This thesis reports the results of a study designed to investigate the influence of exposure to televised medical dramas on perceptions of medical miracles. Four hundred and eighty-one college students participated in a survey in which they responded to different questions about their medical drama viewership and their different beliefs with regard to medical miracles. Results found that heavy medical drama viewers perceived belief in medical miracles to be less normal than non-viewers. Similarly, heavy viewers perceived medical miracles to occur less often than non-viewers. Interestingly, heavy viewers perceived medical dramas to be less credible than non-viewers. In addition, this study found that personal experience with medical miracles affected responses across all three measured viewership levels. The study concludes that, when compared to no exposure to medical dramas, heavy exposure has the potential for creating a more realistic view of medical miracles. Future research should continue to study genre-specific cultivation effects with regard to health perceptions.

本研究以2012年總統大選為題材，針對大選期間以競選為主題的kuso文本，分析其好笑、搞怪的背後，創作者如何表達意見參與選舉。 作為網路新興的參與政治方式，本研究根據文獻發展13項指標，逐項分析文本。研究結果發現： Kuso常以擬仿方式增添新意批評原作，或加入各種元素拼湊呈現。競選類型kuso，以攻擊候選人內容最多，攻擊對象通常是競選連任候選人，其執政表現是常見的攻擊主題。其餘類型的排行為塑造候選人形象、反駁候選人與陳述選民需求等。當作品訴求「改變」，多為要求執政者下台，換人做做看。作品中顛覆權力的方式多變俗語言是常見的拆解權力方式，但並非固定作法。創作者的「發聲」以抱怨為主，抱怨但期待回應者較少。尤其，作者駁斥競選連任候選人時往往過於簡略與情緒，理由不充份或流於個人好惡，這些都削弱反對的力度，難以強而有力的反對權力。

La present tesi doctoral té com a objectiu l’anàlisi de la commemoració televisiva de la Victòria sobre l’Alemanya nazi a la Rússia post-soviètica. En particular, l’anàlisi es centra en la retransmissió de la desfilada militar del 9 de maig a la Plaça Roja de Moscou, el gran media event de la Rússia de Putin i Medvédev, i segueix el cami encetat per Dayan i Katz en l’estudi dels grans esdeveniments mediàtics. Tal i com indica el subtítol de la tesi, aquesta anàlisi és transversal; a part de la retransmissió de l’acte central de la commemoració, també s’ocupa d’analitzar els discursos presidencials dels darrers onze anys (2000-2010), utilitzant la metodologia de la semiòtica narrativa, així com l’anàlisi de les programacions del dia 9 de maig entre 1964 i 2010 del principal canal de televisió rus, i de l’agenda temàtica dels noticiaris de les principals televisions del país del 19 d’abril al 16 de maig de 2010. L’objectiu final de la tesi és posar de manifest les diferents estratègies que fan de la commemoració de la Victòria un esdeveniment mediàtic hegemònic a la Rússia actual i com a través d’aquest esdeveniment es constitueixen les bases de la identitat de la Rússia post-soviètica que converteix els seus ciutadans en soldats de la memòria històrica de la Victòria. / This thesis aims to analyze the TV celebration of the Victory over Nazi Germany in post-Soviet Russia. In particular, the analysis focuses on the broadcast of the military parade of 9 May in Moscow’s Red Square, the great media event in Putin’s and Medvedev’s Russia, and follows the path begun by Dayan and Katz in the study of media events. As indicated in the subtitle of the thesis, this analysis is cross-sectional; in addition to the broadcast of the main event of the commemoration, it also analyzes the presidential speeches from 2000 to 2010 —using narrative semiotics methods—, the programming on 9 May of Russia’s main television channel from 1964 to 2010 and the agenda of the main television news programmes in the country from April 19 to May 16 in 2010. The goal of this thesis is to highlight the different strategies that turn the commemoration of Victory into a hegemonic media event in present Russia, and how through this event the basis of post-Soviet Russian identity is constructed, turning the Russian citizen into a soldier of the historical memory of Victory.

