of territorialization and resistance of irrigating peasants in the Chapada do Apodi, through restrictions by the State to the National Policy of Irrigation to the peasantry. Even in conditions of the negation of the means of production: land and water, the peasants, build, despite these adversities, diverse experiences of the struggle for land for production with a focus on the agroecological transition. From the paradigmatic debate, we analyze agroextractivism as a model of agribusiness exploration and use the field ... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Resumen: Hay políticas agrarias que fomentan la territorialización del agronegocio nacional e internacional a través de megaproyectos, que con uso intensivo de insumos químicos producen a gran escala para exportación. Estos megas proyectos impactan los territorios de las poblaciones locales, ampliando las desigualdades con la expropiación de los agricultores familiares que son sometidos a la proletarización precarizada. Y hay políticas agrarias que fomentan la territorialización de la agricultura familiar y campesina a través de proyectos de asentamientos y de fortalecimiento de la agricultura local. Todavía hay la lucha por la tierra que resiste a los procesos de subordinación y desterritorialización, procurando minimizar las desigualdades. En esta investigación, estudiamos un ejemplo de esta resistencia campesina en la Chapada del Apodi en el estado de Ceará, polo de la fruticultura irrigada para exportación con aporte estratégico de políticas del Estado para el agronegocio. Nuestro objetivo es analizar los desafíos de la territorialización y de la resistencia de campesinos irrigantes en la Chapada del Apodi, por medio de restricciones por el Estado a la Política Nacional de Riego al campesinado. Incluso en condiciones de negación a los medios de producción: tierra y agua, los campesinos vienen construyendo, a pesar de estas adversidades, diversas experiencias de lucha por la tierra para producción con foco en la transición agroecológica. A partir del debate paradigmático, analizamo... (Resumen completo clicar acceso eletrônico abajo) / Mestre

Compte tenu de la structuration de l'ordre global et de l'affaiblissement des États des nations pauvres, les dynamiques de construction d'un modèle de développement intégrateur doivent nécessairement se mettre en place au niveau local. Toutefois, vu que ce dernier ne constitue pas le lieu naturel du processus de transformation socio-économique méliorative, les acteurs locaux sont alors amenés à produire un ordre local de mouvement social susceptible de les réunir, de les associer, de les encadrer et de les orienter dans leur quête de développement. Il est néanmoins évident que cet ordre local de mouvement social, outre la simple association des individus concernés, suppose une autre condition. Celle-ci n'est autre que la mise en œuvre d'un dispositif d'apprentissage organisationnel, c'est-à-dire un mécanisme de fabrication collective de savoirs, de savoir-faire et de savoir être au sein d'une structure organisée. Ainsi, ce processus d'apprentissage collectif s'effectuant dans l'organisation locale, en tant qu'instrument d'identification, de définition, de coordination et de régulation des préférences collectives et de mobilisation des stratégies économique, socio-culturelle et politique innovantes des acteurs locaux, constitue la condition de possibilité principale pour la dynamique de construction du développement local ou d'un nouvel ordre territorial. Cette thèse montre donc pourquoi et comment des paysans d'une localité haïtienne, Belle-Fontaine, s'organisent, mettent en place, avec l'appui de certaines organisations non gouvernementales, un dispositif d'apprentissage collectif et participent à la construction d'un modèle spécifique de développement territorial. Fritz DORVILIER, né aux Gonaïves, Haïti, a obtenu un Certificat de fin d'études en Droit (École de Droit et des Sciences économiques des Gonaïves, 1999). Il est licencié en Sociologie (Université d'État d'Haïti, Faculté des Sciences Humaines, 2000). Il est détenteur d'un Diplôme Post-Gradué en Population et Développement (Université d'État d'Haïti/Fonds des Nations Unies pour la Population, 2001). Il est titulaire d'un Diplôme d'Études Approfondies en Études du Développement (Développement, Environnement et Sociétés) de l'Université Catholique de Louvain, 2003. Il est professeur à l'Université d'État d'Haïti depuis 2003. / In view of the world order, the weakening of poorer States, the dynamics of integrated development must be activated locally. However as this latter is not the place par excellence for socio-economic betterment, local actors must produce locally a social movement able to associate and organize them in view of their development. This localized social movement supposes more than mere regrouping: it requires organizational apprenticeship, i.e. the collective production of local knowledge, know how and simply being within an organization. This process taking place within a local structure fostering identity, coordination and selection of common options, mobilization of economic, socio-cultural and political innovations, presents itself as the primordial condition making for fresh local territorial ordering of things relevant to development. This thesis shows how the rural population of Belle Fontaine in Haiti, with help from NGOs, have built up a collective and participatory framework for apprenticeship aimed at locally rooted development. Fritz DORVILIER, born in Gonaïves, Haiti, obtained a diploma in Law from the School of Law and Economic sciences of Gonaïves in 1999 and a BA in sociology at the State University of Haiti in 2000. In 2001 he obtained the Postgraduate Diploma in Population and Development (financed by the UNFPA) at the same University and in 2003 a DEA in advanced development studies at the University of Louvain. Since then he is professor at the State University of Haiti. Resumen Teniendo en cuenta la estructuración del orden global y el debilitamiento de los estados de las naciones pobres, las dinámicas de construcción de un modelo de desarrollo integral deben implementarse, necesariamente, en el nivel local. No obstante, éste último no es por naturaleza el lugar del proceso de una transformación socio-económica progresiva; por ello, los actores locales son animados a producir un orden local de movimiento social, capaz de reunirlos y asociarlos, de facilitarles un marco y una orientación en su búsqueda del desarrollo. Sin embargo, es evidente que este orden local del movimiento social, además de la simple asociación de los individuos interesados, implica otra condición: la constitución de un dispositivo de aprendizaje organizativo, es decir, un mecanismo de fabricación de saber colectivo, de prácticas y sentidos en el seno de una organización. En tanto que instrumento de identificación, definición, coordinación y regulación de las preferencias colectivas y de movilización de las innovadoras estrategias económicas, socio-culturales y políticas de los actores locales, este proceso de aprendizaje colectivo desarrollado en la organización local constituye la condición de posibilidad principal para la dinámica de construcción del desarrollo local o de un nuevo orden territorial. Esta tesis muestra porque y como los campesinos de una localidad haitiana, Belle-Fontaine, se organizan y ponen en práctica, con el apoyo de ciertas organizaciones no gubernamentales, un dispositivo de aprendizaje colectivo y participan en la construcción de un modelo específico de desarrollo territorial. Fritz DORVILIER, nació en Gonaïves, Haití, obtuvo un Certificado de fin de estudios en Derecho (Escuela de Derecho y Ciencias Económicas de Gonaïves, 1999). Es licenciado en Sociología (Universidad del Estado de Haití, Facultad de Humanidades, 2000). Posee un diploma de Estudios de Postgrado en Población y Desarrollo (Universidad del Estado de Haití/Fondo de Naciones Unidas para la Población, 2000). Obtuvo un Diploma de Estudios Aprofundidad en Estudios del Desarrollo (Desarrollo, Medio ambiente y Sociedades) en la Universidad Católica de Lovaina, 2003. Es profesor en la Universidad del Estado de Haití desde 2003.

