Populism har de senaste åren blivit ett ökande fenomen i västvärlden, där partier och politiska aktörer som benämns som populistiska vinner alltmer mark. Även årets riksdagsval i Sverige följde denna trend, där Sverigedemokraterna (ett parti som har beskrivits som populistiskt) blev det näst största partiet och samarbetsparti till den nya regeringen. Trots kommunikationens viktiga roll inom populism har denna aspekt av populism i det stora hela oftast blivit förbisedd inom forskningen. Det gäller också tidigare forskning om populism i Sverige, som oftast har fokuserat på populistiska aktörers innehåll och deras ideologiska positioner. Tidigare forskning om populism i Sverige har också oftast fokuserat på partiet Sverigedemokraterna och inte studerat andra partiers användning av populism. Mot bakgrund av denna lucka i forskningen samt Sverigedemokraternas framgångar och konventionella partiers beslut att samarbeta med partiet, har denna studie valt att undersöka om och i sådana fall hur tre svenska politiska aktörer (Ulf Kristersson, Magdalena Andersson, Jimmie Åkesson) använder sig av populism i sin politiska kommunikation. Syftet har varit att undersöka hur populism som politisk kommunikation används och tar sig uttryck. Konkret har uppsatsen, genom en tematisk analys, analyserat de tre partiledarnas Almedalstal valåret 2022 och med hjälp av det teoretiska ramverket undersökt vilka populistiska element som kan urskiljas i talen och hur de används i den politiska kommunikationen. Studien identifierade att alla dessa tre politiska aktörer använde sig av populism för att mobilisera väljarstöd, men att de gjorde det med hjälp av populism på olika sätt, genom tre olika identifierade teman. Ulf Kristersson använde sig av det identifierade temat den rättfärdiga vinnaren genom att använda sig av populism för att framhålla sig själv och sin sida som den rättfärdiga och kompetenta vinnaren av valet. Jimmie Åkesson använde sig av populism i de identifierade temat landets räddare för att framställa Sverige som ett land i djup kris och han och hans parti som de enda om kan rädda landet. Till sist använde sig Magdalena Andersson av det identifierande temat mobiliseringen av en nationell gemenskap, där hon till skillnad från Kristersson och Åkesson använde sig av populism för att framhålla en enande svensk identitet och kultur som väljare kan identifiera sig med. Studiens resultat mynnar ut i en diskussion om användningen av begreppet populism och om man mer ska se populism som en komponent av politiska aktörers kommunikation och inte som ett definierande drag av politiska aktörers politiska identitet. Detta med tanke på att resultatet av studien visade att alla de politiska aktörerna använde sig av populism trots deras politiska och ideologiska skillnader. / In recent years, populism has become an increased phenomenon in the Western world, where parties and political actors that are called populist are increasingly gaining ground. This year's parliamentary elections in Sweden also followed this trend, where the Sweden Democrats (a party that has been described as populist) became the second largest party and a collaborating party to the new government. Despite the important role of communication in populism, this aspect of populism as a whole has often been overlooked in research. This applies to previous research on populism in Sweden, which usually focuses on the content of populist actors and their ideological positions. Previous research on populism in Sweden has also focused on the Sweden Democrats and not studied other parties' use of populism. Against this gap in the research and the Sweden Democrats successes and conventional parties' decisions to cooperate with the party, this study set out to analyze whether, and in such cases, how three Swedish political actors in the form of party leaders Magdalena Andersson, Ulf Kristersson and Jimmie Åkesson used populism in their political communication. The aim has been to examine how populism as political communication is used and expressed. Concretely, the essay has, through a thematic analysis, analyzed the Almedal speeches of the three party leaders in the election year 2022 and, with the help of the theoretical framework, examined which populist elements can be distinguished in the speeches and how they are used in political communication. The study identified that all these three political actors used populism to mobilize voter support, but that they did so using populism in different ways, through three different identified themes. Ulf Kristersson used the identified theme of the righteous winner by using populism to promote himself and his side as the righteous and competent winner of the election. Jimmie Åkesson used populism in the identified theme of the country's savior to portray Sweden as a country in deep crisis and he and his party as the only ones who can save the country. Finally, Magdalena Andersson used the identified theme of the mobilization of a national community, where, unlike Kristersson and Åkesson, she used populism to emphasize a unifying Swedish identity and culture that voters can identify with. The results of the study prompted a discussion about the use of the term populism and whether, given that the results of the study showed that all the political actors used populism despite their political and ideological differences, populism should be seen as a component of political actor’s communication and not as an identifying feature of a political actor's political identity.