Submitted by Ronildo Prado (ronisp@ufscar.br) on 2017-08-22T16:34:39Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DissRML.pdf: 1382576 bytes, checksum: aaf8d9ef28001429ccce35fb1540a274 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ronildo Prado (ronisp@ufscar.br) on 2017-08-22T16:34:47Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DissRML.pdf: 1382576 bytes, checksum: aaf8d9ef28001429ccce35fb1540a274 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ronildo Prado (ronisp@ufscar.br) on 2017-08-22T16:34:53Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DissRML.pdf: 1382576 bytes, checksum: aaf8d9ef28001429ccce35fb1540a274 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-08-22T16:35:00Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DissRML.pdf: 1382576 bytes, checksum: aaf8d9ef28001429ccce35fb1540a274 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-09-21 / Não recebi financiamento / The preparation of an election campaign is developed to transmit matters that the mass media want to reach the public discussion. So, it is widely important to the electoral dispute because it is one of the elements responsible for making the approach candidate / voter and hence for the decision of his vote. With high coverage that television currently has in Brazil, it is possible to expose the candidate's message to a large number of voters especially with the Horário Gratuito de Propaganda Eleitoral (HGPE) that allows all candidates an access to a free time on television to broadcast their campaign. The aim of this research is to make a parallel of Dilma Rousseff campaign, the candidate of the Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) for the presidency of the republic of Brazil in 2010 and 2014 elections and to analyze the lines of continuity and break between the campaigns in both elections, taken the differences between political moments lived through the candidate in both years. This analysis will be done through the study HGPE broadcast on television. / A elaboração de uma campanha eleitoral é desenvolvida com o intuito de transmitir assuntos que os mass media desejam que cheguem à discussão do público, dado isso, sua elaboração é de suma importância para a disputa eleitoral, pois é um dos elementos responsáveis por fazer a aproximação candidato/eleitor, e consequentemente para a decisão do voto deste. Com a alta abrangência que a televisão tem atualmente no Brasil, é possível expor as mensagens do candidato a um alto número de eleitores principalmente com o Horário Gratuito de Propaganda Eleitoral (HGPE) que permite que todos os candidatos tenham acesso a um tempo gratuito na televisão para transmitir sua propaganda. O objetivo da desta pesquisa é fazer uma comparação das campanhas de Dilma Rousseff, candidata do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) à presidência da República do Brasil nas eleições de 2010 e 2014 para analisar as linhas de continuidade e ruptura entre as campanhas dos dois pleitos, tomadas as diferenças entre os momentos políticos passados pela candidata nos dois anos. Essa análise será feita por meio do estudo HGPE transmitido na televisão.

Alors que les étrangers n’ont plus été les bienvenus suite aux bouleversements économiques et sociaux consécutifs à la fin de Trente Glorieuses, que la France a pris diverses mesures pour endiguer le flot de l’immigration, il est aujourd’hui évident, au vu de la recrudescence des discriminations, que le pays doit trouver une alternative à une politique d’intégration dont l’universalisme ne parvient plus à garantir les valeurs françaises fondatrices de la Nation. En s’appuyant, grâce à l’outil du Conseil des Résidents Etrangers, sur des associations référées à l’immigration, la politique d’intégration de Strasbourg s’inscrit de façon originale dans cette discussion: elle permet d’utiliser comme ressources des groupes fondés sur des identités particulières afin d’entrer dans des négociations ou des débats politiques et sociaux. Mais la politique est un art, selon G. BOUTHOUL (1967) et la communication politique vise à faire adhérer l’électeur à des perceptions publiques orientées (J. GERSTLE, 2004). Dans notre société, où la diversité est largement prônée, il est judicieux pour Strasbourg de mettre en évidence une politique d’intégration basée sur la différence. Le CRE devient tribune de la Ville et stratégie électorale. Notre objectif est alors de saisir dans quelle mesure la politique d’intégration menée par Strasbourg s’inscrit dans une stratégie de communication. / While foreigners were no longer welcome in response to economic shocks and social consecutive late-warboom, that France has taken various measures to stem the flow of immigration, it is now obvious, given the resurgence of racism, anti-Semitism or discrimination, that the country needs an alternative to a policy of integration whose universalism is no longer able to guarantee the fundamental French values and founding of the nation. Relying on associations referred to immigration found by using a tool of the Council of foreign residents (CRE), the integration policy of Strasbourg fits as original in this discussion: it allows the use of groups based on particular identities as resource to enter into negotiations or political and social debates. But politics is an art, according to G. BOUTHOUL (1967) and political communication aims to make the voter join public oriented perceptions (J. GERSTLE, 2004). In our society, where diversity wins by being promoted by the Right-wing as well as Left-wing, it is judicious for Strasbourg to bring out an integration policy based on the difference. The CRE becomes tribune of the City and electoral strategy. Based on our qualitative study, we aim to understand the extent of the integration policy conducted by the City of Strasbourg in the communication strategy.

