Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Este trabalho tem como objetivo empreender um estudo inicial sobre a Propaganda Partidária Gratuita, espaço disponibilizado pelo Estado brasileiro aos partidos políticos para que estes possam apresentar a si próprios e divulgar seus programas políticos. Segundo o levantamento feito para este trabalho, trata-se de um caso único no mundo, mas que vem sendo abordado apenas marginalmente pela Ciência Política do país. Dada a proximidade com o horário eleitoral, a análise foi feita tendo como base a literatura sobre campanhas políticas, de modo a verificar se processos a ela relacionados (em especial o de declínio partidário e a personalização da política) podem se aplicar ao objeto em questão. Para tanto, realizou-se um levantamento empírico das edições exibidas entre 2002 e 2007 de cinco siglas: PFL/DEM, PMDB, PSB, PSDB e PT. Nestes, foram observadas diferentes variáveis, como ênfases discursivas e temática dominante, bem como o conteúdo apresentado. Em função destes dados, oferece-se uma visão de como os programas são utilizados de modo geral e por cada partido, oferecendo ainda uma tipologia sobre seus usos. / This work aims to undertake an initial study on the Partisan Free Advertising, a public TV time available by the Brazilian State to political parties, to enable them to introduce themselves and promote their political agendas. According to the survey conducted, this is a unique case in the world, but that has been addressed only marginally by the Brazilian Political Science. Given the proximity to the election schedule, the analysis was based on the literature on political campaigns in order to verify that processes related to it (especially the decline of partisan politics and personalization of the politics) may apply to the object in question. Therefore, we carried out an empirical survey of the editions exhibited between 2002 and 2007 by five parties: PFL/DEM (Party of Liberal Front, today Democrats), PMDB (Party of the Brazilian Democratic Movement), PSB (Brazilian Socialist Party), PSDB (Party Brazilian Social Democracy) and PT (Workers Party). In these different variables were observed as dominant thematic emphases and discursive as well as the content presented. In light of these data, it offers a vision of how the programs are used in general and by each party, still offering a typology on its uses.

A presente dissertação investiga o jornalismo exercido pela TV Alerj (Assembleia Legislativa do Estado do Rio de Janeiro), estabelecendo como objeto específico a análise do Jornal da Alerj, principal telejornal da emissora. A partir do método do modo de endereçamento de telejornais exibidos 2013, seus resultados nos permitem afirmar que as edições recorrem a uma série de recursos e formatos de construção da imagem do Parlamento como instituição que presta contas ao cidadão, oferece transparência em seus atos e procura dar significatividade a assuntos que geralmente estão à margem do conhecimento público. Por outro lado, a mesma metodologia possibilitou identificar estratégias que contribuem para o silenciamento de discursos e gestos políticos e práticas que reforçam o centralismo de atores políticos, distanciando-se da missão de um veículo estatal com papel público de informar e com uma alta carga de institucionalidade. Para aferir os resultados, adotamos como percurso teórico o princípio da publicidade de Kant e dialogamos o conceito com a esfera pública habermasiana, sob a perspectiva de ser mais do que uma arena de debates, mas um referencial de visibilidade e discussão públicas. Desse modelo, resultam propostas em torno da Comunicação Pública em diferentes realidades (França, Itália, Reino Unido, Colômbia e Brasil) e a aplicação nas emissoras legislativas

The purpose of this paper is to see how politicians use Internet communication in their daily work and how they use it to interact with citizens of Vasteras city. To reach my conclusions I used both theoretical methods such as literature studies and qualitative interviews with the towns 11 trustees. Accoarding to this study the politicians saw not only a lot of potentials and advantages in Internet communication but also many difficulties and obstacles. In this case the cons far exceeded the pros. One of the main reason is the bad experiences which caused by rasist attacks/threats made to politicians and also the difficulties in handling of sensitiv documents which was seen as a stress factor. Vasteras home page is more seen as a very inert two way communication channel, due to the lack of discussion/debate forum. Other forms of communication via other media is prefered. Obviously IT is a fast and complementary media but face to face communication is prioritized rather than computer communication. E- democracy, E- meeting, E- discussion can not replace face to face communication. There is a strong belief among the municipal executive committee in the representative democracy as the best functional political system. The political climate characterizes as a sort of conservatism or pessimism when it concerns IT and democracy. Despite all of this, there are many optimistic attitudes about IT in a future perspective. Marketing and education are essential elements that benefit to more dialog and interactivity which can influence the quality of democracy. The Internet is perceived by many of respondants as an excellent horizontal communication than vertical.

