« Territorialisation de l’espace public : une approche polanyienne appliquée au cas de l’Auvergne » est une recherche en Sciences de l’Information et de la Communication portant sur l’espace public contemporain. Cette recherche s’intéresse aux enjeux démocratiques liés à l’existence simultanée de différentes échelles d’articulation des sphères politique, économique et symbolique. Il s’agit d’un travail théorique et empirique appuyé sur le niveau régional auvergnat, mobilisant une épistémologie de la complexité (Edgar Morin), la méthodologie de « l’étude de cas élargie » (Michael Burawoy) et une approche interdisciplinaire.L’espace public est défini comme ayant une double dimension empirique et normative (Jürgen Habermas). Mais en référence aux travaux d’Éric Dacheux, l’espace public est également le fruit d’un compromis particulier, historiquement déterminé, entre les trois ordres politique, économique et symbolique. Par conséquent, l’espace public est le lieu où ces trois systèmes entrent en confrontation et sont en interaction (dimension empirique) et une instance propre à la démocratie (dimension normative). Il est donc le lieu où se jouent, en démocratie, les processus de régulation et de transformation sociale. Le mot « polanyien » fait référence aux travaux de Karl Polanyi (1886-1964) qui ont démontré que même si État libéral, démocratie et « idéologie de marché » sont historiquement liés, ils sont incompatibles à long terme. Cela signifie qu’il est nécessaire de développer une nouvelle relation entre la sphère économique et la sphère politique, compatible avec la démocratie. Les activités communicationnelles dans l’espace public sont considérées comme des relations humaines intentionnelles ayant pour objectif un partage de sens. En contexte démocratique, il s’agit de relations entre des personnes égales et libres aux altérités irréductibles. L’agir communicationnelle peut en être une des modalités, même s’il s’agit davantage d’un idéal normatif, la réalité empirique étant marquée par l’incommunication et l’expression préalable de désaccords à partir desquels peut se construire une activité délibérative.Le terrain de recherche empirique se situe à l’échelle de l’espace public régional, considéré comme un « espace public émergent ». Les outils mobilisés sont des « focus groups », des « entretiens compréhensifs » avec des acteurs politiques et des acteurs de l’ESS vivant en Auvergne, et le fruit d’une observation participante en tant qu’acteur politique. Des pratiques de démocratie participative à l’initiative du Conseil régional sont ainsi décrites et analysées.Cette démarche de recherche aboutit à la proposition d’une représentation d’un « espace public pluriel territorialisé ». Elle défend l’intérêt d’une approche d’économie plurielle en Sciences de l’Information et de la Communication. / "Territorialisation of the public sphere: a Polanyian approach applied to the case of Auvergne” is a doctoral research project in Information and Communication Sciences on the contemporary public sphere. This research focuses on democratic issues linked with the coexistence of different scales of articulation of political, economic and symbolic spheres. It is a theoretical and empirical work applied to the regional level (Auvergne- France), using an epistemology of complexity (Edgar Morin), the extended case method” (Michael Burawoy) and an interdisciplinary approach.Public sphere is defined as having a dual empirical and normative dimension (Jürgen Habermas). But in reference to the work of Éric Dacheux, the public sphere is also the consequence of a particular compromise, historically determined, between three orders: political, economic and symbolic systems. As a result, the public sphere is the place where these three systems come into confrontation and interact (empirical dimension) and a proper instance of democracy (normative dimension). In a democracy, it is the place where regulation and social transformation processes take place. The word “Polanyian” refers to research by Karl Polanyi (1886-1964) who demonstrated that even if liberal state, democracy and “market ideology” are historically linked, they are incompatible in the long term. This means that it is necessary to develop a new relationship between the economic sphere and the political sphere compatible with democracy. Communicational activities in the public sphere are considered as intentional human relations aimed creating shared meaning. In a democratic context, this involves a relationship between equal and free persons with irreducible otherness. Communicative action can be one of the modalities, although it is rather a normative ideal, while empirical reality is characterized by miscommunication and the prior expression of disagreements from which one can build a deliberative activity.The empirical research field is based on a study of the regional public sphere as an “emerging public sphere”. The tools used are “focus groups”, “interactive interviews” with some political actors and actors of the social and solidarity economy living in Auvergne, and the result of a participant observation as a political actor. Participatory democratic practices initiated by the Regional Council are thus described and analyzed.This research approach leads to the proposal for the representation of a “territorialized plural public sphere” representation. It vindicates a plural economy approach in Information and Communication Sciences.