Os conglomerados de comunicação social no Brasil são o retrato acabado de um sistema territorialmente capilarizado e institucionalmente centralizado. A análise do panorama dos meios de comunicação no Brasil, baseada na plataforma digital do Projeto Donos da Mídia, revelou que a influência direta ou indireta das 54 redes de rádio e televisão controladas pelos por esses conglomerados atinge mais de 25% dos 9.477 veículos de comunicação identificados pelo projeto. Algumas destas organizações encabeçam um sistema marcado por cinco condicionantes: tripla concentração econômica (diagonal, vertical e horizontal), controle das redes de distribuição, penetração regional, presença histórica e relações políticas. Ao mesmo tempo, suas empresas atuam simultaneamente em quatro dimensões: econômica, política, histórica e simbólica. Quando reunidas, as duas características configuram um modelo a que se propõe chamar de Sistema Central de Mídia. Esta dissertação permitiu a identificação de dez conglomerados que ocupam tal posição. Eles controlam, direta ou indiretamente, 12 redes de televisão, 9 de rádio e 1.310 veículos de comunicação, 14% da base identificada pela pesquisa. Conhecer a forma de organização que permite às empresas de mídia conquistar e manter posições no mercado nacional parece interessar especialmente no momento em que a convergência tecnológica vem reduzindo as distâncias entre os agentes da área das comunicações do Brasil e do exterior.Conhecer a forma de organização que permite às empresas de mídia conquistar e manter posições no mercado nacional parece interessar especialmente no momento em que a convergência tecnológica vem reduzindo as distâncias entre os agentes da área das comunicações do Brasil e do exterior. / Brazil´s social communication conglomerates are the finished portrayal of a system territorially spreaded and institutionally centered. The media analysis, based on the digital platform of the Donos da Mídia Project, evidenced that more than 25% of the 9,477 vehicles of communication identified by the project are directly or indirectly influenced by 54 radio and TV networks. These are top organisations in a system defined by five conditions: triple economic concentration (diagonal, vertical and horizontal), network distribution control, regional penetration, historical presence and political relations. At the same time, its companies act simultaneously in four dimensions: economic, politics, symbolic and historical. Taken together these two characteristics configure the Media Central System model. This dissertation has identificatified ten conglomerates within this model. They control, directly or indirectly, 12 television networks, 9 of radio and 1,310 vehicles of communication, in total 14% of the base identified for the research. Understanding how media companies organize themselves to gain and consolidate market share is particularly interesting considering the reduced distance between the Brazilian and foreigners agents of communications as a result of technological convergence.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-03T12:31:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Roberto Gondo Macedo.pdf: 4206008 bytes, checksum: 0bfc7a868e8147d49a77c18612a2de97 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-03-15 / The speed of information and knowledge in contemporary society introduced a constant search for improved information processes, in order to ensure more rapid processing and results. In the world public, the requirements go a similar way, under the gaze of the citizen voter, so the research proposal is to provide a panorama of Brazilian electronic voting system, specifically the electronic ballot box and carried the project from conception of the ides 90´s to the present time, pointing to a scientific look at the communication actions of the Supreme Electoral Tribunal, to promote campaigns to raise awareness of the computerized system of voting by electors, supposedly faster and more efficient. The research used for descriptive purposes multiple views