Syfte: Syftet med denna studie är att klarlägga hur de politiska partierna formulerar sitt budskap i tv-reklam inför valet till Sveriges riksdag 2010. Teoretiska perspektiv: I denna studie används teori om politisk kommunikation, reklam och marknadsföring. Metod: Tre olika metoder användes vid denna studie. Två typer av visuell analys: bildanalys och filmanalys samt en retorisk analys. Empiriskt material: Avsändarna av filmerna som granskats i denna studie är Moderaterna, Kristdemokraterna, Socialdemokraterna och Miljöpartiet. Resultat: De svenska politiska reklamfilmerna använder sig inte av personkampanjer, dvs. de egna politikerna framträder inte alls i filmerna annat än som speakerröster. Resultaten visar också att filmerna skiljer sig åt gällande musikval där Moderaterna och Kristdemokraterna använder sig av mer välkända låtar än de övriga partierna. Socialdemokraterna och Kristdemokraternas budskap formulerar sig mer negativt än Moderaterna och Miljöpartiet. Samtliga partier delar fokus på människan och en jämvikt mellan kvinnor och män, däremot är representationen av etniska och sexuella minoriteter dålig. / Problem: 2010 was the first year when the political parties could advertise in Swedish television during an campaign before the election to the Swedish parliament. Therefore, it’s interesting to study how the political ads in television were formulated and which messages they sent to the viewers. Question at issues: The main study was concentrated on how the political parties formulated their messages. Other research questions were about differences and similarities between the advertisements and if there were differences in presentation and messages between the Alliance and the red-green coalition. Aim: The aim of this study is to illuminate how the political parties formulated their messages in TV-ads. Methodology: Three different methods were used. Two types of visual analysis, movie analysis and image analysis were combined to analyze the visual parts of the ads. The third method was a rhetoric approach to analyze the spoken/written word in the ads. Theoretical Perspective: This study is based on theories concerning political communication in Sweden and USA, advertising and marketing. Empirical foundation: In this study, four political TV-ads from four different parties in the Swedish election 2010 were analyzed; The Moderate party, Christian Democrats, Social Democrats and the Green party. Results: The Swedish political TV-ads do not – contrary to political ads in many other countries – use personal campaigns and theirs political leaders as the main messengers. The ads were similar to each other according to the use of characters and environment in the scenes. The use of music and the use of positive/negative feelings were the things that were the most differentiated between the political ads. The Moderate Party and the Green party were more positive in their messages than the Christian Democrats and Social Democrats were.

The process of interactive electoral communication initiated by politicians in social media is the object of the dissertation. The aim of the paper is to develop a comprehensive research approach to politicians’ electoral communication in social media and to use the approach in describing the specificity of electoral communication taking place in social media, determining the features of expression of the candidates’ electoral objectives, and making an analysis of the communication that took place in an interactive environment during the elections to municipal councils in 2011. In the first part of the thesis, the notion of interactive electoral communication in social media is defined, development of electoral communication in a virtual environment is discussed, and an in-depth analysis of the features of interactive electoral communication in social media is presented. In the second part of the thesis, a process model of interactive electoral communication in social media is formulated and objectives of electoral communication in an interactive environment are identified and analysed, including a detailed examination of their practical application. The third part of the thesis is an empirical study into interactive electoral communication, where the electoral campaign that took place in an interactive environment during the 2011 elections to municipal councils is comprehensively analysed using the process model of the electoral communication objectives. / Disertacijos darbo objektas yra interaktyvios politikų rinkiminės komunikacijos vyksmas socialinių medijų priemonėse. Darbo tikslas – sukonstruoti kompleksišką politikų rinkiminės komunikacijos socialinėse medijose tyrimo prieigą, kurią taikant atskleisti socialinių medijų priemonėse vykstančios rinkiminės komunikacijos specifiką ir nustatyti kandidatų naudojamų rinkiminių siekinių raiškos ypatybes, taip pat išanalizuoti 2011 metų savivaldybių tarybų rinkimų metu interaktyvioje erdvėje vykusią komunikaciją. Pirmojoje disertacijos dalyje apibrėžiama interaktyvios rinkiminės komunikacijos socialinėse medijose samprata, nagrinėjama rinkiminės komunikacijos virtualioje erdvėje raida, detaliai analizuojamos interaktyvios rinkiminės komunikacijos socialinėse medijose ypatybės. Antrojoje disertacijos dalyje konstruojamas procesinis interaktyvios rinkiminės komunikacijos socialinėse medijose vyksmo modelis, išskiriami ir analizuojami rinkiminės komunikacijos siekiniai interaktyvioje erdvėje, detaliai nagrinėjamos praktinės jų įgyvendinimo formos. Trečiojoje disertacijos dalyje atliekamas empirinis interaktyvios rinkiminės komunikacijos tyrimas, kuriame, taikant procesinį rinkiminės komunikacijos siekinių modelį, kompleksiškai išanalizuojama interaktyvioje erdvėje vykusi 2011 metų savivaldybių tarybų rinkimų kampanija.