Esta dissertação buscou analisar a cobertura do jornal Folha de S.Paulo e da revista Veja sobre o escândalo político-midiático do mensalão, no primeiro mandato do governo de Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. Ela abrange a relação entre imprensa e política, a partir da perspectiva da teoria social do escândalo político de J.B. Thompson, que mostra não só a importância dos meios de comunicação de massa, como também a sua influência crescente no processo político. Para a análise quantitativa, foram levantadas informações com base nos critérios de seleção (\"valor-notícia\"), agendamento (\"agenda setting\") e enquadramento (\"framing\") do noticiário. Para a qualitativa, adotou-se o método dos \"pacotes interpretativos\" de Gamson e Modigliani. Como forma de referenciar as conclusões, este trabalho aplicou o mesmo tipo de metodologia em um escândalo político-midiático do governo de Fernando Henrique Cardoso, o caso dos grampo do BNDES e dossiê Cayman, além de um período anterior e outro posterior aos episódios estudados de cada governo. Procuraram-se extrair elementos que indicassem, de forma objetiva, variações no tratamento da imprensa em relação aos dois governantes. O estudo comparado indicou que a partir do mensalão Veja aumentou consideravelmente o teor de conteúdo crítico sobre o presidente petista Lula, enquanto poupou o tucano Fernando Henrique Cardoso. Já Folha elevou sua cobertura crítica ao petista durante a crise política, mas esse comportamento guarda semelhanças com o padrão que adotou com o tucano. / This dissertation aimed to analyze the media coverage of the so-called \"mensalão\" political scandal, during the first government of the president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. The research used the reports published by the newspaper Folha de S. Paulo and by the weekly magazine Veja, from May to November of 2005. This work deals with the relationship between press and politics using J.B. Thompsons social theory of political scandal, that not only shows the importance of mass media but also its growing influence in the political process. For the quantitative analysis data were gathered based on the criteria of news-value, agenda setting and framing. The method of interpretative packages, developed by Gamson and Modigliani, was adopted for the qualitative analysis. The same methodology was applied to a scandal of the president Fernando Henrique Cardoso government (the BNDES \"bug\" and the Cayman dossier) to validate those conclusions. News that preceded and followed both episodes were also used. The goal was to select objective elements that could indicate different media approaches for the two former presidents. The study showed that Veja magazine enhanced considerably its criticism at Lulas administration, while sparing Cardoso. The newspaper Folha de SP also increased its criticism during the \"mensalão\" crisis, in the same way it did during Cardosos episode.

Os Conselhos de fiscalização do exercício de profissionais da área da saúde são órgãos públicos, e, como tais, devem ter suas ações de comunicação orientadas pelos preceitos constitucionais, que determinam as ações de publicidade (o tornar público) pautadas pelos princípios do interesse público. O trabalho investiga, por meio dos procedimentos de análise de conteúdo de Laurence Bardin, se os propósitos constitucionais são cumpridos pelos Conselhos estudados (Conselho Regional de Medicina de São Paulo, Conselho Regional de Enfermagem de São Paulo Conselho Regional de Fisioterapia e Terapia Ocupacional da 3ª região) em suas ações e políticas de comunicação. As inferências derivadas da utilização das técnicas de Análise Categorial do Conteúdo - aplicada sobre os editoriais das publicações dos Conselhos - e da Análise da Enunciação do Conteúdo - aplicadas às entrevistas dos presidentes dos três órgãos, permitem compreender o direcionamento das ações de comunicação dos três Conselhos voltado aos interesses privados, restando parcial ou totalmente ausente as abordagens de estrito interesse público. / The Boards of health responsible for inspecting the acts of healthcare professional are public organs, and as such, should have their communication actions guided by constitutional principles, which determine the actions of publicity (making facts public) guided by the principles of public interest. The paper investigates, through the procedures of content Analysis, by Laurence Bardin, if the constitutional purpose is fulfilled by the councils studied (Regional Council of Medicine of São Paulo, Regional Nursing Council of São Paulo Regional Council of Physical Therapy and Occupational Therapy of the 3rd region) in their actions and policies of communication. The inferences derived from the use of two techniques: Categorical Content Analysis - applied over the editorials of published advice - and the Enunciation of Content Analysis - applied over the interviews with the presidents of the three organizations, allow us to understand the direction of the communication actions of the three Councils aimed to private interests, and partially or totally absent approaches to strict public interest matters.