Os conglomerados de comunicação social no Brasil são o retrato acabado de um sistema territorialmente capilarizado e institucionalmente centralizado. A análise do panorama dos meios de comunicação no Brasil, baseada na plataforma digital do Projeto Donos da Mídia, revelou que a influência direta ou indireta das 54 redes de rádio e televisão controladas pelos por esses conglomerados atinge mais de 25% dos 9.477 veículos de comunicação identificados pelo projeto. Algumas destas organizações encabeçam um sistema marcado por cinco condicionantes: tripla concentração econômica (diagonal, vertical e horizontal), controle das redes de distribuição, penetração regional, presença histórica e relações políticas. Ao mesmo tempo, suas empresas atuam simultaneamente em quatro dimensões: econômica, política, histórica e simbólica. Quando reunidas, as duas características configuram um modelo a que se propõe chamar de Sistema Central de Mídia. Esta dissertação permitiu a identificação de dez conglomerados que ocupam tal posição. Eles controlam, direta ou indiretamente, 12 redes de televisão, 9 de rádio e 1.310 veículos de comunicação, 14% da base identificada pela pesquisa. Conhecer a forma de organização que permite às empresas de mídia conquistar e manter posições no mercado nacional parece interessar especialmente no momento em que a convergência tecnológica vem reduzindo as distâncias entre os agentes da área das comunicações do Brasil e do exterior.Conhecer a forma de organização que permite às empresas de mídia conquistar e manter posições no mercado nacional parece interessar especialmente no momento em que a convergência tecnológica vem reduzindo as distâncias entre os agentes da área das comunicações do Brasil e do exterior. / Brazil´s social communication conglomerates are the finished portrayal of a system territorially spreaded and institutionally centered. The media analysis, based on the digital platform of the Donos da Mídia Project, evidenced that more than 25% of the 9,477 vehicles of communication identified by the project are directly or indirectly influenced by 54 radio and TV networks. These are top organisations in a system defined by five conditions: triple economic concentration (diagonal, vertical and horizontal), network distribution control, regional penetration, historical presence and political relations. At the same time, its companies act simultaneously in four dimensions: economic, politics, symbolic and historical. Taken together these two characteristics configure the Media Central System model. This dissertation has identificatified ten conglomerates within this model. They control, directly or indirectly, 12 television networks, 9 of radio and 1,310 vehicles of communication, in total 14% of the base identified for the research. Understanding how media companies organize themselves to gain and consolidate market share is particularly interesting considering the reduced distance between the Brazilian and foreigners agents of communications as a result of technological convergence.

This study explores the articulation of a popular political identity by the US Senator Bernie Sanders and the political coalition he communicates. The analysis part is conducted on two levels: the construction of the populist signifier ‘the people’ and the construction of the antagonist in Sanders’ political communication. The theoretical part is mostly driven by Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe’s perspective in radical democracy, identity construction, collectiveness and the chain of equivalence. By deploying theoretically unprejudiced approach, the thesis shows how a popular identity, namely ‘the People’, emerges, how it is communicated in order to put forward an alternative reading of populism which is hotly-debated subject among scholars and political scientists. Furthermore, the thesis elaborates how the theoretical discussion proposes a way of understanding the collective subject of ‘the People’ which appears as an identifiable and contra- conjectural category. The analysis ascertains that ‘the people’, as a populist subject, emerges as collective citizens demanding equal rights and taking the larger issues of inequality at stake based on inclusive values and positions, rather than as undemocratic, authoritarian, ethnically and culturally homogenizer subjects. Consequently, any subject causing ‘injustice’ becomes the antagonized other who obliges ‘the People’ to experience misery, oppression, and discrimination. The research tackles how Senator Sanders’ political communication brings disperse identities along with the chain of equivalence, how his movement articulates the political front of ‘the People’, and how it signifies the outsider through dichotomizing the political space. The study concludes that Sanders popular articulation provides a critical perspective for us to read populist zeitgeist of the twenty-first century.

This diploma thesis Political parties and public opinion polls deals with the use of research in political party. From a theoretical point of view, the thesis focuses on defining the concept of public opinion, its influence on political tradition, and the importance of public opinion polls and their criticism. The main part of the thesis focuses on political communication introducing the use of methods and tools of political marketing, namely utilizing public opinion polls. It describes a change in political communication that has led to professionalization and the need to hire professionals from outside sources, and the role of media, which is often the only source of information for citizens. It explains the difference between particular mediated public opinion polls and focuses on their medial impact on voters. The research section have a form of a case study which focuses on how the public opinion polling is used to develop the electoral strategy in the political party TOP 09 before the elections to the regional councils in 2016. The result of the analysis shows that this political party is highly professionalized, continues to develop its electoral strategy based on research results, and follows recommendations of research agencies, using modern political marketing methods.

