Submitted by mario cesar rosa de azeredo (mazeredo@finep.gov.br) on 2015-02-06T17:51:58Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Trabalho Final MAP - Mário Azeredo.docx: 1092782 bytes, checksum: 776835f7596f91ae71fa1d294f4baba1 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by ÁUREA CORRÊA DA FONSECA CORRÊA DA FONSECA (aurea.fonseca@fgv.br) on 2015-02-10T13:18:23Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Trabalho Final MAP - Mário Azeredo.docx: 1092782 bytes, checksum: 776835f7596f91ae71fa1d294f4baba1 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Marcia Bacha (marcia.bacha@fgv.br) on 2015-02-12T12:22:34Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Trabalho Final MAP - Mário Azeredo.docx: 1092782 bytes, checksum: 776835f7596f91ae71fa1d294f4baba1 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-02-12T12:23:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Trabalho Final MAP - Mário Azeredo.docx: 1092782 bytes, checksum: 776835f7596f91ae71fa1d294f4baba1 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-12-22 / This work refers to one of the greatest infrastructure projects planned by the Federal Public Administration entitled Trem de Alta Velocidade RJ-Campinas (TAV Brasil) [High Speed Rail Rio de Janeiro – Campinas], also know as bullet train. The intent of this research is not to explore the technical issues of the project bu the description of some details contributes for a better understanting of the evolved technology. The focus of this work is found under the actions promoted by diverse political actors in such enterprise as well as the context which made the public grant not possible along the two mandates of President Lula and the first one of President Dilma Rousseff. This contemporary matter required a huge documentary investigation performed by available material on the internet, news report of the most important press vehicles in the country, essays and articles published by experts. Some people involved in this policy process were interviewed. These inputs enriched the data explaining the conceived actions and structure of the project by the federal government. The results and final considerations target the complexity of the project and the TAV auctions failure from 2010 to 2014, suggesting further researches concerning the retaking of the bullet train project. / Esta dissertação aborda a Administração Pública Federal no contexto de um dos maiores projetos de infraestrutura já previstos no país, intitulado de Trem de Alta Velocidade RJ - Campinas (TAV Brasil), também conhecido como Trem Bala. O trabalho não está direcionado a questões técnicas do projeto, relatando apenas detalhes que possam contribuir para um melhor entendimento do grande avanço de tecnologia que o envolve. O foco encontra-se nas ações promovidas pelos diversos atores políticos envolvidos no empreendimento, bem como no contexto que inviabilizou o sucesso da sua concessão pública, durante os dois mandatos do Presidente Lula e o primeiro da Presidente Dilma. O tema contemporâneo exigiu, da concepção deste estudo de caso, uma extensa pesquisa documental, realizada via matérias disponíveis na internet, reportagens dos principais veículos da imprensa, artigos e textos publicados por especialistas bem como teses. Entrevistas com pessoas que participaram em algum momento, do ciclo dessa política pública, enriqueceram os dados, visando à descrição de ações e da estrutura concebida para o projeto pelo Governo Federal. Os resultados e considerações finais giram em torno da complexidade do projeto e do fracasso dos leilões do TAV, no período de 2010 a 2014, sugerindo pesquisas futuras à retomada do projeto Trem Bala.

Uganda and Tanzania are two countries severely affected by HIV/AIDS. Hence, there are a numbers of associations for PLHA there. In "Global transformations. Politics, economics and culture", Held, Mc Greew, Goldblatt and Perrton focuses None Governmental Organizations as important actors in the globalized world of today, with increased opportunities to influence and affect the politics. The aim of this paper is to investigate the opportunities for associations for PLHA in Tanzania and Uganda to affect in the national level of politics. The study wants to elucidate the relation between the state/government/authorities and the civil society/associations/NGO:s.This has been done threw investigations of associations of PLHA in Tanzania and Uganda, their characters, objectives and opportunities to affect the HIV/AIDS politics in each country. I have been trying a hypothesis which have claimed that these organizations has not played a political role, meaning that they have affected the politically decision makings concerning HIV/AIDS. The empirical material has mainly been collected threw questionnaires to the selected organizations. It has not been possible to appoint the hypothesis, neither to reject it. There are some indications pointing on its validity. In an summarized assessment, the Ugandan organizations are more politically than the Tanzanian organizations, but probably not in a way that have affected the parlamentarically decision processes concerning HIV/AIDS, as the hypothesis intended. A opposite dependence has not been possible to eliminate: That the character and focus of the associations for PLHA in Tanzania and Uganda is a result of the countries differences in dealing with the problem of HIV/AIDS.