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2016-04-26T14:31:20Z No. of bitstreams: 1 thamirisfrancomartins.pdf: 2200981 bytes, checksum: 268b5c2c7dd034a368c073cb56397326 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2016-05-02T00:52:43Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 thamirisfrancomartins.pdf: 2200981 bytes, checksum: 268b5c2c7dd034a368c073cb56397326 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-05-02T00:52:43Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 thamirisfrancomartins.pdf: 2200981 bytes, checksum: 268b5c2c7dd034a368c073cb56397326 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-02-23 / A partir das relações de poder que se estabelecem entre o campo político e a instância comunicativa midiática, a dissertação tem como ponto de partida o conceito de campanha permanente, definido como o uso dos recursos disponíveis no trabalho por parte dos atores políticos (governos, partidos, congressistas ou líderes), a fim de construir e manter o apoio popular. A pesquisa desenvolve um estudo sobre a construção da imagem de Dilma Rousseff, do partido dos trabalhadores (PT), em três instâncias: pronunciamentos em rede de TV, Horário Gratuito de Propaganda Eleitoral (HGPE) e jornal Folha de S. Paulo. Busca-se verificar como foi trabalhada a campanha, permanente, na função de Presidente da República, eleita em 2010 e de candidata à reeleição em 2014. Como corpus de análise, são analisados, primeiramente, os espaços institucionais ocupados como presidente da República, tomando como recorte os pronunciamentos em Cadeia Nacional de Rádio e TV (CNRT), durante seu primeiro mandato. Secundariamente, procura-se verificar se a imprensa, por meio da cobertura dos pronunciamentos, projetou uma imagem negativa, positiva ou neutra de Dilma Rousseff na posição de presidente, tomando como recorte as notícias publicadas pelo jornal Folha de S. Paulo. Como terceira dimensão de análise, são investigados os HGPEs de 2014. Como estratégia metodológica, recorreu-se à Análise de Conteúdo de Bardin (1977), a fim de analisar separadamente os objetos e depois identificar os pontos de confluência e os aspectos dissonantes. Identificam-se dois momentos no governo Dilma: o de alta popularidade até as manifestações de junho de 2013, e a fase posterior, com queda da aprovação e uma disputa acirrada na eleição de 2014, quando saiu vitoriosa com um percentual muito reduzido de votos em relação ao candidato Aécio Neves do Partido Social da Democracia Brasileira (PSDB). Houve mais pontos de confluências no primeiro momento entre o discurso da petista e a cobertura da imprensa. O segundo período foi conturbado e houve uma cobertura mais negativa e crítica por parte da mídia. A comunicação eleitoral foi uma forma de buscar resgatar as ações do governo, havendo uma intensa propaganda negativa de ataques entres os adversários. / From the power relations that are establish between political field and the media communication system, this dissertation has as a key concept ‘the permanent campaign’, defined as the implementation of the any available resources for the political actors during their work (government, political parties, congressman or leaders) aiming to obtain and keep popular support. This research develops a study about the making of the image of Dilma Rousseff (PT) in three situations: pronouncement in TV network, HGPE and Folha de S. Paulo newspaper. This paper tries to verify how the permanent campaign has been undertaken as president of the Brazilian Republic, elected in 2010, and as a candidate running for reelection in 2014. As empirical data, firstly are analysed the institutionalized spaces occupied as president of the Brazilian Republic, defining as analytical material the pronouncements in National Network of Radio and Television (CNTR, in portuguese) during her fist mandate. Secondly, it tries to verify if the press, through its pronouncements coverage, created a negative, positive or neutral image of Dilma Rousseff in her position as president, taken as empirical data the news published by Folha de S. Paulo newspaper. As third material data, it will be analysed the programs of Free Political Advertising Time (HGPE, in portuguese) in 2014. As methodological strategy, we recurred to the Content Analysis (Bardin, 1977) with the goal of analysing separately the objects and then identify the convergence and dissonant aspects. We can identify two different moments in Dilma’s government: high popularity until june 2013 manifestations and the subsequent period with fall of approval and fierce competition on the 2014 election, when she won the elections with a minor percentage of votes in relation to the candidate Aécio Neves (PSDB). There were more confluence aspects in the first period between the president’s pronouncements and the media coverage. The second moment was troubled and there was a more negative and critical coverage by the media. The electoral communication was an attempt to retrieve the governments’ actions and there was an intense negative propaganda of attacks between the candidates.