Ce mémoire vise à décrire et comprendre comment les controverses publiques se manifestent et s’accomplissent par les pratiques communicationnelles des membres d’un organisme communautaire de défense des droits des personnes gaies, lesbiennes, bisexuelles, transsexuelles et transgenre (LGBT). Après un bref survol historique de la notion de controverse publique et l’étude de son emploi dans les littératures spécialisées (sociologie des sciences, études rhétoriques, sciences de la gestion), je propose d’adopter une vision processuelle de la controverse publique qui la conçoit comme un accomplissement communicationnel. Pour rendre compte de cet accomplissement dans la communication, une ethnographie de quatre mois fut menée au sein d’un organisme communautaire de défense des droits des personnes LGBT. L’analyse effectuée permet d’expliquer en particulier comment des activistes se passionnent pour un enjeu et entreprennent une action politique; elle détaille les problèmes d’alignement qui en résultent et qui nourrissent des controverses publiques variées, telle que la reconnaissance légale et sociale des transsexuels. / This thesis aims to describe and understand how public controversies are manifested and accomplished through the communicative practices of advocates for the rights of gays, lesbians, bisexuals, transsexuals and transgenders (LGBT). After a brief historical overview of the concept of public controversy and the study of its use in specialized literatures (sociology of science, rhetorical studies, management science), I propose to adopt a processual view of public controversy conceived as a communicative accomplishment. To account for this communicative accomplishment, a four-month ethnography was conducted in a community-based organization that defends the rights of LGBT people. The analysis helps to explain how activists become passionate about an issue and undertake political action. It details problems of alignment that result from various public controversies, such as legal and social recognition of transsexuals. / Ce mémoire fut financé par le Département de communication de communication de l'Université de Montréal et le Conseil de recherches en sciences humaines du Canada (CRSH).

Have you ever listened to a speech, seriously attempted to discern the speaker’s message, then realize you have forgotten most of, if not, the entire message moments after the speech is finished? Far too often audiences sit through a presentation focusing as best as they can, only to have the speaker craft a message in a way that is nearly impossible for the audience to remember. The best speakers not only deliver a memorable message, but also one that inspires their audience to action or change of mindset. Speakers at Ted Conferences are faced with a difficult challenge: they are given roughly 20 minutes to deliver a speech that is both unforgettable and inspiring. This thesis will examine how to craft speeches that are both memorable and inspiring.

My thesis pursues the development of a tool to empower designers and non-designers to better understand humor’s function in design and to encourage the use of humor as a rhetorical device to undertake social problems. Humor research is a field that is largely based on linguistic studies, but because of its multidisciplinary stretch in the past decade has displayed a broad rhetorical influence; however, it has yet to form a substantial relationship with design. Through a literature review of linguistic, rhetorical, and design theories, I identified a set of heuristics that guide how humor should operate in design. I then tested the effectiveness of the heuristics, and with their final revision, applied them to designing for motivational problems associated with public displays of political mobilization. My user research inferred the creation of a mobile instructional tool that guides the collaborative and/or individual production of political communication artifacts (e.g. rally signs), which use humor to confront socially complex issues. The artifacts’ implicit intent is to motivate political mobilization and to found and/or empower communities. My project focus entails the creation and testing of the tool on the individual level. Whether the artifacts created produce the desired effect regarding mobilization and community strength is unknown; Future work should lend itself to testing humorous design’s effect on political mobilization and ability to empower communities.