of a communication: through the body maintainer, politicians directly involved in competitive elections and political consultants, working backstage in the strategies of electoral campaigns. This diversity of views and positions regarding the credibility of the system aims to provide a character study of macro understanding of the impacts of a computerized system in a democratic environment. / A velocidade da informação e do conhecimento instaurou na sociedade contemporânea uma constante busca pela melhoria dos processos informacionais, com vistas a garantir maior rapidez nos processamentos e resultados. No universo público, as exigências caminham de modo similar, sob o olhar do eleitor cidadão, portanto, a proposta da pesquisa é promover um panorama do sistema eletrônico de votação brasileiro, mais precisamente a Urna Eletrônica e transitar desde a concepção do projeto nos idos da década de 90 até o momento atual, apontando um olhar científico para as ações comunicacionais do Tribunal Superior Eleitoral (TSE), no sentido de promover campanhas publicitárias para fomentar a conscientização do sistema informatizado de voto pelos eleitores, supostamente mais rápido e eficiente. A pesquisa utiliza para fins descritivos múltiplas visões da comunicação da urna: por intermédio do órgão mantenedor, os políticos, diretamente envolvidos no pleito competitivo e os consultores políticos, atuantes nas estratégias de bastidores das campanhas eleitorais. Essa diversidade de visões e posições acerca da credibilidade do sistema busca propiciar a pesquisa um caráter de macro compreensão dos impactos de um sistema informatizado em um ambiente democrático.(AU)

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Este trabalho tem como objetivo empreender um estudo inicial sobre a Propaganda Partidária Gratuita, espaço disponibilizado pelo Estado brasileiro aos partidos políticos para que estes possam apresentar a si próprios e divulgar seus programas políticos. Segundo o levantamento feito para este trabalho, trata-se de um caso único no mundo, mas que vem sendo abordado apenas marginalmente pela Ciência Política do país. Dada a proximidade com o horário eleitoral, a análise foi feita tendo como base a literatura sobre campanhas políticas, de modo a verificar se processos a ela relacionados (em especial o de declínio partidário e a personalização da política) podem se aplicar ao objeto em questão. Para tanto, realizou-se um levantamento empírico das edições exibidas entre 2002 e 2007 de cinco siglas: PFL/DEM, PMDB, PSB, PSDB e PT. Nestes, foram observadas diferentes variáveis, como ênfases discursivas e temática dominante, bem como o conteúdo apresentado. Em função destes dados, oferece-se uma visão de como os programas são utilizados de modo geral e por cada partido, oferecendo ainda uma tipologia sobre seus usos. / This work aims to undertake an initial study on the Partisan Free Advertising, a public TV time available by the Brazilian State to political parties, to enable them to introduce themselves and promote their political agendas. According to the survey conducted, this is a unique case in the world, but that has been addressed only marginally by the Brazilian Political Science. Given the proximity to the election schedule, the analysis was based on the literature on political campaigns in order to verify that processes related to it (especially the decline of partisan politics and personalization of the politics) may apply to the object in question. Therefore, we carried out an empirical survey of the editions exhibited between 2002 and 2007 by five parties: PFL/DEM (Party of Liberal Front, today Democrats), PMDB (Party of the Brazilian Democratic Movement), PSB (Brazilian Socialist Party), PSDB (Party Brazilian Social Democracy) and PT (Workers Party). In these different variables were observed as dominant thematic emphases and discursive as well as the content presented. In light of these data, it offers a vision of how the programs are used in general and by each party, still offering a typology on its uses.