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2016-09-05T20:31:13Z No. of bitstreams: 1 patriciagoncalvesdaconceicaorossini.pdf: 1778528 bytes, checksum: 023dd2c1a7348f3d7c8bf5c04b8de944 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2016-09-06T14:48:47Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 patriciagoncalvesdaconceicaorossini.pdf: 1778528 bytes, checksum: 023dd2c1a7348f3d7c8bf5c04b8de944 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2016-09-06T14:48:54Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 patriciagoncalvesdaconceicaorossini.pdf: 1778528 bytes, checksum: 023dd2c1a7348f3d7c8bf5c04b8de944 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-06T14:48:54Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 patriciagoncalvesdaconceicaorossini.pdf: 1778528 bytes, checksum: 023dd2c1a7348f3d7c8bf5c04b8de944 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-02-05 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Esta dissertação investiga de que forma as relações sociais mediadas pelo Facebook podem influenciar a decisão eleitoral de seus usuários, a partir do estudo do caso específico das eleições 2012 em Juiz de Fora. Apresentamos uma abordagem das redes sociais sob a ótica das tecnologias cognitivas, que sugere que tais ferramentas podem ser descritas como nichos cognitivos dotados de artefatos cujo acoplamento provê o cidadão de competências sociais inéditas ou ampliadas. Considerando-se que as relações sociais e o acesso à informação são variáveis que influenciam a decisão do voto, o objetivo é compreender de que maneira a exposição à informação e a interação nesses ambientes podem afetar a escolha eleitoral dos cidadãos juizforanos. A pesquisa permite concluir que o uso de redes sociais digitais afeta substancialmente a maneira como os cidadãos acessam e são expostos à informação política por meio de seus laços sociais, motivo pelo qual acreditamos que o acoplamento cotidiano dessas ferramentas cognitivas – seja para fins de busca de informação política ou não - poderá influenciar processos de tomada de decisão eleitoral. / This thesis seeks to understand how relationships mediated by Facebook can influence the electoral decision-making processes of its users, based on a case study of the 2012’ elections in Juiz de Fora. We present an approach of social network sites as cognitive niches, which implies that they are structured spaces filled with artifacts that provide the citizen with amplified social habilities. Given that social networks and information are influential variables for political decision making, our goal is to understand in which ways the exposure to information and interaction in these digital environments can affect the electoral preference formation of the citizens from Juiz de Fora. This research leads to the conclusion that the use of social network sites dramatically affects the way citizens access and are exposed to political information through their social ties. We conclude that the habit of coupling these tools for everyday cognitive processes – related or not to political information gathering - may influence political decision making.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2017-04-11T12:07:59Z No. of bitstreams: 1 fernandoderesendechaves.pdf: 2511977 bytes, checksum: 49069643125c6f34fd8de59bb0aa2bcc (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2017-04-17T20:02:52Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 fernandoderesendechaves.pdf: 2511977 bytes, checksum: 49069643125c6f34fd8de59bb0aa2bcc (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-04-17T20:02:52Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 fernandoderesendechaves.pdf: 2511977 bytes, checksum: 49069643125c6f34fd8de59bb0aa2bcc (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-02-13 / Investigação sobre as relações entre hábitos de consumo de mídia e comportamento político-ideológico a partir de um survey aplicado a uma amostra do eleitorado juizforano. Foram realizadas 398 entrevistas estruturadas que permitiram a categorização dos respondentes quanto ao seu perfil de consumidor de informação e quanto às suas identidades, percepções, e atitudes políticas. O interesse é discutir a midiatização do campo político com foco no cidadão comum, observado, de um lado, como consumidor de mídias e, de outro, como sujeito participante da vida política, verificando quais relações podem ser estabelecidas entre esses dois aspectos da sociabilidade contemporânea. O resultado mostra relações significativas, por exemplo, de perfis atitudinais e comportamentais no âmbito político-ideológico com o consumo de determinados tipos de mídia ou com o nível de acesso dos indivíduos à diversidade de enquadramentos midiáticos da política, além de observar as características socioeconômicas dos entrevistados como fatores de mediação do consumo de mídia e da participação política. / Research about relations between media consumption habits and political-ideological behavior from a survey applied to a sample of the Juiz-Forano electorate. A total of 398 structured interviews were carried out, which allowed a categorization of respondents regarding their information consumer profile and their identities, perceptions, and political attitudes. The interest is to discuss about the mediatization of the political area focusing on the common citizen, observed, with a point of view, as consumer of media and, on the other hand, as a participant subject of political life, verifying which relations could be made between those two aspects mentioned of contemporary sociability. The result shows significant relations, for example, of attitudinal and behavioral profiles in the political-ideological area with the consumption of certain types of media or with the level of the individuals's access to various framings of politics by media, besides observing the socioeconomic characteristics of interviewees as factors of mediation of media consumption and of the political participation.

