Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:20:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Daniela Atalla da Silva Ramos.pdf: 3041655 bytes, checksum: 514b63e6165aada71a3f2c908bff0206 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-03-25 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / My interest for COC first as televiewer and, later, as a researcher, was motivated by the apparently innovative combination between journalism and humor in which the TV show is based. Having as goal to perform an analysis of this TV show under the perspective of political communication and sociology, I have looked in the first Chapter of this work to describe what is COC, which is the audience profile and, having as theoretical framework the teachings of authors such as Bourdieu, Azevedo e Porto, raise some questions about mass communication, what is news and what is the criteria used by journalism to define a journalistic agenda. In the second chapter, 1 tried to bring a history of political humor in Brazil, with the purpose of inserting COC in such historic background; as well as to aggregate the contributions of the "Semantic Mechanisms of Humor" (of Raskin) and of "Dialogic Analysis of Discourse" (of Bakhtin), to begin setting up the construction of an overview of the combination among humor, politics and journalism. In the third chapter, 1 have made an analysis of the journalistic coverage performed by COC of Presidential Elections of 2010, bringing examples on the way the TV show has addressed the agenda of TV Electoral Propaganda, the profiles and proposals of the candidates. Later, 1 have reached the conclusion that the combination of humor, politics and journalism effectively results in little information to the voter - and in the reinforcement of some stereotypes / O meu interesse pelo CQC como telespectadora e, depois, como pesquisadora foi despertado pela combinação aparentemente nova entre jornalismo e humor. Tendo por objetivo analisar o programa sob o ponto de vista da comunicação política e da sociologia, procurei no primeiro capítulo descrever o que é o CQC, qual o perfil da sua audiência e, utilizando o aporte teórico de autores como Bourdieu, Azevedo e Porto, levantar algumas questões sobre a comunicação de massa, o que é notícia e quais os critérios utilizados pelo jornalismo para definir uma pauta. No segundo capítulo, procurei trazer um histórico do humor político no Brasil, de forma a contextualizar o CQC nesse histórico; e, também, agregar as contribuições na Teoria Semântica do Humor (de Raskin) e da Análise Dialógica do Discurso (de Bakhtin) para começar a configurar um panorama da combinação entre humor, política e jornalismo. No terceiro capítulo, realizei a análise da cobertura que o CQC fez das Eleições Presidenciais de 2010, trazendo exemplos de como o programa abordou as pautas do Horário Gratuito de Propaganda Eleitoral, os perfis e propostas dos candidatos. Cheguei, posteriormente, à conclusão de que a combinação entre humor, política e jornalismo resulta efetivamente em pouca informação para o eleitor e no reforço de alguns estereótipos