Os conglomerados de comunicação social no Brasil são o retrato acabado de um sistema territorialmente capilarizado e institucionalmente centralizado. A análise do panorama dos meios de comunicação no Brasil, baseada na plataforma digital do Projeto Donos da Mídia, revelou que a influência direta ou indireta das 54 redes de rádio e televisão controladas pelos por esses conglomerados atinge mais de 25% dos 9.477 veículos de comunicação identificados pelo projeto. Algumas destas organizações encabeçam um sistema marcado por cinco condicionantes: tripla concentração econômica (diagonal, vertical e horizontal), controle das redes de distribuição, penetração regional, presença histórica e relações políticas. Ao mesmo tempo, suas empresas atuam simultaneamente em quatro dimensões: econômica, política, histórica e simbólica. Quando reunidas, as duas características configuram um modelo a que se propõe chamar de Sistema Central de Mídia. Esta dissertação permitiu a identificação de dez conglomerados que ocupam tal posição. Eles controlam, direta ou indiretamente, 12 redes de televisão, 9 de rádio e 1.310 veículos de comunicação, 14% da base identificada pela pesquisa. Conhecer a forma de organização que permite às empresas de mídia conquistar e manter posições no mercado nacional parece interessar especialmente no momento em que a convergência tecnológica vem reduzindo as distâncias entre os agentes da área das comunicações do Brasil e do exterior.Conhecer a forma de organização que permite às empresas de mídia conquistar e manter posições no mercado nacional parece interessar especialmente no momento em que a convergência tecnológica vem reduzindo as distâncias entre os agentes da área das comunicações do Brasil e do exterior. / Brazil´s social communication conglomerates are the finished portrayal of a system territorially spreaded and institutionally centered. The media analysis, based on the digital platform of the Donos da Mídia Project, evidenced that more than 25% of the 9,477 vehicles of communication identified by the project are directly or indirectly influenced by 54 radio and TV networks. These are top organisations in a system defined by five conditions: triple economic concentration (diagonal, vertical and horizontal), network distribution control, regional penetration, historical presence and political relations. At the same time, its companies act simultaneously in four dimensions: economic, politics, symbolic and historical. Taken together these two characteristics configure the Media Central System model. This dissertation has identificatified ten conglomerates within this model. They control, directly or indirectly, 12 television networks, 9 of radio and 1,310 vehicles of communication, in total 14% of the base identified for the research. Understanding how media companies organize themselves to gain and consolidate market share is particularly interesting considering the reduced distance between the Brazilian and foreigners agents of communications as a result of technological convergence.

A body of research has established the political relevance of Social Media (SM) platforms for populist parties, claiming that populist politicians utilize a ‘bypassing-strategy’. However, the rather reluctant employment of Facebook and Twitter by German citizens other than, for example, media professionals and politicians, raises questions of the utilization intention for public actors. Even though multiple scholars already indicated the necessity of research on the ‘embeddedness of digital tools’ in journalists’ routines (Jungherr, 2016: 374) such studies remain scarce. Therefore this study aims to shed light on how power is exercised by political actors through the use of SM within Chadwick’s (2017) hybrid media system. In order to do so it firstly examines the existence of references to the Twitter and Facebook pages of politicians of the German right-wing populist party AfD within the coverage of four German newspapers about the party during the final phase of the 2017 General Federal Election campaign. Secondly, by employing issue competition theory, issues and topics that three AfD politicians communicated about on their SM pages are compared with those that the party has been covered in relation to in newspaper articles. The findings of the quantitative content analysis on the newspaper articles showed only few cases in which AfD politicians’ SM statements were quoted. In regard to issue competition theory, the quantitative mapping of issues and topics in newspaper coverage about the AfD as well its politicians’ SM statements however, demonstrate prevailing similarities between the issues and topics that dominated the newspaper coverage about the party as well as its politicians SM pages. A thematic analysis on the latter found three themes that suggest a possible explanation for the few cases in which newspaper articles referenced SM statements: All three politicians used SM differently to promote, circulate and comment on issues and topics which influenced whether statements originated from the platform or from other contexts, such as rally events, tv debates, media article etc. These different types of content distributed and published on the politicians’ SM pages could be a possible explanation for the limited instances in which SM statements were quoted by newspaper articles. These findings suggest that the AfD did indeed pursued a bypassing strategy and employed SM platforms to directly communicate with its supporters. However, future studies should continue research on the embeddedness of SM statements in contexts other than campaigning times. Furthermore insights from qualitative interviews with politicians about their utilization strategies and journalists regarding their possible hesitance to quote politicians’ SM Statements, that may be grounded in professional standards, are necessary in order to obtain a more complete assessment of the role of SM for political actors in navigating the hybrid media system.