The Diploma thesis The Semiotic Analysis of campaign spots of parliamentary election in 2013 uses the semiotic analysis to analyse campaign spots broadcasted by the Czech Television before the elections in 2013. With regards of the purpose of this paperwork we chose the spots of victorious political parties, the ones who have exceeded the minimal level of 5% of total votes to gain the mandate, thus ČSSD, ANO, KSČM, Top 09, ODS, Úsvit and KDU- ČSL. We emphasise signs and means of expression used in chosen campaign spots. The aim of this paperwork is to answer the question what message campaign spots address to voters. Moreover, the diploma thesis tries to answer the question, if all victorious campaign spots contain the same signs and means of expression which could help them to influence the result of elections. The hypothesis of this diploma thesis suppose that all campaign spots will contain the same signs and that they will ask people to vote. Furthermore, we expect that none of the campaign spots will directly criticize other political parties or their policy. The theoretical part of the paperwork presents the basic concepts of political communication, political advertisement and its regulation in the Czech Republic. The paperwork introduces the electoral system of the Czech Republic and current...

Comparison of Selected Topics of Political Communication of political parties in the Czech Republic: Professionalization, Personalization, Negativeness ROZMAJZL, Lukáš. Srovnání vybraných jevů politické komunikace u politických stran v ČR: profesionalizace, personalizace a negativita. Praha: Univerzita Karlova v Praze, Fakulta sociálních věd, Institut komunikačních studií a žurnalistiky, 2011. 140 s. Vedoucí diplomové práce PhDr. Jan Křeček, Ph.D. This Diploma Thesis deals with three selected topics of political communication (Professionalization, Personalization, Negativeness) which are related to the transform of modern to postmodern political campaigns. Each of the topic is described on the theoretical base, then the historical development of using this technic by political parties is mentioned, and finally relevant criticism of this concept (related to the problems of the definition of the concept, or to the normative reflections on democratic political systém) is noticed. Comparative analysis of political communication made by Czech political parties in 2010 elections is made to identify the level of using each of three concepts mentioned above. The result is explicit that political parties in the Czech Republic differ one to another in using different technics of political communication towards...

The current study set out to shed light on the performances that 2016 US presidential candidates used during their interventions on the late-night comedy shows. Following the methodologies ofCritical Discourse Analysis, the aim of the thesis was to uncover and, therefore, analyze, the type of discourses that candidates used in the shows and how they combined them. There was establisheda special focus on the rhetorical styles used by each candidate, as well as the emotional content ofthe discourses, unexpected situations and comedy performances, with the aim to find the elements which lead to virality. This study reveals the rhetorical strategies used by politicians through ananalysis of the political and personal discourses they used in late-nigh comedy shows. According tothe results, the political discourse is most prevalent during the interview than the personal, which isused to start conversations and evoke personalized emotions. The study provides insights upon the elements found in politicians’ discourses on the late-night circuit that lead to achieve virality on social media.

The use of social media has experienced an extraordinary growth in Morocco, along with the introduction of Internet at the end of the 20th century. The booming of Internet users with the quick spreading of both devices and connectivity has created a new area of expression far different than the official discourse the Moroccan public was used to. The take-over of the online space in Morocco has shown new types of communication and protest that are completely in opposition with the official media discourse. Among the various social media tools that are used in Morocco today, YouTube is a one of the most popular, for both producing and watching content. This thesis investigates the use of YouTube in Morocco, both in an official way and as a counter-power tool, mainly highlighting the emerging of oppositional popular cultural discourse and its diverse aspects. / Användningen av sociala medier har upplevt en extraordinär tillväxt i Marocko, samtidigt som Internet började sprida sig vid slutet av 90-talet. Höjningen av Internetanvändare samt den snabba spridningen av båda enheterna och anslutningen har skapat ett nytt uttryckssätt annorlunda än den officiella diskursen som den marockanska publiken brukade. Övertagandet av Online utrymmet i Marocko har visat nya kommunikation och proteststekniker som är helt motsatta till den officiella mediediskursen. Bland de olika sociala medierna som används i Marocko, är YouTube en av de mest populära, både för att producera och titta på innehåll. Denna avhandling undersöker YouTubes användning i Marocko, både officiellt och som ett motkraftsverktyg, som lyfter fram den framväxande oppositions populära kulturella diskursen och dess olika aspekter.