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:54:04Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Daniela Atalla da Silva Ramos.pdf: 3041655 bytes, checksum: 514b63e6165aada71a3f2c908bff0206 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-03-25 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / My interest for COC first as televiewer and, later, as a researcher, was motivated by the apparently innovative combination between journalism and humor in which the TV show is based. Having as goal to perform an analysis of this TV show under the perspective of political communication and sociology, I have looked in the first Chapter of this work to describe what is COC, which is the audience profile and, having as theoretical framework the teachings of authors such as Bourdieu, Azevedo e Porto, raise some questions about mass communication, what is news and what is the criteria used by journalism to define a journalistic agenda. In the second chapter, 1 tried to bring a history of political humor in Brazil, with the purpose of inserting COC in such historic background; as well as to aggregate the contributions of the "Semantic Mechanisms of Humor" (of Raskin) and of "Dialogic Analysis of Discourse" (of Bakhtin), to begin setting up the construction of an overview of the combination among humor, politics and journalism. In the third chapter, 1 have made an analysis of the journalistic coverage performed by COC of Presidential Elections of 2010, bringing examples on the way the TV show has addressed the agenda of TV Electoral Propaganda, the profiles and proposals of the candidates. Later, 1 have reached the conclusion that the combination of humor, politics and journalism effectively results in little information to the voter - and in the reinforcement of some stereotypes / O meu interesse pelo CQC como telespectadora e, depois, como pesquisadora foi despertado pela combinação aparentemente nova entre jornalismo e humor. Tendo por objetivo analisar o programa sob o ponto de vista da comunicação política e da sociologia, procurei no primeiro capítulo descrever o que é o CQC, qual o perfil da sua audiência e, utilizando o aporte teórico de autores como Bourdieu, Azevedo e Porto, levantar algumas questões sobre a comunicação de massa, o que é notícia e quais os critérios utilizados pelo jornalismo para definir uma pauta. No segundo capítulo, procurei trazer um histórico do humor político no Brasil, de forma a contextualizar o CQC nesse histórico; e, também, agregar as contribuições na Teoria Semântica do Humor (de Raskin) e da Análise Dialógica do Discurso (de Bakhtin) para começar a configurar um panorama da combinação entre humor, política e jornalismo. No terceiro capítulo, realizei a análise da cobertura que o CQC fez das Eleições Presidenciais de 2010, trazendo exemplos de como o programa abordou as pautas do Horário Gratuito de Propaganda Eleitoral, os perfis e propostas dos candidatos. Cheguei, posteriormente, à conclusão de que a combinação entre humor, política e jornalismo resulta efetivamente em pouca informação para o eleitor e no reforço de alguns estereótipos

Journalism is a part of the foundation of a democracy and is responsible for giving a wide view of the society, examining the authorities and making sure to give a nuanced picture of reality. With the rapid flow of information given to us by the digital media, journalism has gained tremendous competition from third parties and private individuals. At the same time, surveys have been carried out where politicians and press secretaries find that journalists today are unable to cover reality to the extent that would be desired. The economic situation has meant that many local offices have had to be closed down, which has contributed to white spots that are no longer covered in Sweden. In this survey, semi-structured interviews were conducted with parliamentary politicians, journalists and press secretaries in the political arena to get answers on how they view the journalism's democratic role, the future of journalism and how digitalization has affected journalism. The answers were thematised and analyzed against theories of media convergence, journalism's democratic role and political communication. In several themes that were found among the answers, there is consensus in the interviewees' answers and opinions questions. For example, journalism faces major challenges in the future in a society with easy ways of disseminating disinformation, and that journalists themselves need to find the solution to preserve their relevance and credibility. / Journalistik är en del av grundstommen i en demokrati och ansvarar för att bevaka samhället, granska makteliten och se till att ge en nyanserad bild av verkligheten. I och med det snabba informationsflödet som de digitala medierna gett oss idag har journalistiken fått enorm konkurrens från utomstående aktörer och privatpersoner. Samtidigt har undersökningar gjorts där politiker och pressekreterare tycker att journalister idag inte klarar att bevaka i den mån som skulle önskas. Den ekonomiska situationen har gjort att många lokalredaktioner har fått läggas ner vilket har bidragit till vita fläckar som inte längre bevakas i Sverige. I den här undersökningen genomfördes semistrukturerade intervjuer med riksdagspolitiker, journalister och pressekreterare inom den politiska arenan för att få svar på hur de ser på journalistikens demokratiska roll, journalistikens framtid och hur digitaliseringen har påverkat journalistiken. Svaren tematiserades och analyserades mot teorier om mediekonvergens, journalistikens demokratiska roll och politisk kommunikation. I flera teman som hittades bland svaren råder det konsensus i intervjupersonernas svar och åsikter frågeställningarna. Exempelvis att journalistiken står inför stora utmaningar i framtiden i ett samhälle med lätta sätt att sprida desinformation, och att journalisterna själva behöver hitta lösningen för att bevara sin relevans och trovärdighet.

