No sertão de Ibiúna, São Paulo encontra-se uma população caipira cujos ascendestes firmaram posse há mais de duzentos anos. Esta ocupação possui uma relação intrínseca com a natureza, dela retira muito de que necessita para sua reprodução sociocultural. Com o movimento conservacionista, iniciado na década de setenta muitos desses lugares foram incorporados por Unidades de Conservação da Natureza, em todo país, fazendo com que as populações fossem cerceadas de acesso e uso dos recursos naturais em face das restrições legais impostas. No caso de Ibiúna esta condição levou a população caipira a ficar a margem da lei e ocasionando certo apartamento das atividades exercidas tradicionalmente, entre outros eventos, gerou a perda de traços culturais e de muito conhecimento ancestral, vez que não possuem registros de seus saberes, a transmissão ocorre de forma oral e através do saber-fazer. Corroborando com as perdas culturais tem-se a educação cuja função precípua é a reprodução da sociedade de classes, sendo a escola o veículo para atingir tal objetivo. A educação ofertada no meio rural não traz diferenças da escola urbana, nela são inculcados valores e transmitidas informações de maneira direta e também de modo subliminar que minorizam os conhecimentos e o modo de vida rústico, desvalorizando as diferenças culturais. No caso especifico do Parque Estadual do Jurupará, parte dos jovens tem anseios profissionais e pessoais na área urbana, já não valorizam os saberes dos mais velhos por estereotipia. O poder público deve desenvolver ações com vistas ao fortalecimento identitário desta população, através do resgate de saberes pelos motivos já expressados e também porque tais saberes foram elevados a patrimônio histórico cultural material e imaterial e arqueológico. / There is a peasant population in the backwoods of Ibiuna whose ancestors took possession more than two hundred years ago. People from this land occupation have a close relation ship with nature, taking from the nature much of their needs for their sociocultural reproduction. With the conservation movement, which began in the seventies, many of these places were incorporated by specialy protected areas in the whole country, causing people to have less access and use of natural resources in face of the legal restrictions imposed. In Ibiúna, São Paulo, Brasil; o scenario this condition led to the peasant population to stay outside the law and causing a certain isolation of some activities traditionally carried, among other events, led to the loss of cultural traits and a lot of ancient knowledge, once they do not have records of their knowledge, the transmission occurs both orally and through the know-how. Ratifying the cultural losses comes the education, whose primary function is to reproduce the class society, and the school is the means to achieve this goal.The education offered in rural areas does not bring differences from urban schools. At school values are indoctrinated and the information, that is directly or subliminally transmitted, reduces the knowledge and the rustic way of life and depreciates cultural differences. In the specific scenario of Parque Estadual do Jurupará, part of young people, that have personal and professional aspirations in the urban area, no longer value the knowledge of older people.The government in the state and local authorities should together develop actions aimed at strengthening the identity of this population through the recovering of knowledge for the reasons already expressed, and also, because such knowledge has been elevated to the historical and immaterial cultural and archaeological patrimony.

La thèse reconstruit d’une manière critique les actions organisatrices et les luttes que le Front Démocratique Paysan [Frente Democrático Campesino, FDC] a effectuées depuis 1985 dans l'Ouest du Chihuahua, au Mexique, pour résister à la nouvelle phase agro-exportatrice néolibérale de subordination de l'agriculture au capitalisme, comme une partie du processus de globalisation économique, dans le contexte de la transition à la démocratie au Mexique et des effets désorganisateurs de la modernisation. Elle analyse les différentes luttes du FDC contre l'ouverture commerciale, pour le prix de ses produits, contre la corruption et pour la démocratie, ainsi que la pédagogie de l'action et de construction de citoyenneté qu'il a menée à bien et ses relations internes et externes. Sa conclusion est que les luttes et les actions d'organisation économique et sociale du Front Démocratique Paysan, même convergeant et s’articulant avec celles d'autres organisations paysannes, n'ont pas réussi à construire une corrélation de forces qu'il leur permette de changer ou freiner le modèle agro-alimentaire global d’exploitation et d’exclusion imposé par le gouvernement fédéral au Mexique depuis 1983, bien qu'elles aient influé favorablement les processus de démocratisation et de construction de contre-pouvoirs au niveau local, dans la construction de citoyenneté et densification du social au niveau de leur région d'influence. / This thesis reconstructs the organizational actions and the fight that the Frente Democratico Campesino, Peasant’s Democratic Front the FDC have done since 1995 in the Western Region of Chihuahua, Mexico to resist the new neo-liberal agro-export phase of subordinating agriculture to capitalism as part of the globalization process in the context of the transition towards democracy in Mexico and the disorganizing effects of modernization. Analyzes the different fights of the FDC because of the different components of the productive process against commercial openings, the price of its products, fight against corruption and because of the democracy. Also, the teaching of the action and construction of the community that has been done, as well as its internal and external relationships. It concludes that the Fights, the economic and social organizational actions of the Peasant’s Democratic Front, be connected and unify with the ones of o! ther farming organizations have not achieved a connection of forces that allows them to change or stop the agri-food model imposed by the federal government in Mexico since 1983 even though they have influenced favorably in the democratization processes and the construction of counter powers at a local level, in the construction of community and social densification in its region of influence.