[pt] Na América Latina, a corrupção é elemento constituidor de práticas culturais, sociais e de governo. A partir da Operação Lava Jato, considerado o maior escândalo de corrupção já registrado na região, a pauta ganhou ainda mais centralidade, especialmente por parte da mídia. A visão deste estudo éa de que jornalistas são atores da Comunicação Polí tica fundamentais e que participam ativamente da definição e construção das notícias e, assim, da construção e interpretação da realidade. Nesse sentido, esta pesquisa de jornalismo no âmbito da Comunicação Política identifica e analisa percepções construídas por jornalistas brasileiros sobre a corrupção e a Operação Lava Jato, e o papel do jornalismo e dos jornalistas nessas coberturas. O trabalho realiza um estudo de caso, combinando aplicação e análise temática de entrevistas semiestruturadas a uma análise complementar de enquadramento de conteúdo midiático. A pesquisa mostra que as percepções de jornalistas sobre a corrupção estão ligadas, principalmente, à Política, e que reconhecem a existência de uma aliança entre mídia e força-tarefa durante a Operação, que se constituiu de cumplicidade e instrumentalização. O estudo também detalha percepções acerca do status quo que envolveu e envolve a cobertura de escândalos políticos de grande proporção. Como contribuições, busca trazer pistas sobre as definições de corrupção, Lava Jato e jornalismo político que perpassam arenas de discussão pública no Brasil; e espera auxiliar no uso de métodos qualitativos interpretativos em estudos do Campo na região. / [en] In Latin America, corruption is a constituent element of cultural, social and government practices. After Lava Jato Scandal, considered the biggest corruption scandal ever recorded in the region, the agenda gained even more centrality, especially from the media. The vision of this research is that journalists are fundamental Political Communication actors who actively participate in the definition and construction of news and, thus, in the construction of reality. In this sense, this journalism research in the field of Political Communication identifies and analyzes perceptions constructed by Brazilian journalists about corruption and Lava Jato, and the role of journalism and journalists in this coverage. The work uses a case study research strategy, combining application and thematic analysis of semi-structured interviews with a complementary analysis of media content framing. The research shows that perceptions about corruption are mainly linked to Politics and journalists recognize the existence of an alliance between the media and the task force during the Lava Jato, which was constituted of complicity and instrumentalization. The work also details perceptions about the status quo that involved and involves the coverage of political scandals of great proportion. As contributions, the research seeks to bring clues about the definitions of corruption, Lava Jato and political journalism that pervade public discussion arenas in Brazil; and hopes to assist in the use of qualitative interpretive methods in field studies in the region.

Depuis les attentats du 9/11, la lutte contre le terrorisme est devenue une priorité dans de nombreux pays. Les gouvernements ont mis en place des dispositifs destinés à prévenir les actes terroristes et à identifier en amont les potentiels suspects. C’est dans ce contexte que s’est développé un nouveau champ de savoir sur la « radicalisation ». Ce concept, qui présente le passage à l’acte violent comme l’aboutissement d’un processus, offre aux autorités la possibilité d’intervenir en amont pour « arrêter » ou « inverser » cette progression. À partir de l’analyse de deux rapports officiels et de deux campagnes publiques de prévention, je procéderai à l’analyse critique des discours institutionnels français sur la radicalisation. Je mettrai en évidence la manière dont ce phénomène est représenté par l’administration et les relations que ce concept entretient avec les pratiques de prévention. Enfin, je mettrai en lumière la fonction stratégique de ce savoir pour le pouvoir. / Since the attacks of 9/11, the fight against terrorism has become a priority in many countries. Governments have put in place systems to prevent terrorist acts and to identify potential suspects in advance. It is in this context that a new field of knowledge on "radicalization" has been developed. This concept, which presents the passage to violent action as the culmination of a process, offers the authorities the possibility of intervening upstream to "stop" or "reverse" this progression. Based on the analysis of two official reports and two public prevention campaigns, I will establish a critical analysis of French institutional discourse on radicalization. I will highlight the way in which this phenomenon is represented by the administration and the relationship that this concept has with prevention practices. Finally, I will highlight the strategic function of this knowledge for government.

The aim of this study is to analyze 25 fake election posters that have been put up between 2018 and 2022 in Sweden, through a narrative analysis, to gain an insight into how they displace political messages in the public space. The study is also done to gain a deeper understanding of the practice from a media activist perspective and to investigate how these practices renegotiate a traditional form of political communication. These renegotiation practices are theorized in terms of territorialization (Deleuze & Guattari, 1987). In addition, the concept right to the city (Harvey, 2003, 2008; Lefebvre, 1996) is used to understand the city as a public political space. The results of the study show that many fake election posters seem to want to challenge and try to influence their surroundings, although there are differences in what the the election posters specifically want to challenge or criticize. Common characteristics of the practice are activism, criticism, disclosure, disinformation, appropriation, intertextuality, irony, satire, humor, and political standpoints. This also shows that fake election posters can be understood as a type of activism, as there are many similarities with other media activist practices such as culture jamming, street art and graffiti.

No description available.

No description available.