Esta pesquisa teve como objetivo identificar, descrever e examinar alguns aspectos da educação política no Brasil, mais especificamente as estratégias de uso de elementos da cultura empregadas pelos consultores de marketing político no seio das campanhas eleitorais. Neste estudo, defendeu-se duas teses: a) o marketing como uma matriz de educação política e b) os consultores como intérpretes da cultura. Observou-se, portanto, que esses agentes da política, da educação e da cultura agem como administradores de uma informação acumulada, por meio de uma ação pedagógica e socializadora difusa da população. Identificou-se os interesses diversificados de agentes na adesão a um espaço social específico, descreveu-se a institucionalização do marketing político no interior do campo científico e interpelou-se a categoria nativa intérpretes na produção de crenças e entendimentos sobre a política. Com o objetivo de aprofundar a compreensão das duas teses, discutiu-se a memória e a fofoca como conteúdos e didáticas das campanhas eleitorais. Para cumprir o empreendimento intelectual proposto, foi realizada uma etnografia multissituada, de caráter exploratório, inovador e inédito na área de educação, analisando um conjunto de dados multilocalizados e oriundos de propagandas eleitorais; de contextos de produção de uma campanha específica, realizada na Amazônia brasileira; de livros produzidos por consultores; de entrevistas realizadas com eles e de outras referências encontradas no trabalho de campo e vividas pelo autor da pesquisa. Com a intenção de que o presente estudo venha contribuir para um entendimento mais amplo e eficiente a respeito da construção social da realidade nos dias atuais, propôs-se investigar as formas de sintetizar a cultura no que se refere à produção de possíveis tentativas de educação dos modos de concepção, classificação, julgamento e imaginação da população no âmbito político. Por fim, buscou-se contribuir para a ampliação do escopo investigativo da sociologia da educação no que tange aos processos educacionais difusos e de massa, e que influem substancialmente no futuro do país, que não estão restritos à escola, mas que podem chegar à ela. / This research aimed at identifying, describing and examining some aspects of political education in Brazil, more precisely the use of cultural elements by political marketing consultants in electoral campaigns. Two theses were defended by this study: a) Marketing as a source for political education and b) consultants as the interpreters of culture. It was observed, therefore, that these agents of politics, education and culture operate as managers of accumulated information, by means of pedagogic action and socializing practices of the population. Diversified interests of these agents were identified in support of a particular social area, the institutionalization of political marketing within the scientific field was also depicted, and the native status of interpreters in the creation of political views and beliefs was questioned. With the objective of deepening the understanding of the two theses, collective memory and rumors were discussed as content of and educational approaches to electoral campaigns. In order to accomplish the proposed intellectual enterprise, a multi-sited ethnographic study that was exploratory and innovative in character and unprecedented in the educational field, was created by analyzing a set of multi-locational data derived from electoral campaigns; in fact as a result of a particular campaign, which took place in the Brazilian Amazon; from books written by those consultants; interviews and other references that were found during fieldwork and experienced by the author of the research. With the purpose to provide a broader and more efficient understanding concerning the construction of our current social reality, the present case study aimed at exploring ways to synthesize culture regarding the production of possible attempts to educate the population in of methods of conception, classification, judgment and imagination in the realm of politics. Lastly, the intention was to widen the investigative scope of sociology of education related to widespread and mass educational procedures, which have a substantial influence on the future of the country, and which arent limited to the school system, but that can reach it.