Orientador: Salvador Antônio Mireles Sandoval / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-18T14:13:47Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Costa_MariaCandidadeOliveira_D.pdf: 18699927 bytes, checksum: 91a33595feaf08779df105058a26e889 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / Resumo: O MPA - Movimento dos Pequenos Agricultores é um "movimento autônomo, de massa, organizado e dirigido pelos pequenos agricultores". As ações que promoveram o surgimento real do Movimento aconteceram no final do ano de 1995 e início de 1996, no Rio Grande do Sul. Hoje, no Brasil, o movimento encontra-se em 19 estados. Desde as suas origens, o MPA tem uma dinâmica e proposta clara de transformação da agricultura, caminhando, articulando e conduzindo suas lutas a partir de sua organização e de seus quadros de lideranças. Seu projeto político tem como objetivo modificar a situação da base por uma tomada de consciência de suas contradições. O objetivo deste estudo é observar e analisar de que forma esta sendo reproduzido o campesinato no estado do Espírito Santo (ES), bem como, está sendo desenvolvida a consciência política dos jovens no MPA-ES. Baseamo-nos nos estudiosos sobre campesinato, educação e juventude rural e na teoria de Salvador Sandoval (1989, 1994, 2001), para o estudo da consciência política. O estudo foi elaborado por meio do método etnográfico e história oral. Realizamos, também, entrevistas e questionários com jovens e líderes participantes do movimento. Como considerações finais entendemos que o MPA, desde seu surgimento até os dias atuais, através de suas formas de organização de base, de mobilização política, de formação de quadros militantes, vai se constituindo, em um agente de transformação social. A categoria campesinato, enquanto ator político, ativo, atuante, vem sendo reproduzido alicerçado em seus princípios básicos; a identidade camponesa vem sendo construída nos discursos e, principalmente, nas ações. Embasados nessa visão de mundo, os jovens e líderes do MPA-ES tem papel fundamental na perpetuação do campesinato permitindo, nesse movimento, a construção de um novo sujeito político dentro de uma categoria mais ampla do campesinato, que é a juventude camponesa. / Abstract: The MPA - Movimento dos Pequenos Agricultores (MSF - Movement of the Small Farmers) is an "independent mass movement, organized and headed for the small agriculturists". The actions that had promoted the real sprouting of the Movement had happened at the end of the year of 1995 and beginning of 1996, in the State of Rio Grande do Sul. Nowadays, in Brazil, the Movement takes place in 19 states. Since its origins, the MPA has a clear dynamic and proposal on agriculture transformation, articulating and leading its fight from its organization and its leadership's pictures. Its project politician has as objective to modify the situation of the base for a conscience taking of its contradictions. The objective of this study is to observe and to analyze the way peasantry is being reproduced in the State of the Espírito Santo (E.S.), as well as, how is being developed the politics conscience of the youth in the MPA-ES. We are based on the scholars on peasantry, education and agricultural youth and about Salvador Sandoval's theory (1989, 1994, 2001), for the study of the politics conscience. The study was elaborated taking into consideration ethnography method and oral history. We carry on, also, with questionnaires and interviews of youth and leaders who participate of the Movement. As final considerations we understand that the MPA, since its sprouting until the present time, through its organization form of base, politics mobilization, formation of militant pictures, constitutes in an social transformation agent. The category peasantry, while an active politician actor, has being reproduced based on its basic principles; peasant identity has being constructed in the speeches and, mainly, the in the actions. Based in this vision of world, the youth and leaders of the MPA-ES have build up a basic paper over the perpetuation of the peasantry allowing, in this Movement, the construction of a new politician citizen inside an ampler category of the peasantry, which is the youth peasant. / Doutorado / Educação, Sociedade, Politica e Cultura / Doutor em Educação

Orientador: Carlos Alberto Feliciano / Resumo: Esta tese é sobre os elementos que compõe a reprodução socioterritorial do campesinato. Tem como objetivo analisar as estratégias utilizadas por camponeses assentados para garantir a permanência da família no lote. Constitui-se como elemento basilar as reflexões acerca de conflitos e negociações intergeracionais entre camponeses e mediadores, que em diferentes escalas são elementos fundamentais para dar continuidade ao processo de reprodução socioterritorial nos assentamentos rurais. O recorte empírico da pesquisa é a região do Pontal do Paranapanema localizado no extremo oeste do Estado de São Paulo especificamente os assentamentos Nova Conquista – SP, que possui 104 lotes dentre os quais 77 estão no município de Rancharia – SP e 27 no município de Martinópolis – SP e o Porto Maria – SP que encontrase no município de Rosana – SP e possui 41 lotes. A escolha dos assentamentos deve-se ao fato de que o primeiro apresenta uma quantidade significativa de camponeses agregados em condição de trabalho assalariado e o segundo é fruto da luta de camponeses agregados do assentamento Gleba XV de Novembro. As metodologias utilizadas foram: pesquisa