Thesis--Basel. / Limited ed. of 500 copies. Includes bibliographical references (p. 154-160).

In 1990, ten years after the Sandinista revolution's triumph, came its end. What followed were anti-Sandinistas' attempts to erase Nicaragua's revolutionary past and Sandinistas' defense of that project and the party that represents it, the Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional (FSLN). For most Sandinistas, to publicly remember the revolution was a form of defense. Their memories were considered counter-hegemonic ones that reminded people that the past and the revolution's propositions still had value. However, Sandinistas' revolutionary narratives of the past are not free of problems and contradictions. The FSLN has popularized a Sandinista collective memory that idealizes the revolution. This is an indulgent memory that avoids talking about mistakes and problems. It is also a sentimental memory that links sandinismo to high morals and goodness and, in doing so, inhibits questioning the past and the present. This collective memory hinders discussions about other Sandinista memories, but, most importantly, it legitimizes problematic continuities in the way power is exerted; continuities which are not unique to sandinismo. This dissertation analyses how Sandinista peasants from a region in the old agrarian frontier of the country remember the revolution. In analyzing their memories one can see the ways in which the revolution is felt, the meaning of sandinismo among that population, and the kinds of political compromises they have to make today. Their memories show that the strength of the FSLN lies not only in economical or political interests, but also in the way the narratives of the past reaffirm attachments built over thirty years or more. While remembering the revolution's political ideals continues to be an important political statement and source of inspiration, constant critiques should be part of any memory work. To start with, memory work needs to acknowledge the constructed character of any memory, be those personal or collective, and the omissions that constitute them. To do so entail recognizing that memories are made of exclusions, repetitions, and forgetting and that the political work of memory not only never ends but involves the difficult task of questioning itself. / text

The purpose of this study was to analize the combined effects of the two agrarian reforms 1969 and 1980 on a peasant group in the Chicama valley - Peru. Until now Magdalena de Cao, a peasant group in Chicama valley had not been examined in light of the recent agrarian reforms and their effects on this peasant group. The data were collected mainly through informal interviews with minimum participant observation. Comparative information on lifestyles among the people representing all types of agrarian constituents were obtained as part of the data. Some questions, if not hypotheses, have been generated and raised. A census of 177 families or 870 individuals was obtained by this researcher alone. Magdalena de Cao, as a peasant group, provides an empirical case of independent peasants and their adaptive strategies to confront the challenge of social development. Their strife is not only relevant to Chicama valley, but also in the broader national picture. / Department of Anthropology