Since the beginning of the 1990s, Swedish society has gone through a great change. Firstly with the personal computer and then with the internet moving in to everyday life, a new arena for interaction with society evolved. Work, education, doing bank errands and reading or discussing the news, just to name a few, now all take place in the virtual world online. Not to mention social media sites such as twitter, instagram or facebook, the last of which has over half of the Swedish population represented as members.    Companies, corporations, interest groups, political parties and politicians must be aware of the massive impact that a post spread through social media can have.      This thesis will, with the text analyzing tool, argumentation analysis, and on the theoretical platform of political communications theory, analyze three of the most viral Swedish political posts spread over 120 000 times each, to see if there are any combined qualities that point to the fact that there is a formula for getting a post to become a viral success on social media.      The main result showed that of the three posts analyzed, all were built up around a factual thesis, argued for with foremost example arguments, not only appealing to the logical branch of argumentation but also to the ethical, and that they tended to be of high relevance and sustainability. The conclusion must therefore be that these are all qualities that tend to be of relevance for making a political post on social media into a viral success.

The focus of this study is on South Africa's transition to democracy. It is argued in this thesis, that an analysis of the transition to democracy in South Africa and the transformation of the con ict that prevailed in this divided society could generate new avenues for theorising about transitions to democracy in divided societies amidst con ict. The aim with this thesis is to contribute towards a more comprehensive understanding of the complex nature of the process of transition to democracy, and the relevant theory involved, particularly with regard to transitions in divided societies. One consequence of the deep divisions within South African society has been the increase in violence, which followed liberalisation. The transition to democracy in South Africa, as a result, was characterised by continuing and escalating violence. In South Africa, the authoritarian regime deteriorated mainly because of internal factors, but external factors also played an important role. The analysis of the transition has been guided by the hypothesis that the democratisation of South Africa was accomplished through a compromise that was negotiated between the major political actors and which re ected the intra-, as well as the inter-dynamics in the domains of, state - political society - civil society. Thus, the main theme of this thesis is, that in the analysis of the dynamics of the tran- sition to democracy in South Africa, a basic framework in which the domains of, state - political society - civil society, are the domains where structural variables (such as culture, economic development, class structures, increased education and the international environ- ment) and behavioural variables (such as major political actors, elite factions, organisations from civil society) interact. Thus, in the diachronic analysis of South Africa's transition, an interactive approach, that seeks to relate structural constraints to the shaping of contingent choice, is followed. At the same time, the institutional substitution of a new democratic political dispensation is examined. In conclusion, democracies are complex phenomena, and they are caused by many di er- ent forces and synthesizing the relevant theoretical approaches to political change provides a more cogent and comprehensive explanation of democratic transition in South Africa. / (D. Litt. et Phil. (International Politics))

The focus of this study is on South Africa's transition to democracy. It is argued in this thesis, that an analysis of the transition to democracy in South Africa and the transformation of the con ict that prevailed in this divided society could generate new avenues for theorising about transitions to democracy in divided societies amidst con ict. The aim with this thesis is to contribute towards a more comprehensive understanding of the complex nature of the process of transition to democracy, and the relevant theory involved, particularly with regard to transitions in divided societies. One consequence of the deep divisions within South African society has been the increase in violence, which followed liberalisation. The transition to democracy in South Africa, as a result, was characterised by continuing and escalating violence. In South Africa, the authoritarian regime deteriorated mainly because of internal factors, but external factors also played an important role. The analysis of the transition has been guided by the hypothesis that the democratisation of South Africa was accomplished through a compromise that was negotiated between the major political actors and which re ected the intra-, as well as the inter-dynamics in the domains of, state - political society - civil society. Thus, the main theme of this thesis is, that in the analysis of the dynamics of the tran- sition to democracy in South Africa, a basic framework in which the domains of, state - political society - civil society, are the domains where structural variables (such as culture, economic development, class structures, increased education and the international environ- ment) and behavioural variables (such as major political actors, elite factions, organisations from civil society) interact. Thus, in the diachronic analysis of South Africa's transition, an interactive approach, that seeks to relate structural constraints to the shaping of contingent choice, is followed. At the same time, the institutional substitution of a new democratic political dispensation is examined. In conclusion, democracies are complex phenomena, and they are caused by many di er- ent forces and synthesizing the relevant theoretical approaches to political change provides a more cogent and comprehensive explanation of democratic transition in South Africa. / (D. Litt. et Phil. (International Politics))