bibliográfica, pesquisa documental, entrevistas, diários de campo e cartografia social. O aporte teórico conta com os conceitos de trabalho, território, gênero, geração, juventude rural e reprodução socioterritorial. / Abstract: This thesis is on the elements which compose the peasants’ socio-territorial reproduction. It aims at analyzing the strategies used by settled peasants to guarantee their families remain in the lot. Its fundamental element were the reflections on the intergenerational conflicts and negotiations between peasants and mediators which are, in different levels, the foundation to allow the process of socio-territorial reproduction in rural settlements to continue. The research was conducted in the area of Pontal do Paranapanema, in the far west of São Paulo State, more specifically in the settlement of Nova Conquista – SP, which has 104 lots, from which 77 are in the city of Rancharia – SP and 27 in the city of Martinópolis – SP and in the settlement of Porto Maria – SP which is situated in the city of Rosana – SP and has 41 lots. The choosing of the settlements is due to the fact that the former present a meaningful amount of household peasants in wage earner position and the later is the result of struggles of household peasants from Gleba XV de Novembro settlement. The methodologies used in this research were bibliographic research, documentary research, interviews, field diaries and social cartography. The theoretical approach is based on the concept of labor, territory gender, rural youth and socio-territorial reproduction. / Doutor

The case of Esperanza in the Dominican Republic illustrates graphically that land reform is used by governmental leaders as a political tool; although land reform is continuously promised in the Dominican Republic, it is rarely delivered. The state has realized autonomy from class factions by alternately appeasing different class factions (Grindle 1986). The promise and occasional delivery of land reform in the Dominican Republic is one of the most powerful tools the governmental leaders have to appease the Dominican peasantry. Through the promise of reform, governmental leaders are able to control the rural campesinos while the economic position of the peasantry is continually compromised; campesinos are increasingly forced to live dualistic lives as wage laborers and farmers (de Janvry 1981; Grindle 1986). This thesis centers attention on Esperanza, a small village in the northwestern part of the country. The sugar mill there has been closed, and the Dominican President Joaquin Balaguer has promised much of Esperanza's land to land reform. As I have shown, the promised land reform has been unsuccessful. Further, I suggest that the promise of reform in Esperanza was made more for pragmatic political reasons than for humanitarian ones. Balaguer was lacking support in his 1990 bid for reelection, and he used land reform in Esperanza both to bolster his weak standings at the polls and to stifle rumbling complaints about the other closed sugar mills whose land had gone exclusive to large land holders, Dole Pineapple for one, at the expense of the rural dwellers. Moreover, recipients of land in Esperanza were from Ba1aguer>s political party. / Master of Science

University of Macau / Faculty of Social Sciences / Department of Sociology

A perennial question amongst social movement strategists is to what extent movements can use the tools of the system they are struggling against in their efforts to change that system. Whilst this debate traditionally distinguishes between two camps – radical and reformist approaches – this thesis investigates one movement that breaks this mould. The thesis uses the example of Bolivia's Landless Peasants' Movement (MST) to intervene into renewed theoretical discussion about the possibilities and perils for such movements of using the legal system in the pursuit of systemic social change. Through its tactic of land occupation, the MST breaks the law by occupying unused land on large estates, whilst also invoking other laws stipulating that unused land must be redistributed to those who will work it. The thesis situates the MST's approach to law in the context of an intensified process of juridification in the neoliberal period, through which the logic and language of law increasingly have come to structure political debate and dissent, creating particular pressures for radical movements to engage with the law. Yet it also suggests that movements like the MST have developed subversive ways of engaging the law in response. By examining the MST's tactic as it interacts with this broader context of intensified juridification, the thesis clarifies and nuances the theoretical discussion by identifying how the particular conditions of political mobilisation in the neoliberal period bear on this theoretical debate. Moreover, by examining specifically how this movement's approach to law is differentiated from traditional radical and reformist approaches, and from other attempts to combine the two, the thesis reveals further potential options for radical movements seeking to engage the law. The thesis ultimately suggests that the transformative potential of law may not lie in employing the content of individual laws but in strategic manipulations of the contradictions inherent in the liberal legal form.