Rural society during the German National Socialist movement has been overlooked by most historians. Instead the urban elements are stressed. I have chosen to study the impact of National Socialism upon peasant families.Three major limitations exist for this project. First, only the peasant family itself is reviewed. Second, this project is concerned only with the years from 1925 through 1339. Third, this project limits its review to only that territory comprising Germany after World War I. This was done to allow for a more equal comparison of agricultural statistics.The construction of this project remains simple. Three major chapters exist. Chapter One reviews the Republic: its politics, economy, and the problems of the peasant family. The remaining chapters then review these problems as they were resolved by the National Socialists. Chapter Two reviews the family itself: family size, health, inheritance, and social status. Chapter Three reviews farm-management: production, mechanization, labor, and prosperity. Both chapters are divided into two parts: part one reviews the new policies; part two reviews the impact.The findings of this project were different than expected. I had expected to find minimum improvement in the condition of peasant families. Instead, I discovered that, in general, these policies failed in their objectives. The reasons for these failures differed. But much of the blame rests in faults of the laws themselves. Final results, however, were mixed. Farm-management improved slightly, but the family itself witnessed reduced health. The average family was not destitute, but neither did it prosper. / Department of History

Thesis--Basel. / Limited ed. of 500 copies. Includes bibliographical references (p. 154-160).

Submitted by Edinaldo Aparecido Santos de Lima (limasantos91@gmail.com) on 2018-11-19T20:27:07Z No. of bitstreams: 1 LIMA, Edinaldo Ap. Santos de._PREPARAR APONTAR FOTO -.pdf: 7888979 bytes, checksum: ebd63a727287e5f01325f8687e6bf03c (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Maria Luiza Carpi Semeghini (luiza@assis.unesp.br) on 2018-11-19T23:14:21Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 lima_eas_me_assis_int.pdf: 7888979 bytes, checksum: ebd63a727287e5f01325f8687e6bf03c (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-11-19T23:14:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 lima_eas_me_assis_int.pdf: 7888979 bytes, checksum: ebd63a727287e5f01325f8687e6bf03c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-09-27 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Gestado nas matas da Sierra Maestra, em meio aos conflitos entre rebeldes e a ditadura de Fulgencio Batista (1952-1958), o jornal Revolución dirigido por Carlos Franqui cumpria o papel de divulgar as conquistas e os ideais dos insurgentes. Com o triunfo da Revolução em 1959, o periódico deixou a clandestinidade e tornou-se um influente veículo de informação do período. Nele trabalharam vários profissionais entre os quais, fotógrafos cujos frutos de suas produções cooperaram na eternização da Revolução como um dos eventos significativos do século XX. Depois dessa virada histórica, os holofotes dos principais meios de comunicação do mundo passaram a dedicar maior atenção aos passos que seriam dados por aquele país. Logo nos primeiros meses, o jovem governo revolucionário encetou uma série de reformas em vários âmbitos da sociedade, sobretudo em regiões rurais onde predominaram durante décadas a pobreza e a ausência de serviços básicos como educação e saúde. Diante das lentes dos fotógrafos de Revolución, os camponeses cubanos passaram a ter suas condições de vida e seus rostos propagados por toda a Ilha, ao passo em que um imaginário sobre si era construído no intuito de sensibilizar, conscientizar e mobilizar a sociedade, principalmente dos centros urbanos, a participarem do processo de mudanças sociopolíticas do país. Porém, os resultados obtidos a partir da meticulosa análise quantitativa e qualitativa do montante de fotografias presentes tanto no jornal quanto no seu suplemento Campo de Revolución, organizadas e catalogadas mostraram que a moldagem desse imaginário não fora unívoca ou rígida, pois a realidade histórica vivida intensamente pelos cubanos nos primeiros três anos tornou-a flexível. Além disso, a metodologia empregada na análise das fotografias permitiu-nos discutir outros assuntos inerentes ao universo rural cubano. / Raised in the forests of the Sierra Maestra, amid conflicts between rebels and the dictatorship of Fulgencio Batista (1952-1958), the newspaper Revolución led by Carlos Franqui played the role of publicizing the achievements and ideals of the insurgents. With the triumph of the Revolution in 1959, the newspaper left the clandestine and became an influential vehicle of information of the period. In it worked several professionals among whom, photographers whose fruits of their productions cooperated in the eternalization of the Revolution like one of the significant events of century XX. After this historic turnaround, the spotlight of the world's mainstream media began to pay more attention to the steps that would be taken by that country. In the early months, the young revolutionary government embarked on a series of reforms in various areas of society, particularly in rural areas where poverty and lack of basic services such as education and health prevailed for decades. Faced with the lenses of the photographers of Revolución, the Cuban peasants began to have their living conditions and their faces propagated throughout the Island, while an imaginary about themselves was built in order to raise awareness, raise awareness and mobilize society, especially the urban centers to participate in the process of socio-political changes in the country. However, the results obtained from the meticulous quantitative and qualitative analysis of the amount of photographs present in both the newspaper and its Campo de Revolución supplement, organized and cataloged, showed that the molding of this imagery was not unequivocal or rigid, since the historical reality lived intensely by Cubans in the first three years made it flexible. In addition, the methodology used in the analysis of the photographs allowed us to discuss other subjects inherent to the Cuban rural universe.