A creative exploration of the consequences of public speech in the era of freely accessible, social media, as the author, a former elections official, records and explores the consequences of public dissent in the case of President Barack Obama’s eligibility controversy. This non-fiction narrative culminates with the author’s analysis and observations on both his personal experiences and the state of public speech and political power in contemporary America.

Given the novelty of political campaigning on social networking sites in Lithuania and the critique, it has received from social media experts, the object of the master thesis encompasses mediatization of Lithuanian politics on Facebook, when social media logic becomes adapted in political campaigning and integrated into the political agenda. Accordingly, the MA thesis developed its aim to define in what ways mediatization of Lithuanian politics manifests on Facebook and if public-relations oriented Lithuanian political communication culture, characteristic to political communication on mass media, and negativity, as its culture-specific aspect, are transported to the platform. The research was carried out in several stages. Firstly, using secondary data analysis the study aimed at determining social media logic. Accordingly, the requirements for successful exploitation of social media logic in political campaigning on Facebook were identified – popularity building, connectivity, personalization and interactivity. Thirdly, aiming to determine if the politicians complied with social media logic and transported public-relations oriented political communication culture and negativity to the platform, the research used quantitative and qualitative content analyses. It covered a two-weeks period (from April 02 to April 15, 2014) political campaigning on Facebook run by the seven candidates' to Lithuanian President’s Office. Fourthly, using the obtained empirical data the study... [to full text] / Nors Lietuvos politinė komunikacija socialiniuose tinkluose yra gana naujas reiškinys, jis jau sulaukė socialinių medijų ekspertų kritikos. Šio magistro baigiamojo darbo tyrimo objektu pasirinkta Lietuvos politikos mediatizacija socialiniame tinkle Facebook, kuomet politinių kampanijų metu politikai adaptuoja socialinių medijų logiką ir ją integruoja į savo politinę dienotvarkę. Darbe siekta nustatyti, kokiais būdais Lietuvos politikos mediatizacija pasireiškia internetiniame socialiniame tinkle Facebook. Taip pat buvo svarbu išsiaiškinti, ar Lietuvos viešųjų ryšių (ang. Public-relations oriented) politinės komunikacijos kultūra, ugdoma masinėje žiniasklaidoje, ir jai būdingas negatyvumas perkeliami į Facebook platformą. Tyrimas atliktas keliais etapais. Pirmojo etapo metu, naudojant antrinių duomenų analizę, buvo įvardyta socialinių medijų logika. Tokiu pat būdu nustatyti reikalavimai, leidžiantys išnaudoti socialinių medijų logiką politinių kampanijų metu, t. y., populiarumo didinimas, socialinių ryšių išnaudojimas, personalizacija ir interaktyvumas. Trečiojo etapo metu, siekiant atskleisti Lietuvos politikų komunikacijos atitikimą socialinių medijų logikai ir galimą viešųjų ryšių politinės komunikacijos kultūros bei negatyvumo perkėlimą į Facebook platformą, tyrime naudojama kiekybinė ir kokybinė turinio analizė. Ištirtos septynių kandidatų į 2014 metų Lietuvos Prezidento postą dviejų savaičių laikotarpio (balandžio 02–15 dienomis) politinės kampanijos socialiniame... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]

Problem statement and purpose: The purpose of this study was to analyze in what way first-time voters chose to take part of political information. The questions we aimed to answer was how first-time voters use media and other information channels for political purposes, what importance and trust the first-time voters give the different information channels and finally which indicators there is for that structural or individual factors affect the media consumption and political interest. Method and material: We did interviews with twelve 18 years old first-time voters from six different high school programs in Sundsvall, Sweden. Results: The study showed that the premier source of political information were traditional news media, in particular the debates on TV. It’s also in the debates the first-time voter’s trust the most. Even though the social medias are constantly present in their everyday life and even though the first-time voters believe the social medias have potential for engaging young people politically, the possibilities are only taken in advantage by people who are already politically interested. The first-time voters are being affected by both structural and individualized factors. The structural, the social standing in particular, matters for the individual’s political interest and use of traditional media, while the individualized factors primarily matters for the use of social medias.