2022 is election year in Sweden and at the same time we are approaching year 2030 fast. Because of that, it is of interest to analyze how the Swedish government is communicating Agenda 2030 and the SDGs, with a special focus on climate and the environment, on their official Instagram account and website. This thesis performed with a qualitative content analysis aims to analyze and compare the representation of these subjects with the help of the theoretical framework of critical theory and its critical political economy of media and communication. This allows for a critical analysis of how communication is presented on the different platforms and if the main focuses differ between them. Statistics from Internetstiftelsen (2022) shows how Instagram is the main social platform used by first-time voters and therefore it is of importance to analyze the communication posted there. At the same time the Instagram posts refers to the website in some cases, hence, it is important to analyze the communication published there as well to be able to make an accurate comparison between the platforms.  The collected material consists of articles and Instagram posts that has been coded, thematized and analyzed with the help of software analyze tool. It resulted in an accurate visualization of how large percentage of the coded themes was present in the chosen material. Analyzing the material opened a discussion on how the communication does differ on the two platforms. The communication done on Instagram has a strong focus on what Sweden has done with regards to Agenda 2030 and the SDGs, what they are doing and how well they are performing. Nevertheless, it rarely discusses what Agenda 2030 is, how the SDGs are constructed or what it takes to achieve them. This information can however be found on the website, a platform which is visited less often than Instagram by first-time voters. To increase political interest and knowledge amongst the younger generation, changes in the communication must be done. Otherwise, we might see ourselves in a situation where the interest in making crucial changes decreases and thereby jeopardizes our chances of achieving Agenda 2030.

No / This book examines how political communication and the mass media have played a central role in the consolidation of emerging democracies around the world. Covering a broad range of political and cultural contexts, including Eastern and Southern Europe, Latin America, Asia and Africa, this new volume investigates the problems and conflicts arising in the process of establishing an independent media and competitive politics in post-autocratic societies. Considering the changing dynamic in the relationship between political actors, the media and their audience, the authors of this volume address the following issues: Changing journalistic role perceptions and journalistic quality The reasons and consequences of persisting instrumentalization of the media by political actors The role of the media in election campaigns The way in which the citizens interpret political messages and the extent to which the media influence political attitudes and electoral behaviour The role of the Internet in building a democratic public sphere.

This study shows that media and misinformation in media can have a direct impact on policymakers during the agenda setting stage of the policy process. Through a theoretical framework based on the network agenda setting model, discourse theory, WPR-approach and previous research regarding misinformation about transgender people, the case of two anti-trans legislation initiatives, one of which was an emergency measure, in North Dakota, USA, from 2023, are explored. Through qualitative, content analysis, WPR-analysis and discourse analysis, an examination of the impact of misinformation about transgender people on Fox News, from the 13th of december 2022 to the 23rd of january 2023, on policymakers in North Dakota is presented. The study found that there are considerable similarities between the discourse about transgender people on Fox News and the problem representation in the anti-trans legislation initiatives, in addition to substantial amounts of misinformation about transgender people on Fox News. These findings imply that policymakers can be affected by misinformation in news media, which in turn can affect democratic systems through the potential erosion of trust, political accountability and democratic rights.

Dissertation focuses on qualitative aspects of EU communication strategies applied in two new EU member states, young democracies – Lithuania and Estonia. The overall goal of the research was twofold: to gain a better understanding about the reasons that determine implementation of EU Communication Policy in different national contexts as well as to propose possible solutions how to reshape and adapt it to specific cultures and conditions. Dissertation deals with the normative approach, that EU communication can provide a basis for the formation of the European public sphere and can help to bridge the ‘gap‘ between EU institutions and citizens on the national level. Generally, this comparative study performed in two Baltic countries has shown that while analysing European political communication, it is crucially important to examine strategic-organisational, as well as contextual factors (socio-cultural, political, economic conditions, local particularities of histories and traditions of communication) and values of those communicating (institutional communication officers and journalists) that influence their relationship (political communication culture) and have an impact on messages produced. / Disertacijoje analizuojama, kaip vyksta politikos komunikacijos sistemų europeizacijos procesai naujosiose narėse, jaunos demokratijos valstybėse (Lietuvoje ir Estijoje), apie kurių kontekstą ir patirtis Europos moksliniame diskurse pernelyg mažai yra žinoma. Mokslinė problema formuluojama tokiu klausimu: kokiu būdu ir kokiomis priemonėmis galima būtų užtikrinti efektyvią politikos komunikaciją tarp ES lygmens bei nacionalinių institucijų ir piliečių, ir taip pasiūlyti efektyvių sprendimų, kaip institucinė ES komunikacijos politika, pritaikyta prie skirtingų ES šalių narių ar jų grupių (tokių kaip Baltijos šalys) kontekstų, galėtų padėti spręsti ES demokratijos stygiaus problemą bei paspartinti bendros politinės viešosios erdvės formavimąsi Europoje? Darbe siekta parodyti, kad veiksniai, lemiantys Europos viešosios erdvės formavimąsi, yra daugialypiai bei kompleksiški. Remiantis Lietuvos ir Estijos atvejo analize galima daryti prielaidą, kad ES komunikacijos politikos įgyvendinimą nacionaliniu lygmeniu ir viešosios erdvės europeizacijos galimybes „iš viršaus“ apsprendžia bent trys skirtingos grupės veiksnių: strateginiai-organizaciniai, politikos komunikacijos kultūros (politikos-žiniasklaidos santykio) ir sociokultūriniai (priklausomybė nuo politinio, ekonominio, socialinio ir kt. konteksto).