Submitted by Geandra Rodrigues (geandrar@gmail.com) on 2018-05-04T13:03:12Z No. of bitstreams: 1 viniciusborgesgomes.pdf: 1328500 bytes, checksum: 0e596e7e81e2f85718226cce4938b965 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2018-05-07T15:22:05Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 viniciusborgesgomes.pdf: 1328500 bytes, checksum: 0e596e7e81e2f85718226cce4938b965 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-05-07T15:22:05Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 viniciusborgesgomes.pdf: 1328500 bytes, checksum: 0e596e7e81e2f85718226cce4938b965 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-02-28 / Os campos da comunicação e da política tiveram suas fronteiras cada vez mais indefinidas, na medida em que se desenvolveu um espaço midiático, sobretudo com o crescimento da mídia massiva e de grande alcance. A midiatização da sociedade implica novas formas de relação e interdependência, que certamente altera a arena política – o fluxo de informações e a construção das imagens passa por uma rede de influências e modos comunicativos diversos. Desta forma, as instituições políticas, inclusive os partidos, desenvolvem suas narrativas numa ambiência midiatizada, que coloca em xeque a própria importância dos mesmos como instrumentos de representação. Esse questionamento é conjuntural no Brasil. Desde 2014, ano de eleições presidenciais, aprofunda-se uma crise política e institucional de proporções históricas. O impeachment da presidenta eleita Dilma Rousseff alterou a normalidade democrática do País e foi acompanhado de um descontentamento generalizado da população para com a classe política – processo de insatisfação popular iniciado desde as Jornadas de 2013. Neste sentido, este trabalho questiona como os partidos mais tradicionais do país construíram suas narrativas no espaço da Propaganda Partidária Gratuita (PPG) – se em função da crise de representação, eles buscaram resgatar aspectos ligados à memória histórica como instrumentos de legitimação de suas ações. O corpus de análise seleciona todas as propagandas exibidas entre 2014 e 2017 do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT), Partido da Social Democracia Brasileira (PSDB) e Partido do Movimento Democrático Brasileiro (PMDB). A aplicação da Análise de Conteúdo (BARDIN, 1977) se dá numa vertente qualitativa e quantitativa. Dentre outros assuntos e correntes teóricas abordadas, faz-se um estudo do conceito de campanha permanente, aqui aferido sob o ponto de vista das disputas de poder para além das eleições. Também se discute o conceito de representação e a crise do presidencialismo de coalizão, que tem ligação direto ao contexto analisado. / The communication and political fields have had their boundaries increasingly indefinite, as a media space has developed, above all with the growth of a massive and far-reaching media. The mediatization of society implies new relationships and interdependence forms, which certainly alters the political arena – the information flux and images construction goes through an influences and diverse communicative modes network. In this way, political institutions, including political parties, developed their narratives in a mediatized environment, which questions their very importance as representation instruments. This question is conjunctural in Brazil. Since 2014, the year of presidential elections, a political and institutional crisis of historical proportions has deepened. The impeachment of elect-president Dilma Rouseff altered the country’s democratic normality and was followed by a general displeasure by the population towards the political class - popular dissatisfaction process initiated since the 2013 Days. In this respect, this study questions how the most traditional political parties of the country built their narratives in the Free Party Advertisements (FPA) – if, by reason of the representation crisis, they sought to rescue aspects related to historical memory, as instruments of legimation of their actions. The analysis contents selects all featured advertisements from 2014 to 2017 of “Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT)”, “Partido da Social Democracia Brasileira (PSDB)” and “Partido do Movimento Democrático Brasileiro (PMDB)”. The application of Content Analysis (BARDIN, 1977), takes place in a qualitive and quantitative strand. Among other subjects and theoretical currents approached, a study of permanent campaign concept is made, from de point of view of power disputes, beyond the elections. It’s also discussed the concept of representation and the crisis of coalition presidentialism, which has a direct link to the analyzed context.