本研究以三位候選人的粉絲專頁作為觀察的對象，以了解粉絲專頁在競選中所扮演之角色。透過分析Facebook本身的行銷特性，並討論Facebook上的回饋機制（「讚」、「評論」與「分享」）；另一方面則討論網路選戰在國內選舉中所扮演的角色，再以歐巴馬對社群網站應用的經驗，點出社群網站作為競選工具的可行性，以回答本研究的問題與目的：（1）訊息主題與訊息呈現方式的差異與粉絲按「讚」、「評論」與「分享」的差異為何？（2）三組候選人的粉絲專頁經營策略有何差異？本研究希望透過對訊息內容的分析，以及三組候選人粉絲專頁經營策略的分析，整理出屬於社群網站競選的經營方式。 透過「內容分析法」對訊息與「讚」、「評論」和「分享」之關係進行分析，本研究整理結果並提出對經營粉絲專頁訊息之建議：（1）形象塑造上以抓住候選人特質為主，但不偏離真實樣貌；（2）訊息主題的經營應有較多能夠呈現候選人真實想法之主題；（3）訊息呈現方式雖以複合式訊息較容易被分享，仍不可忽略文字訊息之重要。另外，本研究亦同時對三組候選人陣營進行「深度訪談」，以了解其粉絲專頁經營策略，發現三組候選人經營粉絲專頁背景的共通性在於增加「訊息曝光度」；在訊息主題的決策上，大抵都是在主軸底下做細節的延伸和攻防；且從效果評估來看，他們也都認為經營粉絲專頁具有一定成效在。 從三位總統候選人的粉絲專頁訊息內容分析以及經營策略來看，本研究認為，透過經營粉絲專頁能夠讓訊息曝光能達到一定的成效。另外，本研究也建議，應該要以「虛實交會」的手法並行，讓粉絲能夠從虛擬世界中走出，與候選人在真實世界中相會，讓線上與線下的關係能夠更緊密。 / This study aims to understand the role of Facebook pages in electoral campaign. The objectives of observations in this study are the three Facebook pages in regard to the three presidential candidates (Tsai Ing-wen, Ma Ying-jeou, and Sung Chu-yu). To establish the applicability of using SNSs as campaign tools in election, the study generates research questions as follows: (1) Among messages of observed three candidates’ fan pages, how are topics and ways of expression different from each other in the feedback mechanism? (2) What are the differences among the strategies of three candidates’ Facebook pages? Drawn from the results of content analysis and intensive interviews, suggestions are shown as follows: (1) image building of candidates should manifest personal characteristics rather than flamboyance; (2) topics and content of messages should reflect those candidates’ true opinions; (3) the multimedia format of messages are forwarded more often, but the influence of text message should also be concerned. As to strategies of candidates’ Facebook pages, the results in this study suggests managing Facebook pages could enhance the degree of ‘message exposure,’ the subject of message decisions are based on some main topics, and there are a few successful cases for using Facebook pages as a campaign tool. In conclusion, there are some evidences for enhancing ‘message exposure’ by running Facebook pages in this study. Furthermore, to arouse more sense of identification among Facebook fans, political campaigns should be conducted in both ‘cyberspace’ and ‘reality.’

Anonymous signatures pose a significant threat to the legitimacy of the online petition as a persuasive form of political communication. While anonymous signatures address some privacy concerns for online petitioners, they often fail to identify petitioners as numerically distinct and socially relevant persons, Since anonymous signatures often fail to personally identify online petitioners, they often fail to provide sufficient reason for targeted political authorities to review and respond to their grievances. To recover the personal rhetoric of the online petition in a way that strikes a balance between the publicity and privacy concerns of petitioners, we should reformat online petitions as pseudonymous social networks of personal testimony between petitioners and targeted political authorities. To this end, the pseudonymous signatures of online petitions should incorporate social frames, co-authored complaints and demands, multimedia voice, and revisable support.