The thesis deals primarily with the description, analysis and framing of public policy issues with regard to handicapped athletes. The main aspect of this work is to identify the most problematic areas with which disabled athletes normally meet in reality. The thesis also includes the state of the current sports environment in the Czech Republic. This condition is presented primarily with regard to disabled athletes. It is clear from other research that the position of disabled athletes is currently largely neglected. In the next part of the thesis it is important to find out how disabled athletes are designed in the Czech media. This is followed in the analytical part of the thesis is the analysis of the media situation with access to disabled athletes. The work brings an analysis of newspaper articles between the Olympic Games in 2012 and 2016. By analyzing newspaper articles creates the concept of the most burning problems with which work is finally being done. The key task of the thesis is to provide a holistic view of the overall picture of handicapped athletes in the Czech Republic. The work also emphasizes the depiction of political power and political actors who are actively involved in this policy. Using the social construction method of the target groups creates a picture of the group of...

A partir des trajectoires Béninoises et Tchadiennes, cette thèse vise à faire la démonstration qu’il existe une volonté des acteurs politiques pour consolider la démocratie à travers l’existence du contentieux électoral. Cette volonté s’est traduite par l’érection des mécanismes normatifs et institutionnels en charge de gérer les conflits électoraux issus des élections plurielles, libres et acceptables tenues jusque-Là. Mais la mise en œuvre du contentieux électoral a révélé des limites. Au titre normatif, les limites visent les lacunes contenues dans les lois électorales (imprécision des lois, inflation législative, l’inexistence de fichier électoral crédible, méconnaissance de la loi électorale, etc). Au niveau institutionnel, elles pointent les dysfonctionnements des institutions en charges du contentieux électoral (articulation des compétences, la forte politisation, installation tardive, déficit d’autonomie fonctionnelle et financière).Par ailleurs, la thèse pointe la nécessite qu’il y a pour le Bénin et le Tchad de disposer d’un système de fichier électoral fiable et sécuriser, de constitutionnaliser les commissions électorales, d’œuvre pour l’éducation citoyenne afin de rendre plus dynamique l’apport du contentieux électoral dans la consolidation démocratique. / From Benin and Chad trajectories, this thesis aims to demonstrate that there is a willingness of politicians to consolidate democracy through the existence of electoral disputes. This commitment has resulted in the erection of the normative and institutional mechanisms loads manage electoral disputes arising pluralistic, free and acceptable elections held so far. But the implementation of electoral disputes revealed limitations.Under normative, limits are designed for the gaps contained in the electoral laws (imprecise laws, legislative inflation, lack of credible electoral register, ignorance of the electoral law, etc). Institutionally, they point dysfunctional institutions in charge of electoral disputes (coordination skills, high political involvement, late starting, and lack of functional and financial autonomy). Moreover, the thesis points out the need for Benin and Chad to have a reliable and secure voter registration system, to constitutionalize the electoral boards and contractors for civic education in order to make it more dynamic the contribution of electoral disputes in democratic consolidation.