The aim of this paper is to analyze and compare Twitter feeds of the eight political parties in the Swedish parliament, together with their party leaders, during the political summit Almedalen week 2017. The communication theories gatekeeping and agenda setting are applied to the first two research questions: How do official Twitter accounts of political parties differ from party-leader accounts when it comes to (1a) frequency and dispersion of tweets, (1b) agenda setting? How does different parties’ communication diverge regarding (2a) frequency and dispersion, (2b) agenda setting? Finally, Political personalization theory is applied to the third research question: (3) To what extent are party leaders utilized in party communication on Twitter?        There are 655 identified tweets during Almedalen 2017. These make up the empirical material of a content analysis following a coding scheme, attached in appendix 1. Interesting findings include: official party accounts use strategic dispersion methods such as established hashtags, party leaders do not. Party accounts have a stronger agenda-setting role, while party leaders tend to forward media content. Opposition parties are more active on Twitter than governing parties. Female opposition leaders are the only party leaders tweeting laid-back photos of themselves in their professional capacity.

The main theme of this thesis is the relationship between media and politics in Great Britain mainly in the twentieth century. The research is based on the fact that dynamic post-war growth in technological and economical areas resulted in the development and mass expansion of new media, especially radio and television broadcasting. The main goal of the thesis is to analyze the transformation of British political environment and to verify the hypothesis arguing that this transformation was primarily caused by the development of new media. Changes in the British politics during the twentieth century are demonstrated especially by the election campaigns and methods of political communication. Another part of this work is also the brief analysis of the development of British mass media (press, radio and television) which provides an important context for achieving the stated objectives. The thesis is methodologically based on the research from fields of media history, political history and sociology which concentrates on political communication.

Les musiciens professionnels romains ont longtemps été ignorés par l’historiographie. Seuls les grands artistes ont attiré l’attention des chercheurs, laissant de côté la majorité de ceux qui faisaient de la pratique musicale leur métier. L’épigraphie, principale source de cette étude, permet de changer de regard, en s’attachant à des hommes pour qui la musique pouvait être autre chose qu’une prestation artistique. En effet, des musiciens étaient quotidiennement appelés à participer au fonctionnement de la cité. Que ce soit pour appeler les citoyens aux rassemblements politiques ou aider aux rites de la religion publique, des hommes étaient, en tant que musiciens, au service de la cité. Les musiciens militaires, soldats et spécialistes à la carrière typée, ont fait l’objet d’une étude à part, pensée comme une contribution à l’histoire des postes inférieurs au centurionat.L’un des objectifs de cette enquête est de déterminer en quoi leur position de desservants mineurs de la cité avait des conséquences sociales pour les musiciens. Une approche prosopographique a permis de faire ressortir les caractéristiques sociales d’un groupe professionnel inséré dans la couche moyenne de la plèbe. Certains musiciens se détachent particulièrement de l’ensemble : les aenatores étaient, par excellence, des desservants sonores des cités. Le règne d’Auguste a marqué un temps fort pour la considération sociale de ces musiciens. Symboles de l’antiquité de Rome, ils étaient à même d’incarner une partie du discours augustéen. / No general study had focused on roman professional musicians. Famous artists have been considered, but everyday musicians remained ignored, even if some of them were exercising their talent for the benefit of the State. Musicians were used to summon citizens for the political meetings, or were expected to assist with the execution of state religion’s rites. Those men were, thanks to their musical performance, minor civil servants. Epigraphy is the main resource for this research. The prosopographical methodology chosen for this work has made it possible to reach these humble citizens. It also enabled a contribution to the history of the posts ranking under centurionate : their career paths of the military musicians were distinctive.As minor civil servants, how were musicians considered among the population of the roman cities ? These men belonged to the « middle class » plebs, but a special attention must be cast on the aenatores. They were, par excellence, civic musicians. Their history highlights Augustus’ reign : they seem to have enjoyed a special attention during the first princeps’ years. As epitomes of the Roman city’s antiquity, those men were ideal instruments chosen to trumpet the imperial ideology.