This thesis investigates the role of network structure, brokerage, and framing in high-risk collective action. I use the protest movement that emerged in Russia following falsified national elections in 2011 and 2012 as an empirical case study. I draw on a unique dataset of nearly 30,000 online documents and the linking structure of over 3,500 Russian Web sites. I employ a range of computational social science methods, including Exponential Random Graph Modeling, an advanced statistical model for social networks, social network analysis, machine learning, and latent semantic analysis. I address three research questions in this thesis. The first asks if a protest network challenging a hybrid regime will have a polycentric or hierarchical structure, and if that structure changes over time. Polycentric networks are conducive to high-risk collective action and are robust to the targeted removal of key nodes, while hierarchical networks can more easily mobilize protesters and spread information. I find that the Russian protest network has a polycentric structure only at the beginning of the protests, and moves towards a less effective hierarchical structure as the movement loses popular support. The second research question seeks to understand if brokered text is actually novel, and if that text is more novel in polycentric networks than in hierarchical ones. Brokers are the individuals or nodes in a network that connect disparate groups through weak ties and close structural holes. Brokers are advantageous because they have access to and spread novel information. I find that the text among nodes in brokered relationships is indeed novel, but that information novelty decreases when networks have a hierarchical structure. The last research question asks if a protest movement in a high-risk political setting can be more successful than the government at spreading its preferred frames, and within such a movement, whether moderate or extremist framing is more prevalent. I find that the opposition is far more effective than the government in spreading its frames, even when the government organizes massive counter protests. Within the movement, moderates are more likely to have their framing adopted online than extremists, unless violence occurs at protests. The findings suggest that movements should build flatter, more diffuse networks by ensuring that brokers tie together diverse protest constituencies. The findings also provide evidence against those who claim that authoritarian governments are more effective in shaping online discourse than oppositional movements, and also suggest that movements should advance moderate framing in order to attract a wider base of support among the general population.

L’étude de la représentation du pouvoir à l’époque moderne s’est beaucoup développée ces dernières années sous l’impulsion de spécialistes historiens de l’art ou sémiologues. Or ces études ont souvent exclu de leur champ de recherche l’espace géographique, pourtant fondamental, que constitue le monde méditerranéen. Cette thèse va donc s’articuler autour de l’interrogation suivante : l’art du portrait, et en particulier du portrait de cour peint, a-t-il été pour les princes italiens un support de leur politique, de l’affirmation de leur pouvoir et de leur puissance ? Le portrait de cour est-il le reflet de la conception du pouvoir des princes et des principaux mouvements intellectuels de l’époque moderne ? Après avoir replacé ces tableaux dans leur contexte historique, cette étude s’attachera à appliquer aux représentations du pouvoir une véritable analyse de contenu : étude des thèmes récurrents, périodicité de leur apparition, positionnement dans les plans de l’image, superficie occupée, mais aussi connotation de chacun à des référentiels culturels bien précis, autant de sens cachés et pourtant patents. Certaines principautés méditerranéennes ont en effet utilisé les principes picturaux et politiques de la Contre-réforme pour affirmer non seulement la supériorité de l’Église catholique, mais aussi leur pouvoir. Après la période de redécouverte de l’art du portrait que constitue la Renaissance, la Contre-réforme et le XVIIe siècle apparaissent comme l’utilisation du discours « visuel » pour s’opposer au discours écrit. Au contraire, au XVIIIe siècle, c’est l’influence des Lumières et des écrits philosophiques qui vont imprégner ces portraits de cour. Si certaines permanences demeurent, les décors ou certains éléments du costume montrent une imprégnation de la société et des sphères du pouvoir par les idées nouvelles, qu’elles soient politiques ou sociales. / The study of the representation of power in modern times has developed significantly in recent years under the guidance of art historians and experts in semiotics. However, these studies have often excluded from their research the fundamentally important geographical space that is the Mediterranean world. Therefore, this thesis revolves around the following questions: Was the portraiture, and in particular the state portrait, a political statement of the power and legitimacy of the person represented in the painting? Is the court portrait a reflection of the conception of the power of the princes and the main intellectual movements of the modern era? After placing these paintings in their historical context, this study conducts a content analysis of the representations of power, focusing on recurrent themes, frequency of occurrence, and the placement of the image, and also to the connotation each specific cultural references, and meanings whether hidden or evident. Some Mediterranean principalities have indeed used the pictorial and political principles of the Counter-Reformation to assert not only the superiority of the Catholic Church, but also their own power. After the period of rediscovery of portraiture as an art form during the Renaissance, the Counter-Reformation and the seventeenth century are seen as the use of visual communication to oppose the written word. On the contrary, in the eighteenth century, the influence of the Enlightenment and philosophical writings permeates the state portraits. While there was a great deal of stability in portraiture over time, gradually the background decor and elements of the clothing began to reflect the arrival of new ideas, both political and social, within the spheres of power and in society more generally.