Die tschechisch-deutschen Beziehungen wurden nach den vielversprechenden Gesten der Versöhnung, die der tschechoslowakische Präsident Václav Havel unmittelbar nach seinem Amtsantritt Ende 1989 den sudetendeutschen Vertriebenen entgegenbrachte, schnell von ihrer konfliktreichen Nachbarschaftsgeschichte eingeholt. Eine der wesentlichen Aufgaben der Prager Außenpolitik der neunziger Jahre - insbesondere im Lichte des angestrebten EU-Beitritts - war daher die Klärung der offenen rechtlichen, moralischen und politischen Fragen, die seit dem Ende des Zweiten Weltkrieges zwischen Tschechen und Deutschen unbeantwortet geblieben waren. Erst 1997, mit der tschechisch-deutschen Deklaration, sollte es gelingen, einen Schlußstrich unter die virulentesten Fragen zu ziehen, um damit ein von Rechtsansprüchen ungestörtes Verhältnis zwischen beiden Ländern zu ermöglichen. Wie dieser Erfolg tschechischer Außenpolitik herbeigeführt werden konnte, welche innen- und außenpolitischen Hürden im Laufe dieses Annäherungsprozesses genommen werden mußten und welche Faktoren schließlich ausschlaggebend wurden, sind die Fragen, die in dieser Arbeit beantwortet werden. Ausgehend von vergleichbaren Versöhnungsprozessen der jüngeren Geschichte und den spezifischen Transformationsbedingungen wird in dieser Arbeit die These geprüft, inwieweit politische Akteure generell eine initiatorische Rolle in der Versöhnungspolitik übernehmen und diese durch ihre politisch-moralischen Überzeugungen nachhaltig prägen. Zugespitzt wird die Frage gestellt, ob nun die dissidentisch geprägte Elite der Anfangsphase oder die pragmatische Funktionselite, die Mitte der neunziger Jahre die Außenpolitik Tschechiens bestimmte, dem deutsch-tschechischen Verhältnis zum Durchbruch verhalf. / The book traces the rapprochement policy of the Czecho-Slowak Republic respective Czech Republic towards its German neighbour during the 90s of the 20th century. The promising gestures of reconciliation by the freshly appointed President Václav Havel towards the formerly expelled Sudeten Germans were not answered. More over, Czech-German relations became trapped by their difficult common history already at the beginning of 1990. Thus, one of the main tasks of Prague foreign policy was to settle the open juridical, moral and political questions that date back to the World War II and to which an answer was not found during the Cold War. Only in 1997, the Czech-German Declaration succeeded in settling the most urgent political and juridical problems. The declaration opened up the possibility for a dialogue between Czech and Germans beyond the fear of mutual claims arising from the dreadful past. How is this successful rapprochement policy to be explained? What kind of domestic and international conditions have fostered these process? Which factors are most powerful in accounting for this fortunate reconciliation politics? These are the questions, the book aims to answer. Examples from the past as well the specific context of the transition from authoritarian to democratic rule suggest, that political actors and their belief systems have an great impact on processes of reconciliation. Therefore the question is posed, whether the former dissidents, i.e. the political elite of the early 90s, or the later pragmatic elite are the main actors in Czech reconciliation policy.

<p>The UN Conference on the Human Environment in Stockholm 1972 has been recognized as bringing political attention to environmental problems. Researchers have acknowledged the importance of NGO activities during the conference, initiating a trend of engagement of NGOs in official global meetings. But NGOs were not permitted to speak at the plenary or participate in working groups in the official Conference. The influence of NGOs could still be substantial but in another arenas delivering perceptions, knowledge and information to the general public and officials, directly or through the intense media coverage of the conference. NGOs engaged in these parallel activities and individuals in the official initiating process are central to this research. </p><p>The purpose of this study is to analyze how Swedish NGOs and their related networks influenced environmental discourses during and following the UN conference on the human environment in Stockholm 1972. The purpose is also to analyze how they in turn were effected by the conference process and the context in which NGOs function. </p><p>This study is concerned with how social movements became engaged in official global meetings and the effects of this process. It is a study of the interrelations between intergovernmental discourse framing and activist influence. To understand this we take in consideration what motivated the actions of relevant actors, how actors selected strategies to obtain there purposes and how diverse frames of understanding emerged.</p>

The UN Conference on the Human Environment in Stockholm 1972 has been recognized as bringing political attention to environmental problems. Researchers have acknowledged the importance of NGO activities during the conference, initiating a trend of engagement of NGOs in official global meetings. But NGOs were not permitted to speak at the plenary or participate in working groups in the official Conference. The influence of NGOs could still be substantial but in another arenas delivering perceptions, knowledge and information to the general public and officials, directly or through the intense media coverage of the conference. NGOs engaged in these parallel activities and individuals in the official initiating process are central to this research. The purpose of this study is to analyze how Swedish NGOs and their related networks influenced environmental discourses during and following the UN conference on the human environment in Stockholm 1972. The purpose is also to analyze how they in turn were effected by the conference process and the context in which NGOs function. This study is concerned with how social movements became engaged in official global meetings and the effects of this process. It is a study of the interrelations between intergovernmental discourse framing and activist influence. To understand this we take in consideration what motivated the actions of relevant actors, how actors selected strategies to obtain there purposes and how diverse frames of understanding emerged.