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2018-06-06T12:08:22Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Egnaldo Rocha da Silva.pdf: 3694630 bytes, checksum: bddb8906b800f7a723a2f2effaa60f8b (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-06-06T12:08:22Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Egnaldo Rocha da Silva.pdf: 3694630 bytes, checksum: bddb8906b800f7a723a2f2effaa60f8b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-04-02 / Conselho Nacional de Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico - CNPq / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / Brazil is known for the sad reality of being both the country with the highest land concentration in the world and, contradictorily, one of the countries that has not yet implemented an agrarian reform. Throughout Brazilian history, the agrarian issue has been shown to be a lever of social conflicts and a source of inequalities, victimizing the poor and black population whose colonial project and later republican state project led by the country’s elites has endeavored to promote interdiction and actions to prevent access to land to this population. This research aims at understanding and problematizing the experiences of the black population regarding their access and permanence in the land in the post-abolition period (1950-1985). Its main focus is to investigate the expropriation processes of lands (land grabbing) occupied by black families who live on the area of the current Bahia municipalities of Ituberá, Gandu and Igrapiuna, located geopolitically in the Southern Bahia Lowlands, gateway to the cocoa region. It is a territory of countless agrarian conflicts, involving former land delegates, who were state agents and who played a very important role in the processes of expropriation, land grabbing and de-structuring of black territorialities, many of which constituted in the colonial/imperial period from the formation of quilombos. The primary sources that subsidized this research consisted of of maintenance and reintegration processes of land tenure as well as interviews with descendants of former squatters and/or the squatters themselves and with people who were directly or indirectly involved in the actions that led to land dispossession of the invaded and invaders of land. In this way, this research focuses on three research lines structured from the following issues: 1. how and what strategies were applied in the struggle of the black population in the post-abolition period to get access to land and to resist the action of land grabbers and remain in their land, in many cases even litigating in court actions of maintenance and reintegration of land tenure?; 2. what resources were used by farmers, entrepreneurs and politicians to take possession of lands occupied by black families and how the actions of agents and local public officials have contributed to this process?; and, finally, 3. how did the set of agrarian laws of Bahia, published between the late nineteenth century and the 1980s gave legal support to the actions of farmers and entrepreneurs in land dispossession? / O Brasil se destaca no mundo pela triste realidade de ser o pais com maior índice de concentração de terra e um dos que não realizou a reforma agrária. De sorte que a questão agrária se configurou ao longo da história brasileira como potencializadora de conflitos sociais e produtora de desigualdades, vitimando a população negra e pobre, cujo projeto colonial e posterior projeto de estado republicano, gestado pelas elites, empenhou-se em promover ações de interdição e impedimento de acesso à terra a essa população. Esta pesquisa buscou compreender e problematizar as experiências da população negra com relação ao seu acesso e permanência na terra no período de pós-abolição (1950-1985). Tem como foco central investigar os processos de expropriações (grilagem) de terras ocupadas por famílias negras nas terras pertencentes aos atuais municípios baianos de Ituberá, Gandu e Igrapiúna, situados geopoliticamente no território do Baixo Sul da Bahia, que é a porta de entrada para a região cacaueira, constituindo um território que é palco de incontáveis conflitos agrários. Esses conflitos envolveram os antigos Delegados de Terras, agentes do estado, que foram figuras importantes nos processos de expropriação, grilagem e desestruturação de territorialidades negras, muitas das quais constituídas ainda durante o período colonial/imperial a partir da formação de quilombos. As fontes primárias que subsidiaram a pesquisa foram constituídas de processos de Manutenção e Reintegração de Posse e entrevistas com descendentes de ex-posseiros e/ou com os próprios posseiros, assim como com pessoas que, direta ou indiretamente, estiveram envolvidas nas ações que resultaram na espoliação de terras, tanto como invadidos ou como invasores. Dessa forma, esta pesquisa concentra-se em três linhas de investigação, estruturadas a partir das seguintes problemáticas: 1. Como e quais estratégias foram utilizadas na luta desencadeada pela população negra no pós-abolição para ter acesso à terra e para resistir à ação de grileiros e permanecer em suas posses, em muitos casos chegando a litigar na justiça ações de manutenção e reintegração de posse?; 2. Quais meios os fazendeiros, empresários e políticos utilizaram para se apropriarem das terras ocupadas por famílias negras e como a atuação de agentes e funcionários públicos locais contribuíram nesse processo?; e, finalmente, 3. Como o conjunto de leis agrárias da Bahia, editadas entre o final do século XIX até a década de 1980, dava suporte legal às ações de fazendeiros e empresários nas espoliações de terras?