Three sound bites, Whatever it takes (55 seconds), Safer, Stronger (30 seconds), and War on Terror (30 seconds), of President George W. Bush during the presidential election of 2004 will be explored and unpacked.

This thesis chronicles the development of Henderson and its media. Unlike most pioneering towns that sprung up west of the Allegheny and Appalachian Mountains during the 18th century, Henderson assumed a unique position in the development of the Midwest as an important and major tobacco port, as an agricultural conduit to the North and industrial path to the South. and as an outpost of trade to the West. A clearer picture of its aggressive nature becomes evident by tracing the hard-fought beginnings of the region. As Henderson grew in importance, so did its lust grow for excitement and entertainment. Compared to the gleaming major Atlantic seaports of the youthful nation. Henderson sparkled like a diamond amongst the rough and crude Midwest settlements by providing residents and travelers inland entertainment at its Ohio riverport. Two overlapping questions embrace the focus of the study: what caused the underlying pride of development that Henderson obviously possesses? Why, too, has Henderson had such an extensive amount of media from which to choose? The questions serve as a blueprint for depicting the cultural growth and the impact of media that has existed in Henderson and for its smaller surrounding communities. Information will come from printed newspaper articles, books of Henderson and Henderson County history, interviews with some of those few remaining theater operators, phonograph operators, and broadcasters. use my twenty-years' experience of working in radio and television production, sales, and management to interpret the jargon of their craft and to make their information more meaningful to the reader.

"My name is..." // "...اسمي" is a photo series that aims to depoliticize the highly politicized identity of the Arab, female refugee. Due to the growing number of refugees being forced out of their homes and displaced all around the globe, their collective existence has turned into a number. The world only sees one image when they think of an Arab refugee; the suffering, hopeless body of an Arab, struggling to cross borders. The world is not exposed to the real experiences of these individuals, and their stories remain untold. With this project, I aim to share these stories. Female refugees have unique experiences as women, and as mothers. They hold specific responsibilities within the displaced family and community as a whole. Each of them carry different narratives, different hopes and dreams. Combining their stories alongside the photos will help humanize them and show a side to them that the mainstream media fails to show, a side that doesn’t drastically differ from the experiences of people all over the world, no matter where they are from.

This thesis takes a conversation-analytic approach examining the pragmatic functions of the linguistic marker "first (off/of all)" in second-pair-part (i.e., responsive) position relative to questions. Using data from question-answer sequences in the 2015-2016 U.S. Presidential Republican primary debates, I propose six claims regarding the composition, position, and action of what is referred to as the practice of "First"-prefacing. Analysis reveals that "First"-prefacing projects the displacement of a response (conforming or non-conforming) to a question. In projecting the displacement of a response, "First"-prefacing does two things: (1) it projects that the unit(s) of talk to come immediately next will be something other than a response, and thus this "first" matter should not be heard as being designedly "responsive" to the question; and (2) it claims that a conditionally relevant response to the question is forthcoming after the "first" matter is resolved. Debaters largely used "First"-prefacing to temporarily "get out from under" a question's conditional relevancies in order to "reach back" beyond the question and perform actions more properly sequentially fitted to earlier portions of the debate (e.g., defend themselves, make additional comments, counter-criticize other debaters). The more general function of "First"-prefacing as a misplacement marker is discussed, and its existence in ordinary conversation is briefly demonstrated.