Desde o início da década 1970, o Oeste do Estado da Bahia destaca-se como a região de grande e intensa expansão das relações de produção capitalista. Essa expansão constitui-se de políticas estatais que favorecem ao capital, por meio de incentivos fiscais e implantação da infraestrutura exigida pelo agronegócio. Dentre as grandes mudanças provocadas por tais intervenções, destacam-se a degradação das riquezas naturais e a desterritorialização dos camponeses geraizeiros, que há muito tempo ocupam as terras de uso comum na condição de posseiros. Essas terras têm sido apropriadas pelo capital, o que provoca intensos conflitos com os camponeses. Nesta tese, são estudadas as comunidades do vale do rio Arrojado, no município de Correntina (Bahia). Pesquisou-se os processos sociais, concernentes à essa problemática, recorreu-se a trabalhos de campo e à teoria do desenvolvimento desigual e combinado, abordando não somente os processos concernentes à expulsão/expropriação dos camponeses, mas também a territorialização desses sujeitos sociais. Reporto-me, assim, às estratégias de produção e reprodução socioterritorial por eles engendradas, em uma situação conflituosa com as forças do capital e do Estado. / Since the early 1970s, the West of Bahia stands out as a region of great and intense expansion of capitalist relations of production. This expansion is made up of state policies that favor capital through tax incentives and infrastructure implementation required by agribusiness. Among the major changes caused by such interventions, we highlight the degradation of natural resources and displacement of peasants geraizeiros peasants [traditional inhabitants of the sertão the backcountry regions of northeastern Brazilian states], which long ago occupied the lands in common use as non-title-holding residents for centuries. These lands have been appropriated by capital enterprises, which causes intense conflicts between farmers and peasant populations. In this thesis, the communities of the rio Arrojado valley, in the municipality of Correntina (Bahia), are analyzed. It was researched social processes, concerning this issue, we used the field work and the theory of combined and uneven development, addressing not only the processes concerning the expulsion/expropriation of peasants, but also the territorialization of these social subjects. I refer thus to the strategies of production and reproduction socio territorial they engendered, in a situation of conflict with the forces of capital enterprises and the state.

Tomando como base o instrumental analítico desenvolvido na Geografia, particularmente na Geografia Humana, esta dissertação apresenta uma análise de algumas feiras agroecológicas organizadas por camponeses de assentamentos e comunidades rurais localizadas na Paraíba. A investigação de aspectos relativos ao processo de formação das feiras agroecológicas analisadas, bem como de elementos específicos da organização, produção e comercialização, levou-nos a considerá-las enquanto uma estratégia configurada pelos camponeses e assessores técnicos com o propósito de viabilizar a superação de adversidades no processo produtivo e de circulação da produção agrícola. Desta maneira, como decorrência da própria investigação empreendida, as feiras agroecológicas foram equacionadas como produto de um esforço dos camponeses paraibanos dirigido à superação de mecanismos de subordinação ao capital comercial e industrial no campo. Ao constituírem-se como formas de insubordinação camponesa, as feiras agroecológicas estudadas contribuíram, em grande medida, para viabilizar um maior controle dessa parcela do campesinato sobre o trabalho familiar e seus frutos, materializando assim frações territoriais dotadas de importantes especificidades. / Taking as base the analytical instrumental developed in the Geography, particularly in the Human Geography, this work presents an analysis of some agro-ecological fairs organized by peasants of settlements and rural communities located in Paraiba. The investigation of relative aspects to the process of formation of the agro-ecological fairs analysed, as well as of specific elements of the organization, production and marketing, made us consider them as a strategy shaped by the peasants and technical advisers with the purpose of making feasible the overcoming of adversities in the productive process and, also, of circulation of the agricultural production. In this way, as a consequence of the undertaken investigation, the agro-ecological fairs were equated as a result of an effort of the peasants from Paraíba guided to the overcoming of mechanisms of subordination to the commercial and industrial capital in the countryside. Constituted as ways of peasants insubordination, the agro-ecological fairs studied contributed, in great measure, to make feasible a major control of this portion of the peasantry on the familiar work and its products, materializing, in this manner, territorial fractions composed by important specificities.